31 Jul 2018

Ecuador’s president ready to allow Julian Assange to be extradited to US

Mike Head

Ecuador’s President Lenín Moreno yesterday made his most explicit statement yet of his government’s willingness to hand over WikiLeaks editor Julian Assange to the British authorities to be imprisoned and then extradited to the United States.
Moreno’s comments indicate that negotiations with Britain’s Conservative Party government are at an advanced stage, with the intent of forcing Assange to leave Ecuador’s London embassy on the terms being demanded by the British and US administrations.
Ecuador granted Assange political asylum six years ago to protect him from being extradited to the US to potentially face jail for life or the death penalty on trumped-up espionage and conspiracy charges. Like the Obama administration before it, the Trump White House wants Assange silenced for good because WikiLeaks published material exposing the atrocities, mass surveillance, regime-change operations and other anti-democratic machinations of Washington and its allies.
Now, in an attempt to ingratiate themselves with the Trump administration and the imperialist governments in Europe, Moreno’s government and ruling party are in the process of revoking that asylum and throwing Assange into the hands of the same US state apparatus, with its long proven record of detentions without trial, assassinations, torture and “disappearances.”
In an interview Monday with the Spanish daily El País, during an official visit in Madrid, Moreno said Assange would have to accept that, as soon as he steps outside the embassy, he will be jailed for supposedly skipping bail when he was granted asylum in 2012. This is despite the fact that the bail issue was made redundant last year after Swedish authorities finally dropped a fabricated sexual assault “investigation” of Assange, terminating the European Arrest Warrant against him.
“Ideally, we would debate with Mr Assange and his lawyer whether he would be willing to accept the conditions that the United Kingdom is submitting for the possibility of an exit,” Moreno said, according to a translation by the Telesurweb site.
“If this happens, we believe there would be a sentence he would have to complete for having violated the principle of presenting himself formally before the British law. And once this would be done, he could right after this enjoy the right to be extradited to a country where he does not run any risk.”
Far from a “enjoying a right” to be extradited to a safe country, Assange would face the prospect of extradition from Britain to the only country demanding it—the United States. The single apparent request of Moreno’s government is for a meaningless promise that the US authorities will not seek the death penalty.
According to a translation of another part of the interview by the London-based, Murdoch-owned Times, Moreno told El País: “Mr Assange has been in this situation for more than five years and we have to find a way out … that defends his rights, mainly his right to life, and at the same time can give Ecuador the possibility of not having what undoubtedly represents a problem for our country.”
By “right to life,” Moreno evidently means just a US promise not to execute Assange. Seemingly, Moreno has no qualms about Assange being thrown into solitary confinement, possibly for life, which would be an effective political death penalty.
Moreover, any assurance against execution would be worthless given the brutal record of US imperialism. When Mike Pompeo, now the US secretary of state, was CIA director last year, he directly accused WikiLeaks of being a “hostile intelligence service.” Under the US Espionage Act such activity can be subject to the death penalty.
The Trump administration’s threats have mounted since last year, when WikiLeaks began publishing documents detailing the massive computer hacking and spying conducted by the CIA.
In his interview, Moreno effectively junked the fundamental right to political asylum, saying: “It is not the exercise of human rights compliance that a person remains so long as an asylum-seeker.”
But Assange has been trapped inside Ecuador’s embassy for so long precisely because successive British and US governments have refused to recognise his asylum.
Moreno also wiped his hands of Assange’s Ecuadorian citizenship, saying it was granted by the country’s previous foreign affairs minister, Maria Fernanda Espinosa. She awarded citizenship to the WikiLeaks founder in January in an attempt to secure his free passage to Ecuador, only to have British Prime Minister Theresa May’s government refuse to recognise that right.
On Saturday, Assange’s lawyers said they will contest any extradition proceedings. Jennifer Robinson, a member of Assange’s legal team, told CNN: “For us, protecting him from US extradition is absolutely paramount and the most important and fundamental principle that must be respected.
“There should never be a situation where a publisher is sent to the US to face prosecution for that activity, so we will, if forced, fight his extradition in the British courts.”
Robinson repeated her previous warnings about the impact of Assange’s prolonged detention on his health. “The situation is untenable,” she said. “His health is being irreparably damaged … This case cannot go on much longer.”
According to the Times, Assange’s doctor Sondra Crosby has expressed doubts about the WikiLeaks editor’s ability to weather an ongoing heatwave. However, a former consul at Ecuador’s embassy, Fidel Narvaez, who saw Assange two weeks ago, told CNN he remained determined to fight any termination of his asylum.
“He is made for a big fight and I think he faces difficult and adverse situations with strength,” Narvaez said. “He is a very strong man but remember he lives in a small flat, without natural light, just with artificial light.”
The immense danger confronting Assange has been intensified by the efforts being made by the FBI and other US “deep state” agencies, backed by the Democratic Party, to charge Assange and WikiLeaks with acting on behalf of Russian intelligence by publishing politically revealing emails from the Democratic Party and its 2016 presidential candidate Hillary Clinton.
Those emails exposed the party leadership’s deliberate sabotage of Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign and Clinton’s secret pledges to fully protect the interests of her Wall Street backers.
Assange has always denied the allegations of a Russian connection for the email leaks. He told Fox News in January 2017: “Our source is not the Russian government, and it is not a state party.”
Robinson, Assange’s lawyer, again told CNN: “WikiLeaks has made very clear they were not engaged in any way with the Russian state with respect to that publication.”
Assange remains an Australian citizen, but the Turnbull Liberal-National government, supported by the Labor Party opposition, has continued its complicity in the US-British-Ecuadorian conspiracy against Assange. It has defied calls, spearheaded by the Socialist Equality Party, for it to intervene to secure Assange’s right to return to Australia, if he wishes, with guarantees against extradition to the US.
As these experiences demonstrate, the defence of Assange, and every fundamental democratic right, depends on the political mobilisation of the working class, against all the capitalist governments, and the trade unions and other organisations that support them. This must include the preparation of mass protests and strikes against any attempt to arrest or extradite him.

Oracle CEO pockets $250 million after Trump tax cut

Niles Niemuth

Following her company’s stock buyback of $12 billion, part of a flood of buybacks triggered by Trump’s tax cut for corporations and the rich, Oracle CEO Safra Catz sold $250 million worth of shares. Averaged out over a year, that comes to about $2,000 per minute.
Thomas Kurian, the computer technology corporation’s product development head, followed suit by cashing in on $85 million worth of stock.
Several months after Mastercard announced a $4 billion stock buyback program, CEO Ajay Banga sold $44.4 million in stock.
Eastman Chemical CEO Mark Costa sold Eastman shares for $5.4 million just two days after his company announced $2 billion in buybacks. The company’s political action committee, EastmanPAC, has donated $124,000 to congressional candidates this year, including $2,500 to Democrat Debbie Dingell, the incumbent and my opponent in Michigan’s 12th Congressional District.
A recent analysis of Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) filings by Politico reveals that America’s financial oligarchs have rewarded themselves with hundreds of millions of dollars in the first half of this year, largely through stock buybacks.
The buybacks, expected to top $800 billion by the end of the year, artificially inflate stock values to the benefit of wealthy investors and multi-millionaire executives who are compensated with company shares. This is one more example of the self-enrichment of America’s ruling elite that puts paid to the lie that there is “no money” for decent wages, pensions, health care, education or other essential social services.
Economists estimate that by the end of the year, American corporations will have rewarded their top executives and wealthy investors with $2.5 trillion through buybacks, dividend payments, and mergers and acquisitions. This is equivalent to handing over more than one tenth of the United States’ entire annual economic output to the corporate elite.
Obscene sums are being pocketed by the top 5 percent even as employers refuse to budge on meeting workers’ demands for higher wages. In fact, rising prices for basic goods and services have cut into workers’ wages over the last year.
  • A part-time UPS worker making $15 an hour under the sellout contract the Teamsters union is attempting to push through would have to work 1,900 years to make as much as Oracle CEO Catz made by cashing in a portion of her company stock.
  • Teachers in West Virginia, Oklahoma and Arizona who struck earlier this year to demand a living wage and the restoration of education cuts were told by the unions and the politicians there was no money to meet their demands. But the $250 million payout to Catz by itself would pay for approximately 6,500 new teachers starting at the national average of $38,617.
  • Less than 0.1 percent of the anticipated value of this year’s stock buybacks would pay for the 20 percent wage increase demanded by Arizona teachers. Just 0.5 percent of these buybacks would raise education spending in Arizona to the national average.
  • The $800 billion in buybacks is enough to give every one of the 3.2 million full-time teachers in the US a $250,000 bonus.
  • The $2.5 trillion flowing into the pockets of the wealthy could triple the $620 billion that will be spent on public education nationwide this year.
As long as society’s resources are plundered to satisfy the greed of the financial oligarchy, none of the pressing needs of working people—the vast majority of the population—can be met. Nor can the problems of crumbling infrastructure, pollution and global warming be tackled.
The billions of dollars that will be spent just this year for new mansions, yachts, designer clothes and other luxury goods consumed by the new aristocrats will be wrung from the sweat and blood of millions of workers, toiling for low wages, mired in debt and one accident or illness away from economic disaster.
The problem of social inequality must be tackled head on. The working class must expropriate the wealth of the oligarchy and put an end to their ownership and control over the means of production—the factories, the internet and telecommunications, transport networks, energy resources, tech firms and banks. They must all be turned into publicly owned and democratically controlled utilities, geared to meet social needs, not private profit. This requires that the working class mobilize in opposition to the political mouthpieces of the financial elite in both big business parties, as well as the trade unions that do the bidding of Wall Street by suppressing the class struggle.

30 Jul 2018

WAAVP African Foundation Conference Travel Scholarships for Veterinary Parasitologists from Africa 2019

Application Deadline: 7th December 2018

Eligible Countries: African countries

To Be Taken At (Country): Madison, Wisconsin, USA

About the Award: The World Association for the Advancement of Veterinary Parasitology African Foundation (WAAVP AF)  is the largest international veterinary parasitological organization in the world. Over the past few decades, WAAVP has attracted attendees from all over the globe.

Type: Conference

Eligibility: Applicants should be veterinary parasitologists from Africa.

Number of Awards: Limited

Value of Award: Award will fund airfare travel

Duration of Programme: 7–11 July 2019.

How to Apply: Applications should include:
  • A copy of the abstract(s) for paper(s) or poster(s) which were submitted to the 27th WAAVP Conference Convenor;
  • A letter of recommendation from a current supervisor;
  • An indication of how other costs (beyond a WAAVP AF grant) will be met (i.e., possibility of obtaining supplemental funds elsewhere);
  • Other envisaged contributions to the conference (i.e., workshop participant, chairperson of session, etc.); and
  • A brief indication of how the applicant sees attendance contributing to his/her development in veterinary parasitology.
Submit applications to:
Dr. Rosina (Tammi) C. Krecek
Global One Health, Office of the Dean Texas A&M College of Veterinary Medicine & Biomedical Sciences, 4461 TAMU
College Station, TX 77843-4461 USA
Tel: +1-972-822-5480
E-mail: tkrecek@cvm.tamu.edu


Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Award Providers: WAAVP African Foundation

Future For Nature Award (Fully-funded to Arnhem, the Netherlands plus €50,000 Cash Prize) 2019

Application Deadline: 16th September 2018

Offered Annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: All

To Be Taken At (Country): Arnhem, the Netherlands

About the Award: Future For Nature supports young, talented and ambitious conservationists committed to protecting species of wild animals and plants or conservation of nature in general. These individuals can make the difference for the future of nature.

Type: Contest

Eligibility: The following solid criteria will be used in the Selection Procedure for the Future For Nature Award winners:
  • The candidate should not be older than 35 years on 30th April 2019, i.e. born after 30th April 1984.
  • The Future For Nature Award is awarded to individuals only, not to organizations.
  • The candidate has achieved substantial and long-term benefit to the conservation status of one or more animal and/or plant species or that of a specific population of one or more animal and/or plant species.
  • The candidate has demonstrated leadership and entrepreneurship in his/her conservation work.
  • The candidate has been creative and innovative in his/her work.
  • The main approaches in his/her work have proven to be cost-effective.
  • The candidate must be determined to continue his/her conservation work, as the Award aims to stimulate the winner’s future work and is not an “end of career” prize.
  • The prize should be used towards a conservation project of the winner’s own choice.
Selection Criteria: Members of the DSC assess the applications of which 6 to 10 are selected using the following set of criteria:
  • Leadership
  • Entrepreneurship
  • Substantial and long term effect of species protection
  • Creativity and innovativeness
  • Cost effectiveness
  • Determination to continue
  • Quality of the project proposal
Work related to the conservation and protection of endangered species (IUCN’s Red List) is given priority.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: 
  • Winners will present their work at the Future For Nature Award event at Royal Burgers’ Zoo in Arnhem, the Netherlands. The event will take place in March, April or May 2019. Travel and accommodation expenses will be covered by the Future For Nature Foundation.
  • € 50.000.  The cash prize should go towards the work of the winners for 100%. That is, Future For Nature will not allow administrative deductions to be made or claimed by mother organizations.
How to Apply: 
  • Application form Future For Nature Awards 2019
  • Application form (See in Program Webpage Link below) should be submitted as an email attachment to info@futurefornature.org. The subject of the email should read: SURNAME CANDIDATE – Candidate FFN Award 2018. For example if your name is Bill Jones: JONES – Candidate FFN Award 2019.
  • Answer all the questions in English in the given order without exceeding the maximum number of words mentioned.
  • Do not add any additional documentation. Your application will be used to select ten nominees for the Future For Nature Awards 2018. The ten nominees will be requested to provide further information (written info, photos, information for the FFN website, 5-minutes film), which will be used to select the final three winners.
Visit  Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: Future For Nature

ARNTD Scholarships for Post-Doctoral Short-term Research Visits to LOEWE Centre DRUID, Germany 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 1st August 2018

Eligible Countries: African countries

To Be Taken At (Country): Germany

About the Award:  We welcome applications from highly qualified and motivated post-doctoral African scientists with a strong research focus on neglected tropical infectious diseases (NTDs) and other poverty-associated diseases.

Fields of Research: The seven research areas of the hosting institutions of the DRUID consortium are:
Research areaKnowledge and skills requiredInstitutionGroup
Human T-cell responses against Leishmania parasitesCell culture; FACS based analyses of blood cellsPaul Ehrlich Institute, LangenZandbergen
Schistosomiasis, sexual maturation as drug targetCell/worm culture; molecular biologyGiessen UniversityGrevelding
In silico identification of inhibitors of NTD targets (pharmaceutical chemistry, drug discovery, docking)Excellent PC knowledge (Linux); chemistry; tools for chemoinformaticsMarburg UniversityKolb
Medicinal chemistry (synthesis, drug design)Synthetic organic chemistryMarburg UniversityDiederich
Redox-active enzymes as drug targets against malariaMolecular/ structural biology, protein biochemistryGiessen UniversityBecker
Complement-inhibitory proteins of Borrelia causing relapsing fever in AfricaMolecular biology; protein biochemistryFrankfurt UniversityKraiczy
Pathogenesis of Rift Valley FeverMolecular biology; cell biology; virologyGiessen UniversityWeber

Type: Research

Eligibility: Applicants must meet the following:
  1. Candidates must hold a doctoral degree (e.g. PhD, DrPH, DSc) and must provide evidence of a strong theoretical and methodological background;
  2. Must be currently engaged as a post-doc or equivalent by an academic, health, or research institution in Africa for the duration of the grant;
  3. Must demonstrate having a commitment to NTD-related research as well as the skills and experience required to carry out the proposed work at the German host institution.
  4. Must have excellent oral and writing skills in English.
Number of Awards: 7

Value of Award: The DRUID Centre will support successful applicants financially in the form of short-term fellowships covering the proposed work, travel costs, insurance, and the recipients’ cost of living for the duration of the fellowship in Hessen, Germany.

Duration of Programme: approx. 3 months in 2018 or 2019

How to Apply: To apply, click here. Please feel free to also visit the DRUID or ARNTD websites detailed below. Interested applicants will be expected to submit a 1-2-page motivation letter, detailed CV, list of publications, summary of methodological expertise, and present research/description of research environment. The LOEWE Centre DRUID and ARNTD actively support women in scientific research and strongly encourage women to apply for the fellowships. Applications must be related to the research focus of one or two out of the seven research areas of the
hosting institutions of the DRUID consortium (see list above)


Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Award Providers: LOEWE Centre DRUID, ARNTD

ICFJ Safety Reporting Fellowship for Journalists from Developing Countries (Fully-funded to Bangkok, Thailand) 2018

Application Deadline: 17th August 2018

Offered Annually? Every 2 years

Eligible Countries: All. Priority will be given to journalists from Developing Countries

To Be Taken At (Country): Bangkok, Thailand

About the Award: Safety 2018 is a milestone event in the field of injury prevention and safety promotion. Every two years, this world conference brings together over 1,000 of the world’s leading researchers, practitioners, policy makers and activists to discuss experiences and solutions that aim to reduce the burden of unintentional injuries. The 13th World Conference, under the theme “Advancing injury and violence prevention towards SDGs,” will be hosted by WHO and the Thai Government in Bangkok, from Nov. 5-7, 2018.
ICFJ invites journalists from all over the world to apply for the Safety 2018 Reporting Fellowship. The fellowship will include a workshop prior to the conference on Nov. 3-4, 2018, and attendance at the conference sessions from Nov. 5-7.
During the workshop, ICFJ trainers and WHO experts will provide an overview of different safety issues, including road safety, water safety and drowning prevention, violence-related injury, and other safety and injury prevention topics. Trainers also will work on strengthening the fellows’ reporting skills, with a particular focus on tracking down data from different sources, creating data-driven reports, and developing visualizations and graphics to engage audiences.

Type: Workshop, Fellowship

Eligibility:
  • Journalists who apply for the fellowship must be fluent in English.
  • Priority will be given to journalists from low- or middle-income countries.
Selection: Selection will be based on the journalists’ professional qualifications, relevant experience such as demonstrated interest in the topic of injury prevention or road safety, English-language proficiency, and endorsement by a newsroom manager.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The 2018 Safety Reporting Fellowship program will cover all fellowship-related costs, including travel to the conference, accommodations and registration.

How to Apply: Applicants will be asked to provide the following:
  • An essay (no more than 500 words) detailing your motivation and goals for seeking the fellowship, including three specific changes you hope to make to your work as a result of the workshop;
  • At least one fleshed-out story idea (300 – 500 words) for an in-depth safety and injury-prevention reporting project that incorporates data. Applicants may focus on their own countries, and include ways to use digital tools and social media to engage audiences in a dialogue about these vital safety issues;
  • A commitment to produce at least three safety stories during and after the conference;
  • A letter of support from an editor or newsroom manager endorsing the journalist’s participation in the program to demonstrate understanding of the fellowship’s value and support for publishing, posting and/or broadcasting the journalist’s coverage of the conference and story project;
  • A brief biography (up to 300 words);
  • A resume or curriculum vitae;
  • Two samples of work focusing on safety or injury prevention published/posted/broadcast recently (after 2015).
Click here to apply. ICFJ will inform the finalists by Sept. 7, 2018.

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Award Providers: This programme is funded by The World Health Organization.

Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD) Grants for Enterprise Development in Developing Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 5th September 2018

Eligible Countries:
  • Funding will be prioritized for projects in the 7 countries: Ethiopia, Colombia, Ghana, Indonesia, Malawi, Mozambique, Myanmar, Nepal, Tanzania
  • Projects in other developing countries eligible for Norwegian development assistance may also be considered. Among these, projects in low-income countries will be given priority.
About the Award: Enterprise Development for Jobs aims to contribute to job creation in developing countries by stimulating the establishment of new business enterprises or expansion of existing ones.
The ultimate beneficiaries of the activities funded through the grant scheme are people in developing countries for whom new jobs are created.
The main objective of this call is to stimulate renewable energy projects that increase access to renewable energy and thereby contribute to job creation and poverty reduction.
The purpose of this call for proposals is to fund feasibility studies of renewable energy projects, pilot projects, and training, that can start implementation during 2018 or 2019.

Type: Grants

Eligibility: 
  • Potential grant recipients are Norwegian and foreign private sector companies with ability to create new private sector jobs, or companies (producers) that can demonstrate ability to increase access to renewable energy in developing countries.
  • Eligible activities include but are not limited to feasibility studies, partner search, pilot projects, training of local staff, and local infrastructure investments related to the company’s investment in energy production capacity.
  • Only projects in the following sector will be given priority under this call for proposals: Energy, defined as renewable energy
  • Grants will not be given to private sector activities that produce weaponry or other military material, intoxicants such as alcoholic drinks and narcotics, or tobacco.
Requirements for applicants
  • The applicant must own a minimum of 25% of the planned investment (in cases where joint ventures are considered). Any exception to this rule must be based on special justification.
  • Grant recipients must have ethical guidelines for their business operations. These shall as a minimum meet the requirements of “Guidelines for the preparation of ethical guidelines for Norad grant recipients”. See ethical guidelines – Guide for Norad’s grant recipients. See also Declaration concerning ethical guidelines.
  • The applicant shall confirm that it has undertaken adequate security assessments for the employees that will work in high-risk areas, hereunder any mitigating measures related to training, guidance material, insurance and equipment.
  • Projects supported under this scheme must comply with the EEA Agreement rules on state aid.
Selection Criteria: Norad will assess and rank the applications based on the following criteria:
  • Likelihood of increasing access to renewable energy, measured by net increase in production capacity (in MW).
  • Geographical and sector-specific scope in accordance with applicable Norwegian priorities.
  • The project is commercially viable in the long term, but all or parts of the project would not have been realized without the grant (additionality).
  • To what extent the project is catalytic, i.e. triggering capital or other forms of engagement from the private sector.
  • The viability of the business plan and documented competencies and experience.
  • Cost efficiency of the grant-supported activities.
  • The extent of the applicant’s ownership and participation in the project.
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:
  • The minimum grant size is NOK 500.000.
  • Applicants may submit a project outline for a long-term project, in which an initial estimate is made of the grant support needed for the various project stages. Funding for different stages may be triggered based on pre-defined milestones achieved.
  • Maximum funding rates for salaries to employees and consulting are respectively NOK 550 and NOK 1,000 per hour.
  • Travel between home country and project country is approved for economy class only. Travel within the country of origin or a third country must be justified.
  • Norad covers project expenses related to consulting and legal fees, as well as external experts’ work and travel costs. Fees for auditor review of the project reporting are also covered, as well as minor project-related costs such as mail, telephone, car rental, accommodation, etc.

  • How to Apply: APPLY

    Visit the Program Webpage for Details

    Award Providers: Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD)

    Important Notes: 
    • Please note that support is given only to grid-connected power projects and off-grid projects that serve local communities, but not to projects for own power consumption.
    • The scheme does not provide investment support or loans but does provide grants to activities that contribute to early-phase project development and activities that limit commercial risk before investment decisions are taken.

United Nations Global Compact Winter Internship 2018 – USA

Application Deadline: 17th August 2018

Eligible Countries: All

To be taken at (country): New York, USA

Eligible Field of Study: Not specified

About the Award: The United Nations Global Compact pursues two complementary objectives: (1) making the UN Global Compact and its principles part of business strategy and operations everywhere; and (2) facilitating cooperation among key stakeholders by promoting partnerships and other collective action in support of UN goals.
Depending on their level of experience and training, UN Global Compact interns will:
  • conduct research relating to the topic of corporate citizenship, especially on human rights, labour, the environment and anti-corruption;
  • draft and edit publications, papers and other documents;
  • liaise with Global Compact stakeholders on key corporate citizenship topics;
  • support the organization of meetings and events;
  • assist with outreach activities;
  • handle email and other inquiries;
  • assist in the implementation of the Global Compact’s integrity measures;
  • perform administrative tasks as assigned.
Type: Internship

Eligibility: 
  • Applicants must be enrolled in an undergraduate or graduate degree programme (bachelors or second university degree, or higher) at the time of application and during the internship; or
  • Under some circumstances, applicants may have graduated within less than one year to commence a UN internship.
Value of Internship: Internships at UN Headquarters are unpaid. Interns must therefore be able to cover their costs of travel, accommodation, as well as living expenses during the internship period.

Duration of Internship: We encourage candidates to apply for the following sessions:
  • Winter: October to December (3 months, possibility of 3-month extension thereafter)
  • Winter: January to March (3 months, with possibility of a 3-month extension thereafter)
How to Apply:
  • Those interested in pursuing an internship with the UN Global Compact must submit an online application at the UN Careers website.
  • Scroll down to the bottom of the homepage to the “Search Job Openings” section and select “Internship” under the Category field, and “New York” under the Duty Station field. Click on the Search button. This will lead you to a list of various internship openings. You will need to search for the UN Global Compact internship by Job Opening ID Number.
  • The Global Compact Internship Job Opening Number is 96988. Candidates are strongly recommended to pay attention to the job opening number to make sure that their applications reach the UN Global Compact Office.
Visit Internship Webpage for details

Award Provider: United Nations Global Compact

Important Notes: Due to the large number of applications received, only accepted interns will be notified a few weeks before the beginning of the session or within 4 weeks after each session’s application deadline.

Women in News (WIN) Leadership Development Programme for African Women Journalists 2018

Application Deadline: 15th August 2018

Eligible Countries: African countries

About the Award: WIN works with media companies and their high potential female employees to overcome the gender gap in management and senior management positions. The programme seeks to equip women media professionals in middle and senior management positions with the right skills, knowledge and attitudes to help advance their careers. WIN provides them the support networks they need to take on a greater leadership role within their organizations and works with their organizations to create environments for high potential women to succeed.

Type: Training

Eligibility: 
  • Applicants eligible for this call should be working in these countries: Botswana, Rwanda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Malawi, Tanzania and Kenya.
  • Media women with a minimum of 2 years in a middle management position (editorial or a senior journalist)
While in previous years WIN has been accepting media women mostly from the print media, this year the call is being extended to even those in digital and electronic media.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: Successful applicants will benefit from the following:
1- Online Leadership and Media Management Training
2- One-on-one coaching support
3- Peer Mentoring
4- National and Regional Networking opportunities
5- Opportunities for bespoke topics at national events, which include but are not limited to mobile journalism as well as other practical skills that can be used in and outside the newsroom.

In addition, participants who have the right aptitude and demonstrate commitment to the WIN programme through completion of the online course, participation in National Gatherings, participation in all assigned coaching sessions and engagement with the Future Leaders programme may be considered for a Master Class Fellowship to do a Certificate in Media Management Studies with WITS University of South Africa.

Duration of Programme: September 2018 to June 2019

How to Apply: 
  • Interested applicants can download the nomination form here and the MoU form here. Please fill and send both documents.
  • In the event that you fail to download) request an application form by sending an email to the following email addresses:
  • For applicants from Rwanda, Zambia, Botswana and Zimbabwe, please send your requests to womeninnewsbrzz@gmail.com
  • For applicants from Kenya, Tanzania and Malawi, please send your requests to womeninnewseca@gmail.com
ALL APPLICATIONS SHOULD BE SUBMITTED BY 15 AUGUST 2018.

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Important Notes: Successful participants will be expected to travel on specific occasions throughout the programme. Your availability for this will be crucial for the overall success of the programme.

Global Geopolitical Economy and BRICS Sub-Imperialism

Dominic Brown

Ten years after the 2008 global financial crisis, the global economy is still stagnant and there are few prospects for a recovery. As a result, we have seen a deepening of the social crisis with rising unemployment and inequality, which is what underpins the war against women, increased crime and violence, and the unravelling of the social fabric, especially here in South Africa.
This process is not new, it has been unfolding over several decades and has given rise to the phenomena of neoliberalism, globalisation and financialisation. These are capital’s means to overcome the crises of capitalism globally. The crisis has subsequently developed into multi-dimensional, overlapping crises of the global economy, environment, energy, food. At its core, this represents a crisis of over-accumulation of capital, with too many products and too few consumers.
We cannot understand the current political shifts (nationally and internationally) without putting them in the context of (a) historical changes in the capitalist economy (b) the current crisis of neoliberal capitalism.
Unfolding economic Crisis
We are in a period of stagnant growth, rising inequality and a 27% rate of unemployment (it is even more alarming – more than 35% –  if discouraged workers are included in the statistics). Of particular significance is the decline in growth rates in China, and recessionary conditions in so-called emerging markets such as Brazil, Russia and South Africa. As a result of the slowing world economy and a potential imminent financial meltdown, we see:
1) Currency wars and trade in an attempt to gain a trade advantage
2) A fall in aggregate demand, leading to a fall in commodity prices, yet more intense extraction of minerals, cash crops, oil and gas, as corporations abuse nature even more in desperate search for profit
3) A rise in debt and decline in stock market prices from unprecedented bubble levels
Altogether, depreciating currencies, falling commodity prices and declining stock prices, all reinforce each other, ultimately leading to a deepening of the crisis – and a further slowing down of the economy. The debt becomes ever more difficult to repay, with several African countries now effectively defaulting.
A major problem is that if an economy is stagnant, then there are very little incentives for capital to invest in productive sectors of the economy. As a result, there will be a strong need for external forces to extricate the global economy from crisis. However, the neoliberal phase of capitalism has eroded many potential instruments that can be used to stimulate aggregate demand.
This puts the global economy in a similar quagmire that we were trapped in during the interwar period from 1918-39, resulting in an intensification of neoliberal practices. The very cause of the crisis we face today, is being used to try and get the global economy out of crisis, even though it is a false solution.
Unfolding political crisis
One of the mechanisms being used to stimulate economic growth is the capital’s push for new frontiers. During the commodity super-cycle, this was reflected in the massive increase in trade and investment in Africa, where six out of the ten biggest recently discovered oil reserves are located. The demand was predominantly from China, as its 2009-12 Keynesian strategy required raw materials. This created intensifying competition between the United States of America, European Union and China.
Although Chinese demand was reduced considerably and there was a devastating crash of commodity prices in 2015, as Lee Wengraf shows in her new book, Extracting Profit and the New Scramble for Africa, we have entered into a period of neo-colonialism. Commodity prices ticked up again in 2016-17 but unless the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative restores demand, Africa’s commodity production system has no prospect of returning to past growth. The result is more extreme exploitation of existing fields, s extraction makes up in volume for what it is has lost in the higher prices.
As a result of the deepening economic crisis, we are seeing major shifts in the global political terrain. To understand these shifts it useful to recall the interwar period, especially the political and social responses to the economic crisis of the Great Depression, culminating in the rise of classical fascism in Italy and Germany, as a metaphor for today. As a consequence of the deep economic stagnation in that period, the world saw the rise of extreme racism, xenophobia and narrow nationalism.
Today, the extended economic recession has seen the re-emergence of these perspectives reflected in new national leaders with neo-fascist tendencies: Donald Trump (USA), Recep Erdogan (Turkey), Narendra Modi (India), Viktor MihályOrbán (Hungary),Rodrigo Duterte (Philippines), and Benjamin Netanyahu (Israel).  
Rising geopolitical conflict
It is critical to understand resurgent fascism within the context of a struggle for hegemony over the global capitalist economy. Unravelling hegemony emboldens ultra-nationalism, racism, xenophobia and hyper-militarization etc., particularly when the left is not organized enough to provide an alternative.
The stagnant global economy, unravelling hegemony of the US, newfound Russian military capacity and rising Chinese economic power has brought about a new phase of inter-imperialist rivalry and an increasingly volatile geo-political context. Even though the US is still the world’s hegemon economically, militarily and politically, its hegemony is under threat. This decline of US hegemony is evident in the Rise of Trump, following his promises to “Make America great again”. Trump is giving confidence to other right wing populists around the world, especially Europe.
For Lenin, “an essential part of imperialism is the rivalry between several great powers in the striving for hegemony.” Given the threat of military conflict in a backdrop of deepening ecological crisisJohn Bellamy Foster argues that the re-emergence of inter-imperialist rivalry is leading to “potentially the deadliest phase of imperialism”.  As Gramsci observed in the earlier period, “The old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum, a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.”
The interregnum – a time of monsters
In this interregnum that we find ourselves in, global politics is in a state of flux and instability. In order to assert dominance in the fight for global hegemony, we have already seen the emergence of a “New Cold War” between the US and Russia. Furthermore, there are an increasing number of US military bases around the South China Sea (a territory that has huge amounts of untapped oil reserves and is vital for Chinese shipping lanes). We have also seen increased military spending, and an expansion of the war economy. Besides incipient military conflict (through proxy wars in particular) we are also seeing the rise of currency wars and trade wars.
Currency Wars
Over the last decade, China has been supporting the growth of the rest of the world with state-led demand stimulation. But global stagnation and reduced exports as a share of GDP forced China to depreciate its currency in order to keep its goods priced more attractively. (Other ways China has cheapened its goods is denying trade unions the right to organise, maintaining a migrant labour system which transfers reproduction costs to the countryside, clamping down on protest, permiting extreme pollution and downplaying safety and heath in production.)
Trade wars
With the rise of neoliberalism, there has been much less use of standard ‘Keynesian’ strategy of higher state spending aimed at stimulating the economy (i.e. expansionary fiscal policy). As a result, the preferred option to combat global depression is to pump the world economy with money (‘Quantitative Easing’) and, in Washington once economic nationalists gained the upper hand in the Trump regime, to implement trade restrictions. Import duties have been slapped on Chinese products entering the US, with Trump now threatening further increases in tariffs on $500 billion worth of Chinese products.
The implications include a contraction of global trade, jobs losses as well as declining investment and growth.  We are already seeing this unfold in South Africa, where 7000 jobs are threatened in the steel, aluminium and car sectors, as a result of US and Chinese competition manifesting itself in trade and currency wars. As more countries are drawn in, their products that once went to the US market will be switched to others, including South Africa.
The role of the BRICS
The Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) bloc is not providing an alternative to the rise of right-wing populism. Instead, many of the BRICS governments have authoritarian regimes: Michel Temer, Vladimir Putin, Modi, Xi Jinping and Cyril Ramaphosa (albeit to a lesser degree than the others).
However, they are playing different roles within the unfolding geopolitical situation. Russia under Putin and Xi are engaged in inter-imperialist rivalries, in direct conflict with the US in certain military theatres such as the Middle East and East Asia. They are also pushing a strong neoliberal agenda and are very dependent on extractive industries (especially China). Africa is their economic playground, but there are also prospects for military competition especially in areas prone to Islamic extremism such as the Horn of Africa. Chinese pipeline, port and electricity-generation investments in Lamu – near the Somali-Kenya border – are vulnerable.
Meanwhile India and China suffer extreme border tensions in several sites, with the Belt and Road Initiative aiming to traverse the hotly-contested Kashmir area of Pakistan. India maintains a brutal occupation of part of Kashmir, refusing a plebiscite to establish the potential for a new state. Nearby, the US continues its drone bombing of Pakistani and Afghan terrain.
South Africa and Brazil are smaller players in the unfolding geopolitical contests, and are not in direct competition with the US.But along with the other BRICS, their companies are major players in Africa, heavily investing in industries related to mining and agriculture, driving massive land grabs.
The increased investment in Africa in extractivist industries comes at massive environmental and social costs. Increased investment in extractivist industries is coupled with the concept ‘4thIndustrial Revolution’ which entails an increase in capital-intensive industry, automation and surveillance. Thexe further threaten jobs and people’s existence.
How to respond?
We should be organising against the imperialist and subimperialist modus operandi of the US and BRICS leaders. In doing so, there are number of critical demands including:
1) A public audit of the national debt, in order to discern what debt is legitimate and what debt is odious, towards a cancelation of all illegitimate debt, since so much now comes not only from Western bankers but also BRICS governments led by the China Development Bank (in corrupt loans to Eskom and Transnet).
2) We should be demanding the type of investment that we want to harness in South Africa, which can meet basic needs and advance socially-controlled technology (such as generic AIDS medicines), instead of uncritically welcoming any sort of foreign direct investment.
3) This would include the “right to say no” to more mining and oil/gas drilling, based on the principles of free, prior and informed consent, in favour, instead, of a socially owned renewable energy programme as a central part of the just transition from fossil fuel industries. In doing so, we have shown, at least one million climate jobs can be created in South Africa. This could be a driving force towards a Fourth Industrial Counter-Revolution, for a wage-led, low-carbon development path
4) Finally, given the emergence of new imperialist rivalries between the US, China and Russia and the increased the potential of war, we need an international anti-war movement as well as much greater international solidarity in taking forward the struggles of workers and the poor.

Argentina Militarizes the Drug War

Brian Saady

The President of Argentina, Mauricio Macri, announced last Monday that the military would now be involved in domestic crime efforts. It was a reversal of a law akin to the U.S. law, the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878. (The Posse Comitatus Act was also amended by Congress during the Reagan administration as part of the war on drugs.)
This decision by Macri is deeply troubling on multiple levels. Bear in mind, he’s taking this step toward authoritarianism while thousands of Argentine protestors have recently contested his decision to accept a $50 billion loan from the IMF.
There are also glaring historical implications. Argentina was ruled for several years by a military dictatorship after a U.S.-backed coup deposed Isabela Peron in 1976. This “Dirty War” conducted by the Argentine government, in conjunction with the U.S. government, led to the death and disappearances of thousands of liberal activists. Merely expressing one’s political views was punishable by extrajudicial death during this reign of government-induced terror.
Unfortunately, Macri’s human rights record doesn’t ease concerns. After all, he took a photo op with a police officer who is now under indictment for murder. The officer shot a man in the back who had stabbed and robbed a U.S. tourist. More important, Macri appointed two Supreme Court justices who have ruled in favor of early release for hundreds of convicted war criminals. Likewise, Argentine activists have been jailed and murdered under mysterious circumstances.
As you may have guessed, Macri has used the war on drugs to justify this decision for domestic military operations. Argentina is arguably the last country listed by the average person when asked to name a South American nation harmed by drug trafficking.
However, in fairness, there is a legitimate problem of corruption and violence in Argentina associated with the illegal drug trade. In particular, the Tri-Border Region (where Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay share a border) is widely known as a smugglers paradise for drugs, guns, counterfeit goods, bootleg cigarettes, money laundering, etc.
And that exact area is where Macri is in the process of developing a hub of U.S.-coordinated counternarcotics operations, along with a U.S. military base. In fact, according to the Mexican news outlet Aristegui Noticias, Macri is planning on building multiple U.S. military bases throughout the country.
The war on drugs has been described by some academics as the “Trojan Horse” of U.S. foreign policy. The reason being, the U.S. government has been able to wage an unofficial Neo-Cold War under the pretense of fighting drug cartels throughout Central and South America.
In a very high-profile challenge to U.S. hypocrisy, Bolivian President Evo Morales kicked the DEA out of his country in 2008. He cited a book, “The Big White Lie,” written by former DEA whistleblower Michael Levine. That book made it clear that the U.S. government gave carte blanch to some of the world’s top drug lords because they were allies of the American intelligence community.
Three years earlier, Hugo Chavez accused the DEA of spying on his administration before kicking them out of the country. If that sounds outlandish, do you remember the scandal in 2014 revealing that the NSA had recorded and archived every phone call in The Bahamas? Well, the DEA provided the backdoor for that information.
Likewise, consider the example of former Panamanian President Ricardo Martinelli. He was coincidentally extradited last month from Miami to Panama to face charges of corruption and illegal spying. WikiLeaks documents showed that Martinelli pressured the DEA, on multiple occasions, to use their wiretapping capabilities to spy on his rivals.
With that said, neither Hugo Chavez nor Evo Morales demonstrated a strong anti-narcotics template. Both countries have been plagued by drug trafficking and related corruption. Nonetheless, it’s been proven, time and again, that U.S. aid for counternarcotics comes with strings attached and far-ranging negative consequences.
Several Latin American nations can attest to the damage inflicted from militarizing the drug war. Most people think of Mexico or Colombia regarding this subject. However, El Salvador was the original model for this subtle form of surreptitious hegemony.
As a reminder, the Salvadorian Civil War ended in 1992 with about 75,000 people killed and 1 million people forced into refugee status. Roughly 85% of the casualties were attributed to U.S.-backed government or paramilitary forces.
Hence, in the year 2000, the sight of U.S. troops conducting operations in El Salvador was an unsettling sight. In fact, their presence practically violated prior peace agreements. However, the U.S. government had a loophole; the troops were there to enforce “counternarcotics” operations.
In the following year, the U.S. Congress authorized a program known as “Plan Colombia.” It has since provided the Colombian government with over $10 billion worth of military aid, intelligence services, etc.
The stated purpose of this program is counternarcotics, but the supply of drugs has continued to ebb and flow throughout the years. In fact, cocaine production in Colombia is currently at record levels. Then again, the intent of this program can best be described as part of the Neo-Cold War to suppress the communist rebels in Colombia.
In short, this counternarcotics funding has enabled a Colombian government with an atrocious human rights record. The scandals associated with the Colombian military are too numerous to list concisely.
Notably, the Colombian government was deeply aligned with a now-defunct paramilitary group, the AUC, which was a designated terrorist group. That AUC’s successor groups continue to exist as organized crime syndicates terrorizing the country with violence and murdering social activists in high numbers.
Despite the results from Plan Colombia, Mexico followed suit in 2006 with the Merida Initiative. Over a few billion dollars of U.S. taxpayer money has been squandered in this counterproductive pursuit.
Clearly, the drug war in Mexico has been a failure. The murder rate in the first half of 2018 is higher than the record level from last year and, obviously, drug-related violence is the leading driver of this crime.
Military involvement in Mexico’s law enforcement has done nothing to stabilize the country. In fact, human rights violations have increased by over 1,000% since Mexico launched its drug war.
The military has downright acted with impunity. For instance, Amnesty International released a report demonstrating that the military routinely uses violence to gain confessions and intelligence information. It’s extremely rare for reports of these abuses to be investigated and result in a conviction.
Unfortunately, it looks like this dysfunctional police state is here to stay. Last year, Mexico’s deeply corrupt Congress passed an awful “Internal Security Law,” which will provide the Mexican military with more leniency to violate Mexican citizens’ constitutional rights and less transparency from outside investigators.
To sum up, we don’t know if Macri’s decision to mobilize the military within Argentina’s borders will have the same level of negative consequences. However, we do know that the historical precedents are extremely foreboding.