26 Sept 2018

Australian royal commission reveals predatory practices of insurance companies

Oscar Grenfell 

Hearings at the ongoing Royal Commission into financial services have revealed that some of Australia’s largest insurance companies routinely use aggressive tactics to sell products to people who do not require them, do everything they can to avoid paying claims, and operate with impunity in the increasingly unregulated sector.
The testimony in recent weeks follows exposures of the parasitic activities of the country’s banks, which are among the most profitable in the world. Like the Royal Commission as a whole, however, the hearings on the insurance industry are an exercise in damage control.
The Commission was called by the federal Liberal-National government to assuage widespread public anger. Its aim is to present the activities of the financial institutions as the result of mistakes and isolated cases of wrongdoing. This is to obscure the fact that they result from the ever-greater dominance of the financial sector over the economy, which has been promoted by successive governments, Labor and Liberal-National alike.
The hearings have nevertheless pointed to systematic malpractice across the insurance sector. In an indication of the scale, the Commission received over 8,700 public submissions, only a fraction of which will be the subject of testimony.
Almost 10 percent of the submissions related to the rapidly growing life insurance market.
Among the most explosive revelations at this month’s hearings was that AMP continued to charge at least 4,656 life insurance holders a total of $1.3 million after they had died. Company representatives acknowledged that the deductions had not ended, and up to $1 million in owed payouts had not been made, despite the fact that AMP had been notified of the deaths. The company claimed that this was the result of “systems errors.”
In other cases, health risks were apparently exaggerated to justify maximum premiums. One worker was overcharged $76,700 in life insurance premiums deducted by AMP from his superannuation. When he complained the company refused to repay him.
The worker, along with many others, had been incorrectly labelled as a “smoker” when he had left one employer and moved to another. If they did not reaffirm that they were “non-smokers,” AMP’s systems automatically assumed that customers who changed employers were now “smokers.” This resulted in premiums of at least $1,000 more per month.
The hearings also heard testimony that major funds sought to avoid paying out when their clients suffered life threatening illnesses.
In one instance, TAL Life Limited, one of the country’s largest providers of life insurance, terminated $5,000 per month payments to a customer who had been diagnosed with cervical cancer five months before.
After the woman’s cancer diagnosis in late 2013 the company had apparently sought to find grounds for withholding payments. Its investigators found that the woman had sought professional help for depression, between 2007 and 2009, and used the fact that she had not declared this on her application as grounds for cancelling her coverage. The woman was compelled to take action through the Financial Services Ombudsman to seek recompense.
Testimony also documented an aggressive sales culture driven by commissions. According to senior counsel assisting Rowena Orr, ten of the largest life insurance companies had paid $6 billion to financial advisers in commissions over a five-year period. In comments to the press, former employees stated that they could make up to $8,000 per week on their base salary in commissions.
This has included cold-calling the vulnerable and the poor. In a particularly egregious case in 2016, a Freedom Insurance representative sold a policy over the phone to a 26-year-old man with Down syndrome. During the call, the man was clearly unaware of what he was agreeing to. When his father complained, Freedom Insurance initially refused to cancel the policy before subsequently issuing an apology.
It emerged at the hearing that the sales representative had been the subject of multiple complaints for predatory calls. He had, however, been praised by managers for the volume of his sales. An April 2016 email from his team leader congratulated the representative for “smashing over 200 lives and earning amazing commissions.”
ClearView Wealth acknowledged that it may have breached anti-hawking provisions in federal legislation over 300,000 times by trying to sell life insurance through cold calls.
The company’s chief actuary and risk officer Gregory Martin acknowledged that poor people had been targeted. When asked about the precise demographic, however, he stated, “I’d emphasise lower, not lowest. After all, there was no point selling to customers who couldn’t afford the product or were too poor.”
Among the litany of issues covered at the hearings, it has again been underscored that the largest insurers seek to avoid payouts after natural disasters. In one case, Suncorp offered a couple with home insurance just $30,000 after their property was inundated by flooding in the Hunter Valley in 2015. The damage cost them $744,000.
After Victoria’s 2015 Christmas Day bushfires, Suncorp and its subsidiaries offered cash payments to insured customers hit by the disaster that were hundreds of thousands of dollars below the value of what they had lost. The company was fined just $43,200 for misleading advertising, well below the possible sanction of $7.2 million contained in legislation.
Throughout the hearings, it has been clear that regulation is largely for appearances. Rules are rarely enforced, and breaches infrequently penalised with more than a slap on the wrist.
Orr stated last week, for instance, that general insurance companies had breached their own self-regulations over 31,000 times without penalty. The industry lobby group, the Insurance Council of Australia, responded by declaring that this was because they were more concerned with “customer remediation” than with “punishing” constituent companies. In other words, nothing is done to prevent the same practices being repeated.
The parasitic activities of the insurance companies are the direct result of the economic deregulation carried out by the Labor governments of prime ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating, in office from 1983–1996.
Responding to the globalisation of production, Labor junked previous regulations on the money markets and sold off the Commonwealth Bank of Australia. This was part of a broader program, aimed at attracting international investment and removing any barriers to maximum profit-accumulation by the largest financial operators.
A 2004 study by Deakin University academic Monica Keneley noted that in the life insurance sector this was accompanied by a decline in earlier mutual funds that were less profitable, and an increase in the direct involvement of the banks. In 1980 there had been no bank-owned life insurance companies. In 1990 banks controlled 9 percent of the market, while in 2000 the figure was 44 percent.
The banks’ turn to life insurance was part of a diversification of their operations that included the provision of speculative financial services and exorbitant housing loans. As a result of this—and the fact that they have been effectively propped-up by successive governments, including during the 2008 financial crisis—the profits of the four largest banks have risen almost six-fold from $5.4 billion to just under $30 billion over the past two decades.

Pro-US candidate wins Maldives presidential election

Rohantha De Silva 

Joint opposition candidate Ibrahim Mohamed Solih won the presidential election in the Maldives on Sunday defeating President Abdulla Yameen. Solih’s victory is the outcome of a regime-change operation backed by the US and India in the strategically-located Indian Ocean archipelago.
Over recent months, the US, India and the European Union have intensified their hypocritical criticism of Yameen’s anti-democratic methods of rule and his pro-Beijing tilt. Determined that Yameen be ousted, they overtly and covertly supported the opposition.
Yameen acknowledged his defeat in a televised address to the nation on Monday, declaring, “[T]he Maldivian people have decided what they want. I have accepted the results.”
Although the final result will be announced in a week, the Electoral Commission declared on Monday that Solih had a majority winning 58 percent of the vote with Yameen receiving 42 percent from a turnout of nearly 90 percent.
Solih became the opposition alliance candidate because the Electoral Commission ruled that former President Mohamed Nasheed was ineligible to contest the election. The opposition front included Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), the Jumhooree Party and the Adhaalath Party. Solih has been the MDP’s parliamentary leader since 2011.
Nasheed, who was previously jailed by the Yameen government on terrorism charges, is currently in exile in Sri Lanka. Under pressure from the US and Britain, Yameen allowed Nasheed to travel to London in early 2016 for “medical treatment.” Nasheed immediately stepped up his campaign to oust Yameen.
Addressing reporters in Male, the Maldives capital, Solih said: “The message is loud and clear. The people of Maldives want change, peace and justice.” Nasheed congratulated Solih via twitter, declaring, “You have done an extremely good service not only to the people of Maldives, but also to freedom loving people everywhere. Democracy is a historical inevitability.”
While Yameen violated basic democratic rights in order to maintain his rule, all claims that his ousting, and the installation of a pro - western president represents t he dawn of democracy in the Maldives are far from truth.
The election was held under pressure from the US and the EU, who threatened to impose sanctions if Yameen won. It was a clear attempt to intimidate the population into voting for the opposition candidate.
US State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert issued a statement early this month declaring that Washington was concerned about “democratic backsliding in the Maldives.” She warned that the US would consider taking “appropriate measures against those individuals who undermine democracy, the rule of law, and a free and fair electoral process.”
In July the European Union warned that sanctions, including travel bans and an asset freeze, would be imposed against those responsible for human rights violations and the undermining of the rule of law in the Maldives.
If Yameen had won the election, the US and the EU would have declared his victory unlawful and refused to recognise his government.
The US and India immediately welcomed Solih’s win. The Indian External Affairs Ministry issued a statement complimenting Solih and declaring that it hoped “the Election Commission will officially confirm the result at the earliest.”
The Maldives Independent reported yesterday that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had phoned Solih to offer his congratulations. The newspaper reported that Modi “expressed his wish to repair strained relations and pledged assistance to restore democracy” and suggested that they meet soon. Solih immediately accepted the invitation.
US State Department spokesperson Nauert voiced her approval and said the election was “calm and respected the will of the people.”
The real concerns of the US and India had nothing to do with democracy, but involved the pro-Chinese orientation of the Yameen government which cut across their geo-strategic interests.
The Maldives, which has a population of just 400,000, is strategically located 400 km southwest of India and close to the world’s busiest shipping lanes between the Middle East and Africa to East Asia. The archipelago of a thousand small islands is spread across 35,000 square miles of the Indian Ocean and the focal point of intense rivalry between the US and India on one side and China on the other.
Reporting the election result, the New York Times, a leading mouthpiece for US imperialism, wrote on Sunday that “the Maldives has been caught up in recent years in Beijing’s growing global ambitions, which the United States and its allies have struggled to contain.”
In line with Washington’s propaganda against Beijing the newspaper declared “China has spent hundreds of millions of dollars on infrastructure projects in the Maldives, which critics, including the political opposition, warn amount to ‘debt-trap diplomacy.’” These claims have been denied by China and the Yameen government.
Responding to the escalating Western pressure on the Yameen government, the Maldives Supreme Court in February ordered the immediate release of jailed opposition MPs, including Nasheed and eight other political leaders. If this verdict had been carried out, Yameen would have lost his parliamentary majority and could have been impeached by the opposition.
Yameen responded autocratically, imposing a state of emergency, and arrested two Supreme Court judges, including the pro-Indian Chief Justice Abdulla Saeed. Saeed and the other judge were later sentenced to one year and seven-month prison terms, along with former Maldives President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom—a staunch Indian supporter—for plotting to overthrow the government. Under pressure, the remaining judges invalidated the previous Supreme Court order.
Indian media reports at the time revealed that New Delhi was actively considering directly intervening in the Maldives and that its military had been readied to deploy at “short notice.” Nasheed openly called on India to invade the Maldives.
India has always considered the Maldives, as well as other South Asian countries, such as Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh, as part of its sphere of influence and is hostile to Beijing’s influence in the region.
China, which consistently supported the Yameen government, began building infrastructure in the Maldives including ports and roads, and providing loans and investments as part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to expand its influence across Asia, Africa and Europe and, in particular, protect vital energy imports.
Beijing, however, confronts Washington’s increasingly aggressive attempts to halt its rise and subordinate it to the US. Control of the Indian Ocean sea lanes, and thus China’s access to energy and raw materials in the Middle East and Africa, is vital to the US strategy.
Yameen’s election defeat, which will be used by the US and India to boost their political and strategic influence in the Maldives, foreshadows increasing geopolitical manoeuvres and tensions in the region.

UK military step up marches and parades on streets of Britain

Thomas Scripps 

On September 13, several hundred soldiers from The Black Watch, 3rd Battalion of The Royal Regiment of Scotland marched through the streets of Inverness in full battle gear. The battalion had recently returned from a six-month tour in Iraq training Iraqi security forces. In a series of homecoming parades, the battalion marched over four successive days through towns and cities in Black Watch’s traditional recruiting areas, including Forfar, Dunfermline and Perth.
The Black Watch played a critical role in the war against Iraq, as British imperialism escalated its intervention after the illegal 2003 invasion. In October 2004, the regiment was moved 380 miles north from southern Iraq to Camp Dogwood, 20 miles (32 km) southwest of Baghdad. This was done in order to allow the UK’s main partner in crime, the US, to concentrate its forces on the bloody suppression of Fallujah.
Within 48 hours of arriving at their new base, the regiment suffered its first fatalities, as five members of the 850-strong Black Watch were killed and several others seriously wounded. The deaths led to growing opposition to the war, which the year before had sparked an anti-war march by some 2 million people in London.
The Inverness event was clearly intended to provide an intimidating display of firepower. Soldiers on the march wore body armour and carried assault rifles with bayonets attached. Some wore camouflage and carried sniper rifles. The soldiers marched alongside several large armoured vehicles equipped with manned, high-calibre machine guns. A section of the march appeared to be mimicking the routines of a live patrol.
The show of force in Scotland is one particularly extreme example of a succession of military parades that have taken place across Britain in just the last few months.
Many of these demonstrations have been held in connection with the awarding of the “freedom” of the city, town or borough to a particular regiment. Voted on by local councils, this is the highest honour a local authority can award.
In the case of military units, it gives the soldiers in question the right to “march with drums beating, bands playing, colours flying and bayonets fixed” through the streets of the town. There are roughly 640 such “freedoms” currently awarded to military bodies—at least 280 of which have been given since 2008.
* In February, the Royal Marines were granted the freedom of Birmingham—the UK’s second largest city—in a ceremony in its central square, followed by a parade along its main streets.
* On June 3, soldiers from the 21 Engineer Regiment exercised the Corps of Royal Engineers’ freedom to march in Ripon, Yorkshire.
* Earlier this month, 500 soldiers of the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers were allowed to march from the Tower of London to Guildhall. The City of London’s Square Mile was closed while the parade took place.
* The 75 Engineers Regiment marched through Warrington, Cheshire last Saturday, having been awarded the Freedom of the Borough in 2013.
In many places, Freedom of the Borough parades were held in connection with Armed Forces Week. The Yorkshire Regiment marched through Redcar and Stockton in the North East of England on June 28 as part of a series of events, including a drill display and flyover by a Dakota Royal Air Force plane. Redcar’s high street was decked in red, white and blue bunting for the occasion.
Two days later, St Ives hosted 120 soldiers of the 42 Engineer Regiment for the same occasion, after which residents were encouraged to get to know the regiment at a local museum. In July, plans were announced for hundreds of soldiers from the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers to march in Nuneaton on June 9 next year, to mark the 75th anniversary of D-Day and celebrate Armed Forces Day. The town closed its streets for a march by soldiers from the 30 Signal Regiment in 2015.
Some army units are marching through Britain’s streets on multiple occasions. Earlier this month, The Rifles regiment exercised the Freedom of the Town of Wakefield, Yorkshire. They will do the same this month in Sherborne, Dorset, and again in Lyme Regis, as part of an event to commemorate the centenary of the ending of the First World War.
The Duke of Lancaster’s regiment, having marched through Blackpool’s city centre some months ago, visited three additional towns and cities this year. On June 30, soldiers carried out a 40 minute march through Preston, protected by armed police. On September 15, the regiment’s 2nd Battalion participated in a 200-strong Battle of Britain parade through the centre of Barrow. Another march, this time through the town of Wyre, was announced for sometime this month.
The British people are being inured to the regular presence of the armed forces on the streets. In recent weeks, the crisis over Brexit has seen numerous warnings that such could be the economic tumult and “civil unrest” following the UK’s formal exit from the European Union next March that plans are in place to put troops onto the streets.
The regular presence of serving soldiers in public spaces is intended both to glorify the military and intimidate the population. The ruling class is deeply concerned by the growth of anti-war sentiment and widespread revulsion at the actions of British imperialism around the world over the past 15 years, since the invasion of Iraq.
Armed Forces Day was established in 2009 by the Labour government of Gordon Brown to counteract this sentiment, replacing Veterans’ Day, which had been observed since 2006. The parades and ceremonies are an attempt to create a bond between the population and “their” local regiments.
The aim is to assert the centrality of the military and its interests in British political life. The event in Inverness indicates that this purpose is to be pursued more aggressively in the future.
In conducting these parades, the armed forces have the full support of the whole spectrum of bourgeois political parties, not least the Labour Party. Barrow, Birmingham, Redcar, Stockton, Nuneaton, Preston, Warrington and Wakefield are all governed by majority-Labour councils, whose members hail the presence of the military on their streets.
Labour Councilor Karen Mundry, mayor of Warrington, said of the town’s march: “The men and women of the 75 Engineers Regiment have long had a close association with Warrington. We were delighted to bestow upon them our highest honour by granting them the Freedom of the Borough in 2013.”
She added, “We are very proud of the regiment and this is a fantastic opportunity to thank them for the work they do… I’d urge everyone to come along, show their support and see this magnificent regiment in all its glory.”
The Labour leader of Wakefield Council, Peter Box, enthused: “It is a great honour to welcome the men and women of the Rifles Regiment, who are the largest regiment in the British Army. Please come along, welcome them to the city and celebrate our servicemen and women by lining the streets and enjoying the military displays.”
Barry Longden, a Labour member in Nuneaton and Bedworth Borough Council, described a planned march through Nuneaton as “a fantastic day out for all of the residents in the borough and further afield, so I hope we will all support this.”
For all the talk of support and celebration, the truth is that the imperialist violence and banditry carried out by Britain’s armed forces over the last two decades are widely opposed by the population. The spree of military parades reflects the deep concerns of the ruling elite over this opposition, which stands in the way of the militarist agenda shared by both main parties.
In recent years, the armed forces have intervened in political affairs in Britain in a manner unprecedented in modern history. Only a week after Jeremy Corbyn was first elected as Labour leader, Murdoch’s Sunday Times reported the threat of a “mutiny” by a “senior serving general” in the event of his becoming prime minister. This was due to Corbyn’s professed opposition to nuclear weapons and war.
Lord West, the former first sea lord and ex-Labour minister, declared that Corbyn “should not lead the nation.” West warned that Corbyn’s criticisms of militarism might get “the unthinking masses to vote for him.”

The Geopolitics of Ports and the Silk Road of the Sea

Asanga Abeyagoonasekera

The expertise of a country’s diplomats and the effectiveness of its armed forces are not the only variables determining its rise. Geographical factors must also be considered. Influencing the overall prosperity of a nation are its access to raw materials and trade routes, its climate, and – most critical in informing foreign policy – its strategic location.
In this light, it was no coincidence that the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte commissioned the translation of the works of the ancient geographer Strabo. The 'subordination' of Asian countries to Western powers began in 1798 when Napoleon led a 40,000-strong French army into Egypt, ostensibly to protect French trade interests. Shortly afterward, issues concerning trade resulted in Western countries driving a wedge between China and India. Economic interests have similarly followed military interests on several occasions in the arc of history, and history could repeat itself. This time, though, the difference will be an Eastern power as the most significant player in the global arena.
Southern Sri Lanka has become a geopolitical hotbed after the construction of the Hambantota harbour and the recent relocation of the Galle Southern Naval Command next to Hambantota Port. There are more than 700 naval officers engaged in maritime security efforts who are based next to the harbour premises leased by China. The relocated post in Galle will be occupied by the Sri Lankan coast guard to further protect the oceans using its new military hardware. In doing so, scholars have suggested that Sri Lanka should opt for the P-3C Orion naval reconnaissance anti-submarine aircraft instead of Offshore Patrol Vessels (OPVs). This aircraft enables scanning a larger area and has been proven effective by many other countries. According to the latest statement by Prime Minister Wickramasinghe, Sri Lanka should prepare for anti-submarine warfare. 
On a recent visit to the port of Hambantota, the Japanese Defence Minister, Itsunori Onedera, stated, “Despite the lease there was an agreement that the port remains free of military activities.” This statement reflects concerns over the leasing of the facility to China for 99 years. Onedera was the first Japanese defence minister to visit Sri Lanka in a period in which the island finds itself in the spheres of influence of India, the US, and China. Unfortunately,the expectation that Hambantota should remain free of Chinese military activities – as well as the other details of the lease agreement– has received little attention from the general public of Sri Lanka.
China’s geopolitical presence is rapidly expanding under the aegis of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Starting with ports such as Sittwe, Gwadar, Djibouti, Hambantota, and Dar es Salaam, China is testing a strategy of using its economic influence to advance its security interests, much like Western powers have done in the past. To counter China’s influence through BRI, the 'Quad' (the US, India, Japan, Australia) was formed.
It has been argued that Sri Lanka has benefited from Japan’s hedging strategies in the South Asia region. A tactic that could unfold into a larger strategy was the agreement signed on 12 April 2017 aimed at the 'Deepening and Expansion of Comprehensive Partnership between Japan and Sri Lanka'. The agreement covers three areas: First, Japan is to expand its maritime cooperation with Sri Lanka; second, Japan is to improve Sri Lanka's maritime capability by providing two OPVs in support of the bilateral defence partnership; and third, Sri Lanka is to participate as an observer in the next Japan-India joint exercise between coast guards. New alliances such as with Sri Lanka will further support and cement the core strategy between the US and Japan in the Indo-Pacific.
Djibouti is a former French colony with a small population and scarce natural resources. The country’s GDP remains below US$ 1.8 billion and it has only one significant geopolitical offering: its strategic location. Sitting at the eastern edge of the African continent and the western shore of the Indian Ocean, Djibouti has become a multi-military base and logistics operational hub. Even Japan’s first overseas military base since World War II is found in this strategic location. Within Djibouti, a Chinese logistics base also sits merely eight miles away from Camp Lemonnier. There are 4,000 personnel from the US Combined Joint Task Force stationed in the Horn of Africa. From a realist lens, of the various countries who have leased property for military bases, China has a strategic advantage due to the billions of dollars of financial support it has offered continuously to Djibouti. One example is an infrastructural mega-project in the form of a railway connecting Djibouti and Ethiopia.
Outside powers pledging non-interference to the region and neighboring countries has significant economic and military implications. Other new ports emerging in the region could copy Djibouti’s model in the years to come. Sri Lanka is not unique in this sense. Currently, Sri Lanka’s Trincomalee Port is planned to be jointly developed by India, Japan and Singapore; Hambantota Port is already leased to China, and the adjoining Mattala Airport will be operated by India, all in a bid to counter-balance China’s influence. Merely moving a Sri Lankan naval post next to the plot leased by China for 99 years will not guarantee the ability to secure economic or military interests in the future.
Fluctuations in the frequency, scope, and intensity of diplomatic and military engagements are inherent to a volatile, multipolar world. China’s rise, made possible by its economic advances, is seen by many observers also as a result of it winning every move on the geopolitical chess board. Djibouti was the initial victory in the Indian Ocean and presumably, other small states will give in to this tide.

25 Sept 2018

WAAW Foundation Undergraduate STEM Scholarships for Young African Women 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 30th November, 2018.

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Women from all Africa countries

To be taken at: Applicants home country

Eligible Fields of Study: The following courses in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM)
Agriculture, Aircraft engineering, Architecture, Bio Medical, Biochemistry, Biology, Botany, Chemistry, Civil engineering and urbanism, Computer Science, Construction technology and management, Economics, Electronics Engineering, Engineering Agriculture, Environmental Health, Environmental Science, Food Science Technology, Genetics, Geography, Geology, Home Science Nutrition and Dietetics, Industrial Chemistry, IT, Math related fields, Natural Science, Pharmacy, Physics, Science related fields, Statistics, Technology, Zoology

About the Award: The Working to Advance African Women (WAAW) foundation aim to increase the pipeline of African women in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) related disciplines, and work to ensure that this talent is engaged in African innovation. Scholarships are renewable annually, following proof of the student’s continued academic performance.

Type: Undergraduate

Selection Criteria and Eligibility: WAAW foundation’s annual scholarship initiative is aimed at supporting need based African female STEM-focused college education. Please read the eligibility criteria before you apply. All non qualifying applications will be automatically deleted! Criteria for eligibility includes:
  • Female students of African origin, living and studying in Africa.
  • Currently enrolled in undergraduate B.S.degree program.
  • Studying STEM related courses in a University or college in Africa.
  • Demonstrable financial need, and
  • Excellent Academic Record.
  • Below the age of 32 years.
  • Graduation date is after December of award year
Please note that WAAW does not fund graduate (masters, MBA or Phd) programs, second or subsequent degrees, students older than 32 years, non-STEM focused courses or Diploma degrees. There are NO EXCEPTIONS to these requirements.

Number of Scholarship: Not specified

Value of Scholarship: Scholarship recipients will receive an award of $500 for the academic year, or the equivalent in their country’s local currency. Scholarship recipients may reapply for renewal the following year, with proof of continued excellent academic performance.

Duration of Scholarship: Scholarship is a onetime fund but is renewable annually, following proof of the student’s continued academic performance.

How to Apply: Complete all sections of the application form and submit all required materials to WAAW foundation by the deadline. Application may be completed online.

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Sponsors: WAAW- Working to Advance African Women

Important Notes: WAAW will only accept online application this year. Scholarship applications are reviewed by the WAAW Scholarship Committee, and awards are announced by February.
Only shortlisted candidates will be asked for recommendation letters or University transcripts during the verification process.

Foreign Press Association Scholarship Awards 2018 for Foreign Graduate Students of Journalism – USA

Application Deadline: ​11.55 pm on 30th September, 2018.

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: International

To be taken at (country): USA

About the Award: Founded in 1918, the Foreign Press Association (“FPA”) is the oldest association of journalists in the United States of America, and the second in the world. The Foreign Press Association Scholarship Awards (“FPASA”) was founded on the 75th Anniversary of FPA’s formation to encourage the pursuit of a career in journalism by the next generation of foreign correspondents.
The Foreign Press Association Scholarship Awards contribute to the development of the next generation of international reporters.

Type: Awards

Eligibility: The Foreign Press Association Scholarship Awards is open to individuals who are:
  • Foreign nationals having graduated during 2018 or who will be enrolled in a graduate journalism program in the United States of America during 2018
  • Held or holding an F-1 or J-1 Visa during 2018
  • Demonstrate an interest and commitment to international affairs reporting
Selection Criteria: Every year, a special Awards Committee appointed by the Foreign Press Association, (“FPA”), seeks out appropriate scholarship awardees based on the following criteria:
  • Will be attending or attended a U.S. graduate school of journalism during 2018.
  • A record of excellence.
  • A citizen of a foreign country.
  • In need of financial aid.
Selection: Applications will be judged on:
1. The submission response to the Op-Ed question.
2. A short statement detailing how you will utilize your FPA Scholarship Award.

An impartial panel of journalists, editors, publishers, media directors, and other professionals will select the winning awards.  Scholarship Awardees will be invited to receive their awards at the FPA’s Centennial Gala event, attended by an audience of global influencers in business, foreign affairs and media, on Thursday, 1st November, 2018 in New York City.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: Cash scholarships, ranging from $2,500 to $10,000 (USD), will be awarded.

How to Apply: 
  • The application requires the submission of a commentary on a subject matter decided upon by the Awards Committee.
  • Scholarship awards will be presented in two categories: print and multi-media.
  • Applications will be adjudicated on the response to an opinion-editorial question.
It is important to go through application requirements on the Programme Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Google Women Techmakers Scholarship Program 2019/2020 for Women in Europe, Middle East and Africa (EMEA)

Application Deadline: 6th December 2018 11:59 pm GMT.

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Women from Europe, the Middle East and Africa

To be taken at: Universities in Europe, the Middle East and Africa

Eligible Subject Areas: Computer Science, Computer Engineering, Informatics or a closely related technical field

About the AwardAnita Borg Scholarship: Dr. Anita Borg devoted her adult life to revolutionising the way we think about technology and dismantling barriers that keep women and minorities from entering computing and technology fields. She proposed the “50/50 by 2020” initiative, so that women earning computing degrees would be 50% of the graduates by year 2020. However, the percentage of Computer Science degrees earned by women is still far from 50% throughout the world.
As part of Google’s ongoing commitment to furthering Anita’s vision, Google is proud to honor Anita’s memory and support women in technology with the Women Techmakers Scholars Program (formerly the Anita Borg Memorial Scholarship).
Through the scholarship, Google aim to encourage women to excel in computing and technology, and become active role models and leaders.

Type: Bachelors, Masters, PhD

Selection Criteria: Multiple scholarships will be awarded based on the strength of candidates’ academic performance, leadership experience and demonstrated passion for computer science.

Who is qualified to apply? To be eligible to apply, applicants must:
  • Currently be enrolled at an accredited university for the 2018-2019 academic year
  • Intend to be enrolled in or accepted as a full-time or part-time student in a Bachelor’s, Master’s or PhD program at a university in Europe, Middle East or Africa for the 2019-2020 academic year
  • Be studying computer science, computer engineering, informatics or a closely related technical field
  • Demonstrate a strong academic record
  • Exemplify leadership and demonstrate passion for increasing the involvement of women in Computer Science
Number of Scholarships:  Not specified

Value of Scholarship:
  • The scholarship recipients will each receive a €7,000 (or equivalent) scholarship.
  • A retreat opportunity to connect with fellow scholars and Google mentors, while participating in professional and personal development trainings and workshops.
  • An online network with fellow scholars program participants designed to share resources, support the global community of women in tech and collaborate on projects to make continued impact.
How to Apply: The Women Techmakers Scholarship is a one-time scholarship. While past applicants and finalists are encouraged to reapply, unfortunately, past recipients of any Google scholarship, including the Women Techmakers Scholarship and Google Anita Borg Memorial Scholarship, are not eligible to apply.
Complete the online application and submit all requested documents by 6th December 2018. The following application documents must be in English.
  • General background information (includes contact information and information about your current and intended institutions)
  • Current resume
  • Academic transcripts from your current and prior institutions (if you have earned a prior degree)
  • One letter of reference from a professor, instructor, adviser or supervisor
  • Responses to five essay questions
Visit Scholarship Webpage for Details

Sponsors: Google

UN expert advises Sri Lankan government about social impact of austerity measures

Saman Gunadasa

UN Human Rights Council official Juan Pablo Bohoslavsky ended a nine-day visit to Sri Lanka earlier this month. Bohoslavsky, whose job title is “UN Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and human rights,” offers “advice” to indebted governments in less developed countries.
Bohoslavsky’s visit and his preliminary “end of mission” statement are an indication of international concern about growing popular opposition to Colombo’s implementation of International Monetary Fund (IMF) dictated austerity measures. According to the Central Bank, Sri Lanka will have to pay $4 billion per year until 2022 just to meet its current external debt liabilities.
In the past year, protests and strikes have involved railway, postal, health, power, university and plantation workers for higher wages and improved working conditions. Poor farmers and fishermen have also demonstrated against cut backs and increased fuel and production costs. University students are involved in ongoing protests, in particular against the privatisation of education.
Bohoslavsky called on the government to assess “the human rights impact of both its economic reform policies and infrastructure projects” and warned that “social spending should not be cut to repay growing debts.” Spending cuts, he said, “should at least be compensated through cash transfers targeting those in need.”
The UN expert said recent IMF directed “reforms” slashing energy and farming subsidies, “might have an adverse effect” on the livelihood of fishermen, farmers and rural communities. Electricity prices have been deregulated and the cost of fuel is determined by an automatic market-based formula. He also raised concerns about increases in the value added tax (VAT), which has been lifted to 15 percent on almost all goods and services. He noted that “the cost of such a tax is borne by the poorest part of the population.”
The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government’s fuel pricing formula has resulted in constant increases in petrol, diesel and kerosene prices. In May the government increased diesel from 95 rupees per litre to 110 rupees, and in July lifted it again to 118 rupees (about 73 US cents). The cost of services and products dependent on fuel has increased accordingly, directly impacting on the working masses.
The IMF has also ordered the government not to use the country’s foreign reserves to defend the exchange rate, thus allowing the fluctuations of global money markets to determine the value of the Sri Lankan rupee. As a result, the rupee has depreciated by 7.4 percent against the US dollar since the beginning of the year.
Bohoslavsky also referred to the government’s privatisation program and cautioned against the so-called public-private partnerships, particularly in the health and education sectors. He did not oppose privatisation as such, but declared that “public private partnerships should not replace the government’s primary obligation of ensuring the economic, social and cultural rights equally among everyone.”
Bohoslavsky referred to Sri Lanka’s endorsement of the “International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,” saying these rights should be incorporated into the country’s constitution and protected by the judiciary. Such proclamations are hot air. The equal distribution of “economic, social and cultural rights” is impossible under the capitalist profit system.
Bohoslavsky’s findings on micro financing highlighted the predatory nature of finance capital and its local representatives in providing small loans to the most oppressed sections of society. He said rural women were being particularly targeted in the war-ravaged parts of the country with interest payments as high as 220 percent.
Some women, he said, had three or four outstanding loans from different lenders and were confronted with collectors who visited them on a virtual daily basis and would not leave their homes until they were paid. He learnt some borrowers had attempted to “donate” their kidneys and others were pressured for “sexual favours,” in exchange for outstanding instalments. This problem, he said, “is a state responsibility because the poor cannot be forced to pay for public goods via private microcredit.”
Bohoslavsky called for “human rights impact assessments” on large scale infrastructure projects. He noted that neither international lenders, such as World Bank, Asian Development Bank, the Japanese and Indian governments, nor the Sri Lankan government have carried out such assessments for power plant projects, the Hambantota port, the Mattala Airport or the Colombo outer expressway. These multi-billion dollar projects were initiated by the government in an attempt to attract foreign investment.
The UN expert called on the government to adopt “less harmful policy options” to deal with growing foreign debt. This included renegotiating the debt repayments and “boosting domestic demand through progressive tax reforms, expanding social benefits and increasing minimum wages”—options that will be rejected out of hand by Sri Lanka’s international creditors.
Bohoslavsky noted the government’s high military expenditure, which, more than nine years after the end of the protracted war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, continues to climb. He called on the government to “re-examine military spending.”
Since President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe came to power the defence budget has increased by 29 percent—from 225 billion rupees per year in 2015 to 290 billion rupees in 2018.
Colombo’s spending spree on the armed forces is connected to the ongoing military occupation of the North and East war-ravaged areas and government repression against an increasingly restive working class and the poor. The military and police have been mobilised against striking workers, including their deployment as strike breakers under essential service orders.
The purpose of Bohoslavsky’s mission was to warn the government, and international finance capital, that the worsening social conditions of the working people in Sri Lanka would lead to an inevitable social explosion.
The UN “expert” referred, in particular, to the “lack of unionisation” of the Sri Lankan work force which, he said, had resulted in the trade unions “losing the power to fulfil their traditional role of contributing to redistribution” of wealth.
In fact, the trade unions have been transformed into political control mechanisms that block the working class from defending their social rights, opening the way for escalating government attacks and ensuring that wealth continues to be “redistributed” to big business and the capitalist elite.
Bohoslavsky’s principal concern is that thousands of Sri Lankan workers have lost confidence in the trade unions and that the eruption of struggle outside union control is the real threat to capitalist rule on the island.

Costa Rican public-sector strike enters third week

Andrea Lobo

Costa Rican public-sector workers have begun the third week of their strike, after all the major trade union centrals called for an “indefinite strike” on September 10, for the first time since the 15-day strike against the privatization of telecommunications and utilities.
Following several months of major popular protests in Nicaragua against pension cuts and murderous repression, the persistent strike across the border in Costa Rica reflects a growing militancy of workers in the region against austerity policies and deteriorating living standards.
The strike demonstrates, above all, two developments: the unrelenting internationalization of the ongoing resurgence of workers’ struggles in the United States, South America, Europe and Asia; and the role of the trade union bureaucracies and their pseudo-left backers as the foremost obstacle to unite workers internationally and in the struggle against capitalism.
The trade unions have limited demands to remodeling a new tax bill and have channeled social anger behind “patriotic” and empty appeals to the most right-wing government in the country since World War I.
There was a manifest willingness of the trade union officials to end the strike from the start. Gilberto Cascante, president of the education-sector union ANDE, told the news media at 8 a.m. on September 10, “I hope [President] Carlos Alvarado understands that what people ask is to sit down and negotiate. That we are fighting for the rule of law.” He later added: “In an ideal world, we would be called at any time to talk, and we’ll be there.”
For his part, President Alvarado rejected any negotiations at the outset and sought to crush the strike by violently clearing roadblocks and rationing fuel from refineries, leading to over 40 arrests and at least one death. His government has requested the labor courts to declare the strike “illegal” and to sanction workers if they continue.
“The fiscal reform is a bitter drink, but it’s the only way to save the country,” he declared. To this, a striking garbage collector responded last week to the media: “They are taking from my pocket and my family, to buy rice and beans. While there are people with multi-million salaries, one goes humbly to work.” Polls carried out by the TV stations and the University of Costa Rica show that less than a quarter of the population supports the government in opposition to the strike.
The ruling Citizen’s Action Party (PAC) is now in its second term, leading a “National Unity” coalition with the traditional oligarchic parties and the pseudo-left Frente Amplio. This coalition was created as a calculated maneuver by the ruling class and heavily promoted by the same trade union bureaucracies to derail the opposition expressed in the 2000 protests and the 2004-2007 movement against the Free Trade Agreement with the United States (CAFTA).
After cracking down on virtually all blockades, the government agreed to negotiations last Wednesday with trade unions and the mediation of the Catholic Church. As shown by the “National dialogue” in Nicaragua, the blessings of the Church are summoned to replace those of workers and to keep negotiations under wraps.
On September 12, the police beat and arrested students, who had set up a roadblock, and invaded the University of Costa Rica. Later that night, two teenagers who were participating in a roadblock with burning tires in an impoverished area of Limón were shot in the back by the police.
Antuán Serrano, 17, died from a wound to the head as neighbors took him to the hospital. According to the only report at the scene made by a major outlet, Repretel, eyewitnesses indicate that, when confronted by angry neighbors, police officers simply said: “This comes from up top, from the Government.”
Isolated incidents of looting, the burning of vehicles and a telecommunications tower and damaging other public infrastructure were used by the government to criminalize all the protesters and escalate the repression.
The minister of security has begun to appear in press briefings next to a silent police chief, Daniel Calderón, whose post and record—training by the post-Pinochet Carabineros, the Chilean police, and giving courses at the US military school WHINSEC—place him as the director of the repression.
Anticipating the repressive measures, the US embassy issued a security warning of possible violence prior to the strike. According to diplomatic cables published by WikiLeaks, Washington had trained special units and coordinated closely with Costa Rican police in preparation for the protests against CAFTA.
That weekend, the trade union ANEP, which includes police officers and is leading the strike, conspired with the government and media in a campaign in defense of the police, publishing videos on their harsh conditions and staging pickets on Monday with off-duty cops outside the presidential residence.
The government’s yearly deficit will reach 7.1 percent of GDP in 2018. The fiscal bill being discussed would subtract 1.4 points, only to jump again and rise more rapidly as the dollar strengthens and interest rates rise. More than half of the deficit corresponds to interest payments.
Regardless of the fate of the bill, most government income will continue to come from regressive taxes on imports and consumer goods, meaning that money will continue to flow from the pockets of workers and the poorest layers to the bank accounts of the top 10 percent of richest Costa Ricans and to international finance capital. The bill will only accelerate this transfer of wealth.
Therefore, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) have openly backed the plan, and the minister of interior, Rodolfo Piza, declared the first day of the strike that the government would “reassure bondholders that they’ll be paid. … That is what the debate on public employment limits in the bill is about.”
The Alvarado administration insists, nonetheless, that it is a “progressive” bill, citing a small increase in the income tax for the richest layers, despite also introducing a regressive added-value tax, a 1 percent charge on staple foods and other charges on education and health services. The bill also seeks to enshrine in law a series of executive decrees cutting—in some cases by more than half—yearly salary increases and bonuses up for exclusive contracts in the public sector.
The state propaganda insisting that the richest 10 percent will bear most of the cost excludes the enormous tax exemptions for businesses. For instance, the bill states that “goods and services purchased will be exempted if destined to produce goods and services for export.” Capital gains from “selling stocks or other securities” within the same corporate sector will also be exempted.
The bill virtually engraves the evisceration of social spending into the Constitution by imposing limits on total government spending below economic growth, which will depend on the size of the overall debt. Alvarado has already imposed by decree new formulas on private- and public-sector minimum salaries that are not keeping up with inflation, cutting pay for extra hours by half, on top of an increase of 1 percent in workers’ contributions to the IVM pensions fund.
This austerity offensive has continued for decades but it is now accelerating sharply. From almost 20 percent in the mid-1980s, the share of employment in the higher-paid public sector fell to 15 percent in 2010 and 14 percent in 2017, according to ILO data, reverting to 1960s levels. Debt-servicing, on the other hand, has taken a higher share of the budget, from 13 percent in 1980 to 27 percent in 1995, 33 percent this year and 41.6 percent next year.
This recent sharp rise corresponds to an enormous issuing of bonds at increasingly higher interest rates, including $4 billion to foreign markets over four years announced in June (more than 1.5 percent of GDP yearly). Following the trend of most so-called emerging markets, the Costa Rican government took advantage of low interest rates internationally after the 2008 crisis to rapidly expand and militarize the police and carry out limited infrastructure projects. Now, the national and global economies are slowing down, bringing down tax income, while interest rates are increasing sharply.
In other words, the response of the ruling class to the coming economic avalanche has been to prepare the largest economic plundering of the working class in Costa Rican history.
In this international context, the empty demand of a progressive tax or the slogan “make the rich pay” poses no threat to the continuous transfer of wealth from the pockets of the working class into the debt payments for the rich. They pose no threat to the continuous impoverishment of workers and instead represent efforts by pseudo-left layers in the upper middle class to boost the image of the trade unions and the Frente Amplio and to provide a cover for an intensified rate of exploitation.
What lessons can be extracted and what tasks lie ahead for the Costa Rican working class? It requires an independent class response to the crisis, which is only possible by building an authentic socialist revolutionary party—a section of the International Committee of the Fourth International (IFCI)— and electing rank-and file committees in workplaces and communities, independent of the trade unions and the entire political establishment, to immediately link their struggles to those of workers across Latin America and beyond.

Trump to intensify economic war on Iran

Keith Jones

US President Donald Trump, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, National Security Adviser John Bolton and the other Iran regime-change hawks at the helm of the Trump administration intend to use this week’s opening of the annual United Nations General Assembly as the backdrop for an intensification of Washington’s economic war and military-strategic offensive against Iran.
Washington’s stated goal is to crash the Iranian economy. Starting November 4, the US will dramatically expand the punishing sanctions it imposed on Iran in early August. It is vowing to enforce a complete embargo on Iranian oil exports and Iran’s total exclusion from the US-dominated world banking system, thereby crippling its trade in all other commodities.
The US actions, which in their aims go beyond even the brutal sanctions the US and European Union imposed on Iran between 2011 and 2015, are both manifestly illegal and reckless. Under international law, they are tantamount to an act of war.
It is Washington that has reneged on its commitments under the UN-backed 2015 Iran nuclear accord. All the other great powers that are signatories to the accord and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which has the principal role in monitoring Iran’s compliance, are adamant Tehran has fulfilled to the letter all its obligations, including dismantling and mothballing civilian nuclear infrastructure.
And it is Trump, Pompeo, Bolton and their minions who in Mafia-style fashion are threatening countries around the world with retaliatory action, including sanctions, fines and exclusion from US markets, if they do not bow to Washington’s diktats and cease trading with and investing in Iran.
Yet Trump will use the UN as the backdrop to rail against Iran as a “rogue state” and to denounce Tehran as the world’s leading “state-supporter of terrorism.” This from the president of a country that, in pursuit of unbridled domination of the world’s most important oil-exporting region, has waged or fomented a series of ruinous wars since 1991 that have razed entire societies, including Iraq, Libya and Syria, and, in the process, repeatedly supported and armed Islamist terrorists.
Today, nearly one year to the day after Trump used the UN as a platform to threaten to “totally destroy” North Korea, a country of 25 million people, the US president will again go before the UN General Assembly. According to previews of his speech provided the media by administration officials, Trump will combine an “America First” rant about the seminal importance of “national sovereignty”—whose essential content is that US imperialism reserves the right to be a law unto itself—with a litany of denunciations of Iran, many of them lifted from the songbook of his close ally Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
On Wednesday, Trump will chair a session of the 15-member UN Security Council that the US, exercising its rights as chair, has allotted to discussion of nuclear proliferation and weapons of mass destruction. As is his wont, the fascist-minded billionaire gave a cruder, but truer description of his intentions on his Twitter account, declaring, “I will chair a United Nations Security Council meeting on Iran.”
Trump apparently intends to use much of his time in his back-to-back UN appearances to fulminate against Iran’s ballistic missile program, claiming it constitutes an intolerable threat to the region. No matter that Washington has plied its regional allies, including nuclear-armed Israel and Saudi Arabia, with tens of billions of dollars’ worth of advanced weaponry.
Elimination of Iran’s ballistic missile program is among the list of demands Trump and his aides have set out as the ostensible basis for a “renegotiated” Iran nuclear deal. Others include Iran’s acceptance of permanent limits on its civil nuclear program far more onerous than those imposed on any other signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; and an end to Tehran’s “malign activities” in the Middle East, i.e., its military and political support for Hezbollah, Hamas and other regional allies.
In toto, these amount to a demand for Iran’s bourgeois nationalist regime to renounce any opposition to US domination of the Middle East, its effective disarmament and reduction to the status of an American client state.

US military action and threats against Iran

Washington has accompanied its economic war on Iran with increased military action against Iran and its allies and war threats from the Pentagon and top administration officials, including Trump himself. On Friday, Pompeo said that should “US interests” come under attack from “Iranian proxies,” the US stands ready to strike at Iran itself. “Iran will be held accountable for those incidents,” the US Secretary of State told CNN.
In late July, Trump vowed that if Iran so much as threatened action against US forces, it would “suffer consequences the likes of which few throughout history have ever suffered.”
American forces in Syria and Israel Defense Forces have repeatedly attacked Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards fighting in support of Bashar al-Assad’s Baathist regime. And earlier this month the Trump administration let it be known that the US military will indefinitely occupy much of eastern Syria, including the country’s main oil fields, so as to push for a “political settlement” in alignment with the US interests in the removal of all Iranian forces from Syria.
All factions of the US political and military-intelligence establishment share the objective of subjugating Iran and ensuring US hegemony over the Middle East, both because of its oil wealth and geostrategic importance as the hinge between Europe, Asia and Africa.
But Trump’s scuttling of the Iran nuclear accord has been sharply criticized by a significant section of the ruling elite who fear it will embroil the US in a Mideast-wide war and undercut what they consider the more pivotal military-strategic offensives against American imperialism’s more substantial rivals, Russia and China.
Last week more than 50 retired congressional leaders, diplomats and generals, including former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper and Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, issued a statement under the banner of the “National Coalition to Prevent an Iranian Nuclear Weapon.” It voiced support for most of Trump’s demands on Iran, but expressed concern the administration was pursuing a policy of “brinkmanship,” emphasizing “coercion and threats of military action” without any “exit ramp to avoid collision.”
The statement deplored the fact the Trump administration’s Iran policy was estranging Washington’s traditional European allies and thereby encouraging “common cause among the Europeans, Russia and China in opposition to the US.”
Many, if not all, of the statement’s signatories have been advocates of a much more aggressive US military intervention in Syria, which they argued was the more effective way of “rolling back” both Iranian and Russian influence in the Middle East.

A further exacerbation of tensions among the imperialist powers

The major European powers, Germany, France and Britain, all deplored Trump’s pullout from the Iran nuclear accord, which has trashed their plans to capture Iranian markets and cash in on Tehran’s offer of lucrative oil and natural gas concessions.
The European powers are all frantically rearming with the aim of pursuing their own predatory interests on the world stage, under conditions of trade war, the erosion of US global hegemony, Washington’s turn to “America First” unilateralism and the rise of new powers.
But the European imperialists fear the explosive consequences of Washington’s reckless belligerence. A military clash between Iran and the US would set the Middle East ablaze, triggering a mass exodus of refugees, sending oil prices soaring, and unleashing a re-partition of the Mideast under conditions where the European powers lack the military means to as yet assert decisive influence.
Yesterday, German, French and British diplomats joined Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif and representatives of the other signatories of the Iran deal, China and Russia, to discuss how to prevent its total collapse.
The EU has sought to push back against the US sanctions, including invoking a law first passed in the 1990s to make it illegal for European companies to comply with US extraterritorial sanctions. It has also begun working on a scheme to enable trade with Iran using the euro, in lieu of the US dollar, or even through a barter system.
But European big business has no confidence that the EU will be able to protect them from the reach of US reprisals and are voting with their feet. Scores of major European firms have announced they are pulling out of Iran including Peugeot, Renault, Deutsche Telekom, Airbus, Volvo and Total, the French energy company that was awarded a huge share of Iran’s South Pars natural gas field.
Iran’s clerical bourgeois regime, which came to power by appropriating the mass working class-led revolution that toppled the Shah’s brutal US-backed absolutist regime in 1979, hoped through a rapprochement with the US and European imperialist powers that it could strengthen its hand against an increasingly restive working class and win recognition as a regional power.
Instead, three years after making sweeping concessions to secure the nuclear accord, it faces a rapacious Washington bent on forcing total capitulation, and a growing challenge from a working class angered by rampant social inequality and years of austerity.
In response, it has stepped up repression against the working class, while maneuvering on the world stage. The latter has included a combination of threats, including warnings that if Washington illegally blocks Iran from exporting its oil it will prevent Saudi Arabia and other US allies from shipping their oil via the Strait of Hormuz, and pledges to work with the European powers and to assist in the restabilizing the Middle East.
Yesterday, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, who has traveled to New York to attend the UN General Assembly, insisted Iran will stick with the nuclear accord and signaled Tehran would be ready to enter talks with the Trump administration if it returned to the 2015 deal.