War danger in Middle East exacerbates political crisis in Britain

Robert Stevens

Tensions continue to mount over the stand-off with Iran over its seizure of a British oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz last Friday, posing the danger of a catastrophic military conflict in the Middle East.

The Stena Impero, a Swedish-owned ship sailing under a British flag, was seized by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards for what they said was a violation of international maritime rules and regulations.

The crisis-ridden British Conservative government—which carried out an act of piracy, seizing an Iranian oil tanker off Gibraltar it still holds after nearly three weeks—responded with a series of threats against Iran, warning of “serious consequences.” Several meetings of its Cobra emergency security council have been convened at which it was agreed to beef up Britain’s military presence in the region, including in the Straits of Hormuz, a crowded 21-mile wide sea lane through which a fifth of all global oil and a third of the world’s liquefied natural gas passes.

On Sunday, UK Defence Minister Tobias Ellwood said Britain was considering a “series of options,” including freezing all Iran’s assets, if the tanker was not released.

Already agreed, according to reports in the Sun, is that a “British Astute-class nuclear-powered submarine, believed to be at sea already, is expected to head to the region within days.”

The Sun reported that “[t]he Royal Marines … would be authorised to use heavy-calibre machine guns, snipers and light anti-tank missiles to deter Iranian forces.”

Also being deployed is HMS Duncan, a Type 45 air-defence destroyer, to back up another UK warship already in the region, HMS Montrose. A Royal Navy support ship, RFA Cardigan Bay, is based in Bahrain, with the newspaper reporting that “HMS Kent, another Type 23 anti-submarine frigate, is due to depart for the Gulf in five weeks.”

While the public position is that all options are on the table, the Daily Telegraph reported Saturday evening that “[t]he UK is believed to have asked its US ally to initially refrain from making inflammatory public statements about the seizure of the Stena Impero by Iran as they sought a diplomatic solution to the crisis.”

It said, “[Foreign Secretary] Jeremy Hunt … spoke with his counterpart [US] Mike Pompeo, who was in Argentina, on Friday night. British and US officials continued to speak through the night on Friday. White House officials did not push back on reports that the UK conveyed a message to the US that it wanted to try to de-escalate the situation.”

The Strait of Hormuz events have massively escalated the political crisis in Britain. Prime Minister Theresa May, who has been a lame duck for months—will almost certainly be replaced this week as Conservative party leader and prime minister by Hunt’s challenger—the pro-Brexit Boris Johnson.

May has been sidelined to such an extent that she reportedly did not attend Friday’s Cobra meeting, “not even by secure videolink” (according to Sky News), despite the fact that they are normally chaired by the prime minister.

Johnson, who resigned as May’s foreign secretary in July last year after less than a year in the position, is not a Cabinet minister and was not in attendance either. As the most prominent pro-Brexit Tory, Johnson advocates deepening ties with the US based on securing a post-Brexit free trade deal with the Trump administration. He has built up a close relationship with anti-European Union US president. Sky News reported Friday evening, “Boris Johnson had a secret call with Donald Trump yesterday…”

Given the vast geopolitical implications of Britain backing the Trump administration in any military action against Iran—with a population deeply hostile to any further imperialist plunder in the Middle East—Johnson and Hunt both felt the need to pledge that they would not back US military strikes against Iran in the Tory election hustings.

Several columnists in the nominally liberal and right-wing media have given voice to these qualms, opposing the UK becoming embroiled in another Middle East war for being against the “national interest.”

Simon Tisdall's Guardian column, “How Trump’s arch-hawk lured Britain into a dangerous trap to punish Iran,” argued that as a result of the seizure of Iran’s tanker, “Britain has been plunged into the middle of an international crisis it is ill-prepared to deal with. The timing could hardly be worse. An untested prime minister, presumably Boris Johnson, will enter Downing Street this week. Britain is on the brink of a disorderly exit from the EU, alienating its closest European partners. And its relationship with Trump’s America is uniquely strained.”

In the Financial Times, Gideon Rachman warned that Johnson, “[F]aces the prospect of having to deal with a major diplomatic crisis with Iran that could spiral into military conflict.”

Relations between the US, UK and European Union face meltdown as “A British decision to align its Iran policy with that of Washington, would probably finally kill off the EU’s efforts to keep the Iran nuclear accord alive.” Rachman added, “It would also represent the abandonment of a long-standing British foreign-policy position and might increase the chances of a military confrontation further down the road.”

Sections of the military and big business openly endorse the military build-up against Iran. Among those are Lord West, the former First Sea Lord and an ex-Labour government minister, who stated: “They [Iran] are the ones who escalated by attacking one of our merchant ships, so if they attack one of our merchant ships then they get their comeuppance.”

However, West also warned in a Guardian column Saturday, “A military response against Iran is not appropriate and, in any case, is beyond the capability of our armed forces acting alone.”

“But we should make it clear to the Iranians that, while up until now we have been trying to talk to Washington about easing sanctions, we will side with the US and strengthen sanctions unless Iran releases our ship and its crew.”

He warned, “Some powerful groups in Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United States want war and think a precision strike against key parts of Iran’s military capability would lead to regime change. They are wrong. It would lead to an open-ended war with catastrophic consequences across the region and the globe.”

West cautioned, “There are very real risks of a miscalculation or some foolhardy action leading to a war.” In comments aimed at Johnson and Hunt, he wrote, “despite what some people think, should a war start there is no way the UK could avoid being fully involved on the US side.”

The escalation of tensions over the last weeks demonstrates that the general tendency is towards military conflict. Every day Britain moves closer to the brink of war. The crisis is being seized on by those advocating a drastic increase in the UK’s military budget and the reversal of cuts to the Armed Forces.

The media of billionaire oligarch Report Murdoch has served as a long-time conduit for airing these positions. Deborah Haynes, the foreign affairs editor at Sky News and previously defence editor at Murdoch’s Times, has been exposed as part of the UK group of journalists who are members of the UK “cluster” of the Integrity Initiative (II). The II was set up by the London-based Institute of Statecraft to spread propaganda on behalf of British imperialism.

Haynes wrote in a Sky News editorial this weekend of the “reality that the Royal Navy no longer has sufficient warships to dedicate to escorting maritime traffic through the Gulf and at the same time maintain its other commitments around the world.”

Referring to the decrease in the size of the UK’s military arsenal, she bemoaned, “The degradation of the Royal Navy and the rest of the armed forces has been a political choice since the end of the Cold War.”

She continued, “Defence experts have warned for years that the moment when Britain finally acknowledges what some see as a self-inflicted act of national vandalism (in terms of cost-saving cuts to the military) will be when we suffer a defeat or catastrophic failure on the international stage.

“Could the seizure of the Stena Impero tanker be that wake-up call?”

“Longer term, let the limitations the Gulf crisis has exposed in Britain's defences prompt the next prime minister to invest sufficient money, strategic thought and innovation into rebuilding the armed forces so the UK is not caught short again.”

Haynes insisted, “More immediately, defence chiefs need to be empowered by their political leaders to adopt a stronger stance on Iran.”

The Bretton Woods Agreement 75 years on

Nick Beams

The 75th anniversary of the conclusion of the Bretton Woods conference, which played a key role in laying the foundations for the restabilisation of the world capitalist economy after the devastation of two world wars and the Great Depression of the 1930s, thereby opening the way for the post-war capitalist boom.

Three quarters of a century on, the world capitalist system faces an eruption of the very disasters that shook it to its foundations and gave rise to revolutionary struggles by the working class, beginning with the October 1917 revolution in Russia.

The participants at the conference, the representatives of the allied powers still engaged in the final stages of the war against Germany and Japan, were acutely conscious that what was at stake in their deliberations to establish a new world economic order was nothing less than the survival of their rule.

Speaking at the conclusion of the meeting, US Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau summed up its conclusions: “We have come to recognise that the wisest and most effective way to protect our national interest is through international cooperation—that is to say, through the united effort for the attainment of common goals.”

The fears driving this orientation were articulated in March 1945 in an address to Congress by US Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs William Clayton. Directing his remarks against the advocates of high tariffs, he warned that “world peace will always be gravely jeopardised by the kind of international economic warfare which was waged so bitterly between the two world wars,” and that “democracy and free enterprise will not survive another world war.”

That precisely describes the road on which the world is now headed—deepening economic conflict and war spearheaded by US imperialism under the presidency of Donald Trump.

In his inaugural address, Trump declared: “We must protect our borders from the ravages of other countries making our products, stealing our companies and destroying our jobs. Protection will lead to great prosperity and strength.” In the more than two years since, the US has carried out escalating economic warfare, hitting out at allies and rivals alike as it imposes tariffs or threatens them in the name of “national security.”

But no one should succumb to the illusion that the very policies the architects of the Bretton Woods agreement warned would lead to a catastrophe are simply the product of the Trump White House. In fact, the Democrats are even more bellicose. They have given their support to a resolution directed against the Chinese telecom giant Huawei that would prevent Trump, as part of any trade deal, lifting the crippling US sanctions imposed on it.

This bipartisan support points to the fact that the escalating trade war and the threat of world war are not the product of the psychology or mindset of a particular group of capitalist politicians that can be overcome by some kind of “course correction.” Rather, these processes are rooted in the deep-seated and intractable crisis of US imperialism, itself the product of the historical evolution of the world capitalist system in the three quarters of a century since Bretton Woods.

There were two key pillars of the Bretton Woods Agreement, one political and the other economic.

The political foundation, which made it possible for the leaders of world capitalism to come together to construct a new world economic order, was the betrayal by the Stalinist bureaucracy in the Soviet Union and the Stalinist Communist Parties around the world of the revolutionary struggles of the working class that had erupted in the 1920s and 1930s, and the renewed anti-capitalist struggles of workers throughout Europe and in much of Asia that were erupting as the war hurtled toward its bloody conclusion.

In the lead-up to the war, the Stalinist program of the popular front—an alliance with supposed democratic sections of the ruling classes—had led to the betrayal of the French working class in 1936 and the beheading of the Spanish working class in the civil war of 1936-39. The Stalinist bureaucracy, which had emerged as a result of defeats suffered by the European working class and the resulting isolation of the first workers’ state after the 1917 revolution, was now the chief prop of world imperialism.

In 1943, the Stalinist bureaucracy gave its guarantee to world imperialism of the role it would play in the post-war world when it dissolved the Communist International. This was underscored at the Yalta summit in February 1945 with British Prime Minister Churchill and US President Roosevelt. Stalin made it clear that the Soviet Union would support the return of capitalist governments in Western Europe after the war—a pledge that was honoured when the Stalinist parties entered bourgeois governments in France and Italy after the defeat of the Nazis and suppressed the drive of the working class for socialist revolution.

The economic foundation was the strength of US capitalism, whose industrial capacities had grown in the course of the war to such an extent that by 1945 it accounted for some 50 percent of world manufacturing.

Having secured the collaboration of the Stalinist parties, which enjoyed mass support in the working class because they were mistakenly seen as the continuators of the October Revolution and because of the pivotal role of the Red Army in defeating Nazi Germany, the US was able to use its economic strength to reconstruct world capitalism.

It did so, however, not out of altruism, but because the restabilization of capitalism in war-devastated Europe and Asia suited the interests of American imperialism. It was recognised in US ruling circles that if Europe and the rest of the world were returned to the conditions of the 1930s, the American economy, dependent on an expansion of the world market, would face disaster, and, notwithstanding the political role of Stalinism, the outcome would be the eruption of revolutionary struggles in Europe and the US itself.

From the outbreak of World War 1 in 1914, the Marxist movement had analysed that the eruption of global war was the outcome of the contradiction between the development of world economy and the division of the world into rival nation-states, which gave rise to ever more violent conflicts among the imperialist powers. Defending their own interests, involving centrally the struggle for markets, profits and resources, each of these powers sought to resolve the contradiction between world economy and the nation-state by establishing itself as the pre-eminent world power, leading to a war of each against all.

This contradiction found expression in the Bretton Woods monetary system, which was intended to minimize conflicts among the major capitalist powers. Defending the interests of British imperialism, economist John Maynard Keynes proposed the establishment of an international currency, the “bancor,” to finance global trade and investment transactions. The essence of the Keynes plan was to make the US subject to the same discipline as the other major powers, thereby lessening its dominance.

The “bancor” plan was flatly rejected and the US dollar was made the basis of a refashioned international monetary system. For all the rhetoric about the need for international collaboration, American hegemony was enshrined in the Bretton Woods agreement. The only constraint was that the dollar was to be exchangeable for gold at the rate of $35 per ounce.

The contradiction between world economy and the national system was not overcome, but only suppressed, under the Bretton Woods system. It would come to the surface again.

The Bretton Woods monetary agreement, together with other measures such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the reconstruction of the world economy through the use of more advanced American production technologies, gave rise to an economic expansion in all the major capitalist economies. During the ensuing post-war boom, the conventional wisdom was that capitalism had overcome the disasters of the previous half-century and the global economy could be successfully managed.

But the Bretton Woods monetary system contained an inherent contradiction. The more it promoted the expansion of the world market and the development of other capitalist economies—Germany, France, the UK and Japan—the more it undermined both the relative and absolute economic supremacy of the US on which the system was based.

This contradiction, which had already been identified by the early 1960s, exploded to the surface on August 15, 1971, when President Nixon, faced with a gold drain, unilaterally announced in a Sunday night television broadcast that henceforth the US would not redeem dollars for gold.

Nixon’s actions—which also included a wage freeze on US workers and a 10 percent surcharge on imports—were aimed at maintaining the dominance of American imperialism over the world economy and its financial system. But the decline of US economic supremacy, both relative and absolute, only accelerated in the ensuing years. The establishment of a fiat currency, freed from backing by gold, was one of the major factors in the rise and rise of finance capital over the past four decades.

The US pre-eminence in industrial production steadily eroded, to the extent that it now ranks behind both China and the European Union, and profit accumulation has become increasingly dependent on speculation and financial market operations.

The case of Huawei—one of the key targets of the Trump administration and the American military and intelligence establishment—is a graphic expression of this process. It has been targeted because it is on the front line of the development of 5G mobile phone technology, which will have a major impact on the development of industrial capacity via the internet.

Huawei is now deemed an existential threat to a country that pioneered vast advances in technology going back to the latter years of the 19th century, because there is no comparable US firm. The reason for this absence is that profit-making in the US has become increasingly dependent on short-term gains and financial manipulations at the expense investment and the development of the productive forces.

Three quarters of a century after the Bretton Woods Agreement, all the contradictions of the world capitalist system it sought to suppress have come bursting to the surface once again. They assume their most explosive form in the drive by US imperialism to reassert its hegemony by implementing the kind of tariff and protectionist measures that gave rise to the disasters of the 1930s, now augmented by technology bans, as well as by means of war.

The issue confronting the world working class is that set out by Leon Trotsky in the early years of the imperialist epoch, with the outbreak of World War 1. In 1915, he wrote that the perspective of world socialist revolution and the socialist organisation of economy had to become the practical program of the day guiding the struggles of the working class. That analysis is truer than ever as the contradictions of the capitalist system drive towards another world conflagration.

Concerns over Chinese Naval Base in Cambodia Simmer

Vijay Sakhuja 


Cambodia’s Prime Minister, Hun Sen’s, repeated assertion that his country’s constitution has no provision for accommodating foreign military bases on its soil and that there were no plans to bring about any amendments to the constitution to facilitate such projects has not cut ice with the US. Instead, a media blitzkrieg has been unleashed and the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) published an article about a secret agreement between Cambodia and China under which the latter would have access to the Cambodian naval and military facility at the Ream Naval Base for 30 years and the lease would be renewed automatically every ten years. Furthermore, the WSJ article argues that the China-backed Dara Sakor project, about 40 miles from Ream, is part of Beijing’s plans to establish a foothold in Southeast Asia to “enforce territorial claims and economic interests in the South China Sea.” The Chinese built civil and military facilities in Cambodia would complicate matters for the US military should it decide to support Taiwan in any crisis as “some American forces would arrive via the Strait of Malacca or the outer reaches of the South China Sea,” the article adds.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Hun Sen has dismissed WSJ’s insinuation, labeling the report as “the worst distorted news,” and a Cambodian official termed the reportage as ‘Fake News’. Unlike Cambodia, the Spokesperson of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Geng Shuang, was not very specific in his response, and stated that the issue should not be “over interpreted.” Earlier in June, during the Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore, China’s Defense Minister, Gen Wei Fenghe, had denied that Beijing was setting up a military presence in Cambodia, and had dismissed the issue. 

Speculations regarding Chinese interest in accessing or building military related infrastructure in Cambodia have been around in the US and Asian strategic circles for quite some time. But the current suspicions began in June 2018 after Cambodia refused the US’s offer to restore a training facility and boat depot at the Ream Naval Base built by them, fueling rumors that Cambodia was under pressure from China, which wanted access to the facility for the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). Based on internal assessments relevant to this matter, US Vice President, Mike Pence, dispatched a letter to Prime Minister Hun Sen wherein the former expressed concerns over a possible Chinese naval base in Cambodia. 

If one is to go by the aerial photographs, graphics, and satellite images shared in the WSJ article and other reports relating to development projects, it is possible to conclude that China has swamped Cambodia and massive infrastructure is being developed in and around Sihanoukville, Koh Kong, including at Dara Sakor.

The Koh Kong port development project is spread over 45,000 hectares and can emerge as the Mecca of tourism in the future. In 2008, the Cambodian government had leased this prime real estate to the Union Development Group (UDG), a private property developer based in Tianjin, China, on a 99-year lease at a rent of “just US$1 million per year.” The property would be returned to Cambodia in 2108 after the lease expires. The project involves building casinos, golf courses and luxury resorts for leisure and entertainment, and the 20-kilometer long coastline would serve as a deep water port to service cruise liners that would arrive with Chinese tourists. The Koh Kong port is also linked to Dara Sakor airport, which is currently being constructed by the UDG. This airport would have a 3,400-meter long runway—longer than that of the international airport at Phnom Penh, and may possess some features suggesting that it could stage military aircraft too. 

There are a number of Chinese bankrolled entertainment destinations and infrastructure projects in Cambodia, including in Phnom Penh. In particular, Sihanoukville is the leading commercial hub and Chinese entities own 90 per cent of the businesses, ranging from hotels, casinos, restaurants and massage parlours. Roads and highways are under construction across the country with Chinese financial assistance, and dams are coming up on the Mekong River. To be fair, it merits acknowledgement that Cambodia is a maritime state and engages in international commerce through the Sihanoukville Autonomous Port on the Gulf of Siam. It is the only major deep sea port in the country and the Port of Phnom Penh on the Mekong River is a small container hub. The third port—Koh Kong—which is currently in the eye of the storm, would only help it to develop economically.

Finally, it is not extraordinary for countries to develop and build maritime and aviation infrastructure which are used for commercial as well as military purposes. Additionally, it is not unusual to see both commercial vessels and warships berthed in the same port, but they are generally separated by physical barricades or boundary walls. Likewise, there are several airports across the globe that service civil aviation requirements as well as for the militaries. Thus, it is important to tone down exaggerated geostrategic concerns over Koh Kong and Dara Sakor and their possible military use.

Netaji Subhas/ICAR International Fellowships 2019/2020 for Agriculture Scholars – India

Application Deadline: 30th August, 2019

Eligible Countries: International

To be taken at (country): Select Agriculture Universities in India and abroad

About the Award: The NS-ICARIFs are available for pursuing doctoral degree in agriculture and allied sciences, in the identified priority areas, to the (i) Indian candidates for study abroad in the identified overseas Universities/Institutions having strong research and teaching capabilities and (ii) to overseas candidates for study in the Indian Agricultural Universities (AUs) in the ICAR-AUs system.

Eligible Fields of Study: Crop Sciences, Horticulture, Biotechnology and nanotechnology, Animal Sciences, Natural Resource Management, Agricultural Engineering and Fisheries.

Type: Fellowship, PhD (Doctoral Degree in Agriculture and Allied Sciences)

Eligibility: 

• Master’s degree in agriculture/allied sciences with an Overall Grade Point Average (OGPA) 6.60 out of 10.0 or 65% marks or equivalent will be the eligibility requirement for the NS-ICAR IFs.
• The fresh candidates should not be more than 35 years of age on the last date prescribed for receipt of applications. The upper age limit for In-service candidates will be 40 years on the last date for receipt of applications.
• Age on the closing date for receipt of applications will be considered for eligibility. 
• Also, date of completion of qualifying degree will be the date of completion of both course and thesis work as declared by the university. Netaji Subhas- ICAR IF would be available for both, fresh and in-service candidates. However, the fresh candidates should have completed their qualifying degree not more than two years before the specified date in the year of admission. The in-service candidates from India should be employed in the ICAR-AU system.
• The Council will identify and announce the priority areas of research and the list of institutions for admission, one year in advance, for availing the Netaji Subhas- ICAR IFs.

Number of Awardees: Thirty(30) fellowships

Value of Scholarship: The fellow will be entitled to the following:

• To-and-fro, economy class air ticket for international travel, by the shortest route, from the airport, nearest to the residence/ work place of the candidate to the airport, nearest to the destination University in respect of both Indian and Overseas candidates (Air tickets to be provided by the Council).
• The fellows will be entitled for economy-class-travel cost reimbursement from port of arrival in India to the destination University in India and back.
• Indian Rupee 40,000 per month
• The fellowship amount for the first six months, as first installment, will be released by the Council to the fellow through government notified/ approved bank to be deposited in the bank account of the fellow on receiving his/ her acceptance for the fellowship and admission letter received from the host University.
• Thereafter, the amount of fellowship will be released to the fellow, every six months, after receiving the academic progress report from the fellow duly certified by the concerned advisor/ supervisor/ head of institution.
• The fellow will meet all other costs including medical insurance etc. from the above fellowship or from his/ her own resources.
• During the tenure of fellowship, an in-service fellow may continue to receive his/her salary, types of leave and benefits etc. from the parent organization as per rules.

Duration of Scholarship: Three (3) years

How to Apply: Application should be submitted (one hard copy by post and one soft copy by email) to the Assistant Director General (EQR), Education Division, ICAR, Krishi Anusandhan Bhavan II, Pusa, New Delhi-110012 (email: nsicarif@gmail.com).

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British Ecological Society (BES) Grants 2020 for Ecologists in Africa

Application Deadline: 9th September 2019 at 17:00 (BST).

Offered Annually? Twice in a Year

Eligible Countries: African countries

About the Award: This grant provides support for ecologists in Africa to carry out innovative ecological research. We recognise that ecologists in Africa face unique challenges in carrying out research; our grant is designed support you to develop your skills, experience and knowledge base as well as making connections with ecologists in the developed world. We support excellent ecological science in Africa by funding services and equipment.

Type: Grants

Eligibility: Applicants should:

• be a scientist and a citizen of a country in Africa or its associated islands, that is a ‘low-income economy’ or ‘lower-middle-income economy’ according to the World Bank categorisation
• have at least an MSc or equivalent degree
• be working for a university or research institution in Africa (including field centres, NGOs, museums etc.) that provides basic research facilities
• carry out the research in a country in Africa or its associated islands

Selection Criteria:

• The application will be judged by a panel of reviewers on the basis of your personal qualifications, the scientific excellence, novelty and feasibility of the proposal, and the academic and non-academic impact of the planned research.
• You should demonstrate that you have made connections with ecologists in a developed country that can provide advice during the proposed project. If international travel is part of the application, you should demonstrate close links with those they propose to visit.
• Funding is available for any area of ecological science excluding research focused solely on agriculture, forestry and bioprospecting. Please note that neither purely descriptive work nor studies that might be considered incremental will be funded.
• The proposed project could be part of an existing programme but the application should be for a clearly defined piece of research. Researchers must also show how their research will have a wider impact beyond academia.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: 

• The maximum value of a grant is £8,000 for research.
• An additional sum up to £2,000 may be requested to fund travel to help you develop connections with other ecologists outside your usual peer group.
• Travel funds are available to spend time working with ecologists in developed countries where facilities and experience will help you on return to your own institution.
• Successful applicants also receive two years of free BES membership and free online access to our journals.

Duration/Timeline of Program: The proposed work must be completed within 18 months.

Apply Online

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: British Ecological Society

Important Notes: Applicants are only able to submit one grant application per round, across all grant schemes.

Sustainable Development and Global Justice (SUSTJUSTICE) Postgraduate Scholarships 2020/2021 for Students from Developing Countries

Application Deadline: 30th September 2019

Eligible Countries: 

• VLIR-UOS Countries are eligible for scholarships. Self-funded applicants from other countries of the world may apply.
• Check the last updated eligible VLIR-UOS Countries here. 

To be Taken at (Country): Belgium

About the Award: SUSTJUSTICE is a comprehensive teaching programme based on the research lines of the Law and Development Research Group. It builds upon four editions (2016-2019) of the Sustainable Development and Human Rights Programme (SUSTLAW). SUSTJUSTICE is embedded into the English Master of Laws (LLM) taught at the Faculty of Law of the University of Antwerp. 
The programme combines it’s primary focus on law with a inter-disciplinary approachthat takes into account the complex nature of the topic. Additionally, it brings together the knowledge and exptertise of the Global South and the Global North for a unique educational experience. SUSTJUSTICE is comprised of four compulsory courses: International Law and Sustainable Development, Human Rights and Global Justice, Law in Developing Countries and External Actors in Aid, Trade and Investment. In a period of 11 intensive weeks, the teaching combines theoretical insights in the classroom with practical assignments such as role-plays, negotiations, moot-courts and writing assignments such as policy briefs and short academic papers. This methodology is aimed at preparing the participants to be change-catalysts in their professional life and in their communities.  

Type: Short course

Eligibility:

• SUSTJUSTICE is a post-graduate level programme and the completion of bachelor-level education is an entry requirement.
• Participants will be selected on the basis of their previous and current studies or practice(attesting to a basic knowledge of human rights and international law) as well as their demonstrated interest as attested by a personal statement of motivation addressing how they envisage the ITP to impact their professional life, career development as well as their current institution and the societies in which they live.
• The applicants will also be asked to provide a letter of recommendation from their current or former institution. Scholarship applicants should be employed at the time of selection and will be asked to provide a proof of employment and a letter from their current employer confirming re-integration in a professional context after the completion of the programme.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: A limited number of scholarships have been awarded to successful applicants from VLIR-UOS list of developing countries for previous editions of the programme. The scholarships cover the programme fees, travel expenses, visa costs, insurance and an allowance (that cover accommodation and daily expenses). The list of VLIR-UOS countries whose citizens are eligible to apply for a scholarship are listed below.

Duration of Award: 3 months

How to Apply: 

• Grant of scholarships for SUSTJUSTICE 2020 is subject to VLIR-UOS’s approval of the program. Confirmation of availability of scholarships can only be given after September 2019.
• The application form is available here.  

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UNHCR 100th International Refugee Law Course 2019 (Fully-funded)

Application Deadline: 6th September 2019

Eligible Countries: Countries in the Global South

To be Taken at (Country): France

About the Award: The Course will cover the principles, objectives and programme of action set by the GCR and will allow participants to strengthen their teaching skills and capacity to develop training modules through sessions devoted to instructional design and learning methodologies. During the week, the curricula will focus on the key elements of refugee protection, ranging from the legal framework to refugee participation and solutions. 
Thanks to the support of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the Institute is launching the 100th International Refugee Law Course – Special Edition, with a focus on the GCR.

Type: Short course

Eligibility: The 100th Course is tailored and dedicated to representatives of national governmental training institutions and academics from the Global South.

Number of Awards: 25

Value of Award: There are two types of scholarships granted by IIHL:

• A full scholarship which includes (1) return ticket in economy class from the nearest international airport in the country of residence to Nice (France); (2) shuttle Nice-Sanremo-Nice; (3) accommodation on a full board basis in Sanremo; (4) registration fees and documentation.
• A half scholarship which includes (1) shuttle Nice-Sanremo-Nice; (2) accommodation on a full board basis in Sanremo; (3) registration fees and documentation.

All other expenses will have to be borne by the participants.

Duration of Award: 21-26 October 2019

How to Apply: Government officials working in training national institutions and academics from the Global South, with experience on refugee issues, are invited to apply following this link!

• It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

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Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa (OSIEA) Grants 2019

Application Deadline: Ongoing

About the Award: OSIEA plays an active role in encouraging open, informed dialogue on issues of importance in Eastern Africa. Through a combination of grant making, advocacy and convening power, OSIEA is able to support and amplify the voices of pro-democracy organizations and individuals in the region and to strengthen their capacity to hold their governments accountable. This includes efforts to defend and support rights activists and pro-democracy advocates who come under attack for their work. 
OSIEA occupies a unique niche as a donor organization in Eastern Africa. We are both a donor and implementor working locally and internationally, which gives us an enormous flexibility in terms of reach and impact. We join processes that are consultative and participatory. Our ability to be flexible in our funding criteria allows us to respond quickly to changing situations. We add our own voice to debates and are not shy to take on rights issues that are deemed as politically sensitive or controversial. 
We support initiatives with a demonstrated capacity to positively transform society in innovative ways that embrace inclusiveness and diversity.

Type: Grants

Eligibility: OSIEA supports projects in the following programmatic areas:

• Democratic governance and rule of law
• Economic governance
• Health and rights
• Equality and non-discrimination

The Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa does not fund travel to attend conferences, seminars or workshops.
It also does not provide scholarships for individual studies.

Number of Awards: Not specified

How to Apply: Please submit proposals to info@osiea.org.

• It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

AppsAfrica Innovation Awards 2019 for Innovative African Mobile and Tech Ventures

Application Deadline: 11th September 2019

Eligible Countries: African countries

To Be Taken At (Country): Africa Tech Summit Kigali, Rwanda.

About the Award: The AppsAfrica.com Innovation Awards identify and celebrate the leading African innovations from across the continent, providing winners with global publicity across multiple channels, recognition and networking with 300+ industry peers and investors at the Awards party.

Categories: There are 14 categories. Applications are welcome from mobile or technology ventures with services launched in at least one African market for the following award categories;

1. 1. Disruptive Innovation Award: Business models are being disrupted across the continent using technology and innovation. This award seeks to recognise the disruptive innovations and new business models that are changing Africa. Entries open across all sectors.
   2. Health Tech Award: This award celebrates the use of technology to improve health services in Africa. Entries may include a new service, device, software, hardware or use of apps, SMS, IVR or social media.
   3. Best African App Award: This award recognises the best applications successfully launched on any platform to target African consumers or businesses. Entries are welcome across all sectors and platforms.
   4. Enterprise Solution Award: This award celebrates enterprise services across Africa. Entries welcome from innovative ventures and mobile services streamlining, improving and helping business across Africa.
   5. Blockchain Award: Few technologies have received as much attention in Africa as blockchain over the past year. This award will recognise initiatives that are utilising blockchain technology to increase the speed, efficiency, accuracy, transparency or cost-effectiveness of any sector in Africa.
   6. Media & Entertainment Award: Mobile news and entertainment is now a burgeoning industry across Africa. This award seeks to recognise the best news and entertainment innovations. Examples include music, literary, gaming, children’s entertainment, lifestyle and video.
   7. Educational Award: Delivering education has many challenges in Africa. This award recognises services which are striving to improve education by utilising mobile or other technologies.
   8. Fintech Award: This award recognises the best fintech innovation including digital currency, bitcoin, mobile money, wallets, P2P, money remittances & transfers, point of sale or funding platforms.
   9. Agritech Award: This award recognises the best tech innovations driving agriculture across the continent. This includes but is not limited to hardware, software, drones, big data, IoT services, mobile services or any technology supporting farmers, improving yields or supply chains in Africa.
   10. Social Impact Award: This award recognises an inspiring use of technology that has a positive social impact for an African community while contributing to economic and social development.
   11. IoT  Award: This award recognises the most innovative internet of things (IoT) applications, devices, products or services from brands, companies, agencies or platforms that have excelled in utilising IoT across Africa in any sector.
   12. mCommerce Award: This award is dedicated to celebrating the new wave of mobile commerce initiatives across Africa. Entrants might include online platforms, retail brands, portals, apps, classifieds, comparison sites and many more driving mCommerce across Africa.
   13. Changing Africa Award: This award seeks to recognise the leading companies driving game changing initiatives across Africa for the masses. Entrants might include MNO’s, leading tech platforms, hardware providers, banks, connectivity providers, OEM’s or any tech company driving progress across multiple African countries in any sector. 
       
   14. Mobility Award: This award seeks to recognise the leading ventures using technology such as hardware, software, robotics, drones or innovative mobile services that improve mobility, logistics or supply chains in an African market.

Type: Contest

Eligibility: 

• The Appsafrica.com awards celebrate the positive impact in 14 categories from ventures who can clearly demonstrate innovation using mobile or technology to meet the needs of any African market.
• The awards are open to all individuals or entities who can clearly demonstrate suitability for the categories entered.

Selection: Applications will be assessed by a team of expert judges who are selected based on their knowledge, influence and contribution to the improvement of technology and business in Africa.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: Award winners benefits include;

• AppsAfrica.com Innovation Award
• Global exposure across multiple media channels
• Exhibition space at Africa Tech Summit (ATS) 2020
• 2 x delegate passes to ATS 2020
• Global online publicity on AppsAfrica.com
• One years MEF Membership (one overall winner selected by MEF)
• Online publicity in MEF global newsletter

Timeline of Program: Shortlisted finalists will be announced in October 2019.

How to Apply: Enter your submission in your preferred category.

Visit Program Webpage for Details

Award Providers: AppsAfrica

Lutheran World Federation (LWF) Scholarships in Theology, Diaconal and Development 2020 for Developing Countries

Application Deadline: 1st October 2019.

Eligible Countries: Developing countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean.

About the Award: Through the LWF scholarships program LWF works alongside its member churches in developing their capacity to serve effectively in their contexts. The scholarship program helps churches to acquire qualified personnel for spiritual care and diaconal work. The main criteria for a candidate approval is the church’s corresponding need to increase its human and institutional capacity, either in areas of theology or diakonia/development.

Type: Undergraduate, Masters, PhD/Postdoctoral, Research

Eligibility: 

• Church affiliation of the candidate: Only applications from active members of LWF member churches are considered. All applications must be endorsed and submitted by the church. No applications submitted by individuals will be considered.
• Nationality of the candidate: Only candidates from developing countries are eligible for scholarships in fields of diakonia/development. The theological scholarships are, in principle, open to candidates from all regions and countries.
• Age limits: Only candidates up to a certain age are eligible for LWF scholarships, depending on the pursued degree:

  Degree	Maximum age at the time of application*
  Bachelor degrees	35
  Master degrees	40
  Doctorate	45
  Post-doctoral/research	50
  *Special considerations: For candidates who are church employees at the time of application, age limits may be exceeded by up to 7 years for female candidates and up to 5 years for male candidates. For candidates who are actively engaged in the church’s theological or diaconal work at the time of application, age limits may be exceeded by up to 5 years for female candidates and up to 3 years for male candidates. Relatively higher consideration is made for female candidates due to social and cultural factors which cause them to pursue studies later.

Selection Criteria: 

• HICD needs of the church: The proposed training field and degree has to respond well to the human and institutional capacity development needs of the church. The requesting church must demonstrate convincingly how a given application would meet a specific and crucial personnel need in its overall ministry in church and society.
• Current and future position of the candidate: All candidates are expected to have been in the service of the church and/or community as employees or volunteers. There has to be a clear commitment by the church to engage the candidate as employee or volunteer in an area related to the proposed training after completion of the candidate’s studies/training.
• Quality of the application: The candidate must demonstrate convincingly his/her commitment, ability and motivation to pursue the training and to support the church afterwards (good educational and professional qualifications, recommendations and certificates, convincing character).
• Study place. The LWF encourages candidates to study in their home country or home region. In case a study or training program abroad is proposed, convincing reasons must be given in the application.
• Gender and youth quota: At least 40% of the approved candidates will be female; at least 20% will be youth below the age of 30 years. These quotas will not only apply to the overall approvals, but also to each church and region.
• Regional balance: The LWF seeks to ensure that candidates from different regions, countries and churches are being supported.

Number and Value of Awards: In total, 50-70 scholarships will be awarded for studies in diaconia and development and 20-25 for theological studies.

Duration of Programme:  

• Regular scholarships for study programs of at least 1 year: The candidates are approved for at least 1 year of support to take up or complete their proposed study program. For candidates who have already started with their study program, this means that the study program has to last for at least 1.5 years at the time of application, hence 1 year at the time of approval.
• Short-term scholarships for training of up to 6 months: The candidates are approved for a short-term training which may last up to 6 months. This may include training courses, workshops, exchange programs or research projects which respond to the needs of the applying church. Application forms and selection criteria are the same as for regular scholarships.

How to Apply: 

• Application Form for LWF Scholarships: The application form has to be filled in by both the candidate, his/her congregational pastor and the head office of the endorsing church. The Step-by-Step Guidance on How to Complete the Application Form should be read carefully beforehand.
• Attachments to the Application Form: Applications are considered incomplete without attachments.
• Human Resource Capacity Profile of the Applying Church: Each applying church is supposed to provide information on its overall human resource needs by completing or updating the form.

A maximum of 5 applications per church may be submitted. They should be sent as a scan to scholarships@lutheranworld.org; the hard copies should be sent to:
The Lutheran World Federation
Department for Mission and Development
Diakonia and Development Desk
P.O. Box 2100 CH-1211 Geneva 2
Switzerland

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ) International PhD Fellowship 2020

Application Deadline: 5^th January 2020. (Interviews from 3^rd to 5^th March 2020, by invitation only)

Eligible Countries: International

To be Taken at (Country): Germany

About the Award: The DKFZ is Germany’s largest biomedical research institute and has an international and dynamic work environment, providing students with access to state-of-the-art research facilities and exceptional resources. More than 500 PhD students in over 100 divisions and research groups carry out research to unravel the causes and mechanisms of cancer development and to identify novel tools for diagnosis, treatment and prevention.

Type: Research

Eligibility: Applicants still studying for their master’s degree should anticipate to receive it not later than 6 months after they have been accepted to the PhD program. A transcript or provisional certificate from the university, stating the examination marks already obtained, should be provided. During completion of the online application form you will be required to upload a scanned copy of your certificates as a JPEG or PDF file of not more than 3MB.

Number of Awards: Numerous

Value of Award:

• All PhD positions at the DKFZ are fully funded for three years. The salaries are competitive by national standards. There is no tuition fee.
• Doctoral researchers awarded a PhD position through the biannual selection roundsare funded either by a DKFZ PhD contract (65 % of a TVöD EG 13) or by third-party funding from their group leader.
• In addition to DKFZ PhD positions, the DKFZ offers scholarships to international PhD candidates in collaboration with the DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service) within the Graduate School Scholarship Programme.

Duration of Award: 3 years

How to Apply:

• It is important to go through all FAQ and other application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Ireland-Africa Fellows Programme 2020/2021 Postgraduate Scholarship for Young Africans

Application Deadline: 28th August 2019

Eligible Countries: Burundi, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe.

To be Taken at (Country): Ireland

Field(s) of Study: The final directory of programmes will be available in early August. Choose from courses in areas such as agriculture, health, education, human rights, computer science, engineering, business and more.

About the Award: Through the programme, early career professional women and men, with leadership potential, from eligible countries will avail of relevant postgraduate study opportunities in Irish higher education institutions. On completion of their studies, graduates will have acquired relevant skills and knowledge and be better capacitated and positioned to influence the advancement of national social, economic and development priorities. Fostering women’s leadership capacity will be a priority. On return, graduates are expected to resume work and put their acquired skills into good use for the benefit of their home countries
Studying at postgraduate level in Ireland offers a unique opportunity to join programmes that are driving innovation and changing lives worldwide. Applicants can choose from almost 200 postgraduate programmes specially selected to enhance capacity in line with stated country development goals and the strategy of the Irish Embassy. The range of courses includes development studies, gender studies, climate related rural development, health care, education and strategic management.

Type: Masters

Eligibility: To be eligible for an Ireland-Africa Fellows Programme scholarship commencing at the beginning of the academic year 2020 applicants must:

• Be a resident national of one of the following countries: Burundi, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
• Have a minimum of two or three years’ relevant work experience (this can include internships and volunteering positions), depending on the country (details provided in the application form).
• Hold a bachelor’s level academic qualification from an accredited and government-recognised higher education institution, with a minimum grade point average of 75% – i.e. a first class honour, or second class honour, Grade 1 (in some cases a second class honour Grade 2 may be accepted).
• Not already hold a qualification at master’s level or higher.
• Be applying to commence a new course at master’s level in Ireland no sooner than August/September 2020.
• Be able to demonstrate leadership abilities and aspirations, as well as commitment to the achievement of the SDGs within your own country.
• Have identified and selected two relevant courses from the Ireland-Africa Fellows Programme Directory of Eligible Courses.
• Have a clear understanding of the academic and English language proficiencies required for both courses chosen.
• Must not have applied for any Irish Aid Fellowship programme on more than one previous occasion.
• Be in a position to take up the scholarship in the academic year 2020/2021.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value and Duration of Award: The programme offers selected students the opportunity to undertake a fully-funded one-year master’s programme at a prestigious higher education institution (HEI) in Ireland. The award covers course fees, flights, and accommodation and living costs. Eligible master’s courses in Ireland commence in August or September each year and, depending on the course, will run for between 10 and 16 months. The Programme promotes equal opportunity and welcomes diversity.

How to Apply: Please read the Applicants Guidance Note carefully before completing as eligibility criteria may differ from country to country. 

The application process consists of three stages:

• Stage 1   Preliminary Application;
• Stage 2   Detailed Application;
• Stage 3   Interviews.

All applicants who are selected to go forward to second stage will be required to sit an IELTS exam, unless they are already in possession of an IELTS certificate that is dated 2018 or later at the time of application which shows the applicant has achieved the necessary score for the course they intend to apply to. Early preparation for the IELTS exam is strongly advised, even for native English speakers.

• It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

McDonald’s: Stop Exploiting Our Schools

Cecily Myart-Cruz

Corporate America is looming larger and larger in U.S. public schools. That’s not a good thing for educators, students, or workers.

Nowhere could this be more clear than the case of McDonald’s, whose founder once scouted locations for new stores by flying over communities and looking for schools. The fast food giant pioneered methods of attracting school children to its stores — from Happy Meals to marketing schemes like McTeacher’s Nights.

McTeacher’s Nights have become almost commonplace in many parts of the country. Here’s how they work.

Teachers and other public school employees prompt students and parents to eat at their local McDonald’s on an otherwise slow night. Then teachers volunteer their time behind the cash register, serving students and their families junk food, while McDonald’s workers are often told not to go in that night for their shift.

A small amount of the proceeds — about $1 to $2 per student — then goes back to the school.

Many students have grown up with these seemingly innocuous fundraisers. Hundreds, if not thousands, happen across the U.S. each year, according to Corporate Accountability and the Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood.

Meanwhile, thanks to gross underfunding of public schools, such fundraisers get less scrutiny than they should. Beyond the obvious problem of enlisting teachers — the people children trust most, next to their parents — to serve young people junk food, there’s also the issue of labor rights.

Teachers are already woefully underpaid for the service they provide our communities. McTeacher’s Nights engage these teachers to volunteer additional hours, often displacing low-income McDonald’s workers in the process.

What results is what one former McDonald’s CEO described as philanthropy that’s “99 percent commercial” in nature. What do we call it? Exploitation.

Teachers need to be standing in solidarity with McDonald’s employees, not at cross-purposes. They are our students, family members, and our neighbors. For their long hours working on their feet, they are often paid poverty wages.

And as a recent report from the National Employment Law Project finds, the corporation is failing in its legal duty to provide employees a safe work environment. Dozens of women from California to Florida have filed complaints alleging sexual harassment by supervisors and co-workers in McDonald’s stores and franchises. And thousands of workers in 10 cities walked off the job to protest these abuses.

In the education field, we know the importance of a strong union to prevent abuses like these. Yet McDonald’s has been accused of union-busting, and even firing employees for attending Fight for $15 rallies to raise the minimum wage.

That’s why more than 50 state and local teachers unions have signed an open letter challenging McDonald’s CEO Steve Easterbrook to end McTeacher’s Nights. And this year, the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), representing 1.7 million members and 3,000 local affiliates, adopted a resolution rejecting all corporate-sponsored fundraisers for schools.

It’s time for McDonald’s and other corporations to stop exploiting our schools, children, and their own workforce. Until they do, we will continue to stand with McDonald’s workers in their fight for a living wage and a safe workplace — and for teachers fighting for the funding their local schools need.

We encourage others to stand with us.