26 Jun 2019

Minutes to disaster: Lessons to be learned from the confrontation with Iran

Andre Damon

On Thursday evening, the United States military was ten minutes away from launching a series of air and missile strikes on Iran that risked sparking a massive new war leading to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people.
The strikes were called off at the last moment, amid deep divisions at the highest levels of the White House and the Pentagon over the consequences—military, diplomatic and political—of what would likely be the single most dangerous and reckless action of the entire Trump presidency.
While Trump’s foreign policy team—headed by National Security Advisor John Bolton and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo—“unanimously” supported the attack, General Joseph Dunford, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, “cautioned about the possible repercussions of a strike, warning that it could endanger American forces,” the Times wrote.
According to the Wall Street Journal, Trump “changed his mind because he had second thoughts about the military and political consequences.” Or, as Stratfor, put it, “Trump, fearing a much bigger escalation, got cold feet.”
While much of the discussion has been centered on the American president’s last-minute decision, the entire episode underscores the recklessness that pervades all aspects of American foreign policy.
Discounting Trump’s claim that his decision to call off the bombing was motivated by squeamishness over the loss of 150 Iranian lives, it is evident that the United States came within minutes of launching a war whose military consequences it had not seriously examined.
The planned enterprise was based, again, on disastrous miscalculations, this one being that Iran would stand helplessly by as the US military launched yet another wave of bombings.
But Iran’s downing Thursday of a $130 million RQ-4 Global Hawk high-altitude spy plane, the nominal pretext for the planned strike, had clearly taken US officials by surprise.
As it turned out, Iran’s downing of the drone seemed at the last minute to have convinced sections of the military, and Trump himself, that the consequences of their planned assault on Iran could be far more serious than they had expected. If they were surprised by this development, what other surprises would have followed had a war begun?
The real reason for the reversal, to be blunt, was the fear that American warships could be sunk and American aircraft would be shot down, puncturing the myth of America’s military invincibility.
The American surveillance drone was shot down by a Raad air defense system, an Iranian surface-to-air missile generally regarded to be far less capable than the Russian-made S-300 and S-400 systems also available to the Iranian military.
The clear message was that Tehran was also capable of downing other aircraft, including American F-35 fighters that Trump routinely praises as “invisible,” or even the $2 billion B-2 Spirit “stealth” bomber.
Iran recently deployed a new range of anti-ship missiles, which it claims have the ability to sink American destroyers and carriers in the Gulf of Oman and Persian Gulf. “Commit the slightest stupidity, we will send these ships to the bottom of the sea along with their crew and planes,” Iranian General Morteza Qorbani warned RT.
The USS Abraham Lincoln [Credit: US Navy]
The strikes against Iran would likely have been carried out by the USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier and its associated battle group, consisting of at least three destroyers and one cruiser. But under these conditions, the US military was forced to see these ships not just as military assets, but as liabilities. What would be the consequences of Iran sinking a $2 billion destroyer and killing a substantial portion of its nearly 300 crew?
If Iran sank the Nimitz-class carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, with 5,000 sailors and airmen aboard, the consequences would be incalculable.
As a former member of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards told the Times, “What happened in the past 48 hours was extremely important in showing Iran’s strength and forcing the U.S. to recalculate… No matter how you look at it, Iran won.”
But the Iranians would be ill-advised to boast. The United States came within minutes of launching a war whose consequences had barely been considered. There is no reason to believe that the next incident will not have the catastrophic outcome that were narrowly avoided this time—whether against Iran or another target. (One need only recall that after nearly 250 American soldiers were killed in the 1983 Beirut barracks bombings, US President Reagan responded two days later by invading Grenada.)
The entire US foreign policy establishment, even if some are prepared to admit that there had been insufficient consideration of the consequences of an attack on Iran, are deeply frustrated by the outcome.
“The Trump administration should respond to these recent attacks with strikes of its own on Iranian and Houthi air-defense assets, offensive missile systems and Revolutionary Guard Corps bases,” wrote Michael G. Vickers, Obama’s undersecretary of defense for intelligence in the Washington Post. He added, “Failure to hit back will only embolden them further.”
Martha Raddatz, hosting ABC’s This Week, pressed the Texas war hawk Representative Mac Thornberry whether “anything less than a military retaliatory strike” would be proportional “after they shot down an $130 million drone in an unprovoked attack?”
The recklessness of the US threats against Iran can only be explained by the enormous crisis, global and domestic, that confronts American capitalism.
Trump does nothing more than give the most grotesque expression to the manic impulses of American imperialism. One moment he is within minutes of launching a missile strike against Iran, then he is talking about making “Iran great again,” and then he is threatening to “obliterate” the country.
This level of instability does not have its source in an individual. Trump himself is buffeted by forces that he is not even intellectually capable of understanding.
Thirty years of endless war have created a veritable cult of militarism within the American ruling elite, whose guiding assumption seems to be that wars can be waged without drastic global consequences, including for the United States itself.
There are parallels to the recklessness that prevailed before 1914, not to mention the desperation that led Hitler to launch the Second World War in 1939, and just 78 years ago yesterday, Nazi Germany’s catastrophic invasion of the Soviet Union.
The United States has responded to every foreign policy disaster—from the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq to the bombing of Syria and Libya—by preparing for new, and bigger, wars.
There does not exist any constituency within the American ruling elite or political establishment for opposing war, however catastrophic. American imperialism, as the World Socialist Web Site anticipated in 2003, has a “rendezvous with disaster.” Only the actions of the working class can prevent America’s capitalists, their generals, and their spies from taking the rest of humanity with them.

22 Jun 2019

Government of Colombia Master and PhD Scholarships 2019/2020 for International Students

Application Deadline: 28th June 2019

Offered Annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Addressed to all countries cooperating with Colombia, except ecuadorian, peruvian and french citizens as there is a program aimed to professionals from these countries.

To be taken at (country): Colombia

Type: Doctorate/ PhD, Masters, Research

Eligibility: Eligible candidates must:
  • be foreign professionals in the range of age between 25-49 years old
  • have undergraduate degree (university degree or bachelor) in different disciplines
  • have a grade point average of 4.0 on the Colombian scale of 1 to 5
  • at least 1 year of professional experience in their field of study.
  • The candidate must master the Spanish language (reading, writing and speaking)
  • He/she must deliver us a certificate of these competences and must have an admission letter from the Colombian educational institution in any career determined in the catalog annex to this call.
  • The candidate must not live in Colombia and must not have Colombian nationality
  • Prove minimum one year experience in their field of study, after obtaining the degree.
  • The candidate must have successfully completed college.
  • The academic program should start in the second semester of 2018. Admission to programs starting in 2019 will not be contemplated.
  • The documents must arrived through the embassies or directly to the International Relations Office of ICETEX in Bogotá-Colombia before the 28th June 2019.
Selection Criteria: 
  • Academic excellence
  • Coherence between the academic trajectory, work experience and academic program
  • Professional working experience
  • Study Project
  • Reciprocity on educational cooperation
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Program: :
  • TUITION: 100% coverage of all these costs granted by the Colombian universities (only for academic programs found in the catalog of this call).
  • INCIDENTAL: Grant of $221,384 COP) for once during the period of studies, just in case of circumstances beyond the beneficiary control.
  • STIPEND FOR BOOKS AND MATERIALS: Grant of $425,400 COP for once, at the beginning of the academic program
  • MONTHLY ALLOWANCE: Grant of the sum equivalent to 3 Minimum Monthly Legal salaries. $2.484,348
  • COP HEALTH INSURANCE: Wide coverage in medical assistance only in Colombia, during the period of studies.
  • INSTALLATION COSTS: Grant of {$401.321 COP for once at the beginning of studies.
Duration of Program: 
  • Postgraduate scholarships in Colombia will have a maximum of twelve (12) months for specialization and twenty-four (24) months to master and up to thirty-six (36) months for doctorate. The scholarship holder of doctorates that last more than 3 years have to assume by themselves the allowance for the rest of the program.
  • The scholarships are awarded on an annual term, for that reason, for more than 12 months academic programs (master and doctorate) the scholar must request an extension for his second year. The extension is subject to the requirements of the ICETEX. It is clear that ICETEX has no financial obligation to cover the economic expenses incurred once the academic program has ended. The scholarship does not cover the period of degree work
How to Apply: 
  •  It is important for interested candidates to go through the Application requirements (See in Link below) before applying.
  • Required documents, which are detailed in this call, should be at ICETEX on the date indicated in the notice.
  • No documents will be received outside the established dates.
  • The documents required in this call must be translated into Spanish
  • All application documents to this call should be sent to ICETEX through the Embassy from the country of origin of the applicant in Colombia. In case of absence of diplomatic representation in Colombia, the applicant must
    send it directly to ICETEX.
Visit Program Webpage for details

Award Provider: Government of Colombia

Harvard University Radcliff Fellowship 2020

Application Deadlines:
  • The deadline for individual applications in the creative arts, humanities, and social sciences is 12th September, 2019.
  • For applications in the natural sciences and mathematics, the deadline is 3rd October, 2019.
Offered Annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: All

To be taken at (country): USA

About the Award: Each of the more than 850 fellows who have been in residence at the Radcliffe Institute has pursued an independent project, but the collaborative experience unites all of them. Scholars, scientists, and artists work on individual projects, or in clusters, to generate new research, publications, art, and more at the Harvard University Radcliff Fellowship.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: No matter their field, Radcliffe Fellows demonstrate an extraordinary level of accomplishment.
Applicants in the humanities and social sciences must:

1. Have received their doctorate (or appropriate terminal degree) in the area of their proposed project at least two years prior to their appointment as a fellow (December 2018 for the 2020-21 fellowship year).

2. Have published a monograph or at least two articles in refereed journals or edited collections.
Applicants in science, engineering, and mathematics must:

1. Have received their doctorate in the area of the proposed project at least two years prior to their appointment as a fellow (December 2018 for the 2020-21 fellowship year).

2. Have published at least five articles in refereed journals. Most science, engineering, and math fellows have published dozens of articles.
** This is not intended to serve as a post-doctoral fellowship. Applicants must demonstrate a strong body of independent research and writing.

Applicants in the creative arts for the Harvard University Radcliff Fellowship must meet discipline-specific eligibility requirements, as outlined below:
Film and Video: Applicants in this discipline must have a body of independent work of significant achievement. Such work will typically have been exhibited in galleries or museums, shown in film or video festivals, or broadcast on television.

Visual Arts: Applicants in this discipline must show strong evidence of achievement, with a record of at least five years of work as a professional artist, including participation in several curated group shows and at least two professional solo exhibitions.
Fiction and Nonfiction: Applicants in these disciplines must have one of the following:
a) one or more published books;
b) a contract for the publication of a book-length manuscript; or
c) at least three shorter works (longer than newspaper articles) published.

Poetry: Applicants in this discipline must have had published at least 20 poems in the last five years or published a book of poetry, and must be in the process of completing a manuscript.
Journalism: Applicants in this discipline are required to have worked professionally as a journalist for at least five years.
Playwriting: Applicants in this discipline must have a significant body of independent work in the form. This will include, most typically, plays produced or under option.
Music Composition: It is desirable, but not required, for applicants in music composition to have a PhD or DMA. Most importantly, the applicant must show strong evidence of achievement as a professional artist, with a record of recent performances.
Performing Arts—Dance, Music Performance, Theater Performance: Although Radcliffe occasionally invites applications from selected performing artists, we do not accept performing arts applications through the general application process.
Individuals who are applying as practitioners must have held senior leadership positions in non-profits, government, or the private sector. Practitioners should have at least ten years of relevant professional experience and be acknowledged as leaders in their fields.

Number of Awards: 50

Value of Program:
  • Radcliffe Institute fellows are in residence for a period of nine months from September 1, 2020 through May 31, 2021 and receive a stipend of $77,500 plus an additional $5,000 to cover project expenses. Fellows are expected to be free of their regular commitments so that they may fully devote themselves to the work outlined in their proposal.
  • As this is a residential fellowship, fellows are expected to reside in the Greater Boston area for the duration of their fellowship. Fellows may be eligible to receive additional funds for moving expenses, childcare, and housing to aid them in making a smooth transition. Healthcare options are made available as needed.
  • Harvard University Radcliff Fellowship Fellows receive office or studio space in Byerly Hall and full-time Harvard appointments as visiting fellows, granting them access to Harvard University’s various resources, including libraries, housing, and athletic facilities. If fellows would like to hire Harvard undergraduate students as Research Partners, we will cover their hourly wages.
  • Fellows are expected to engage actively with the colleagues in their cohort and to participate fully as a member of the Radcliffe community. To this end, all fellows present their work-in-progress, either in the form of a private talk for their cohort or a public lecture, in addition to attending the presentations of all other fellows during that academic year (up to two talks per week). We offer group lunches and other opportunities to connect with members of your cohort, but attendance at these is optional.
Duration of Program: 9 Months (from September 2020 – May 2021)

How to Apply: The online application for the 20202021 fellowship year is now available.


Visit Programme Webpage for details

Singapore International Graduate Award (SINGA) Fully-funded PhD Scholarships 2020 for International Students

Application Deadline: 1st December 2019 for July 2020 intake.

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: International

To be taken at (country): National University of Singapore (NUS) and the Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapore

Eligible Field of Study: Research areas under the PhD Programme fall broadly under two categories:
  • Biomedical Sciences; and
  • Physical Science and Engineering.
About Scholarship: The Singapore International Graduate Award (SINGA) is a collaboration between the Agency for Science, Technology & Research (A*STAR), the National University of Singapore (NUS) and the Nanyang Technological University (NTU) to offer PhD training to be carried out in English at your chosen lab at A*STAR Research Institutes, NUS or NTU. Students will be supervised by distinguished and world-renowned researchers in these labs. Upon successful completion, students will be conferred a PhD degree by either NUS or NTU.

Type: PhD, Research

Eligibility and Selection Criteria
  • Open for application to all international graduates with a passion for research and excellent academic results
  • Good skills in written and spoken English
  • Good reports from academic referees
The above eligibility criteria are not exhaustive.

Number of Scholarships: up to 240

Value of Scholarship: The award provides support for up to 4 years of PhD studies including:
  • Tuition fees
  • Monthly stipend of S$2,000, which will be increased to S$2,500 after the passing of the Qualifying Examination
  • One-time airfare grant of up to S$1,500*
  • One-time settling-in allowance of S$1,000*
* Subject to terms and conditions

Duration of Scholarship: For 4 years

How to Apply: 
If you need more Information about this scholarship, kindly visit the Scholarship Webpage

SCAR/WMO Fellowships 2019 for Climate Researchers from Developing Countries (Funded to Antarctica)

Application Deadline: 17th July 2019

Eligible Countries: Developing countries

To be taken at (country): Antartica

About the Award: In 2019 thanks to the support of France, India and the Republic of Korea there are several additional SCAR fellowship opportunities. Support from the Republic of Korea is specifically targeted at researchers from countries that have been under-represented. Additional opportunities will be offered to climate and weather researchers from developing countries through a collaboration between SCAR and the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO).
The Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR) initiated the SCAR Fellowship Programme in 2002. The aim was to encourage the active involvement of early-career researchers in Antarctic scientific research and to build new connections and further strengthen international capacity and cooperation in Antarctic research. Since the initiation of the programme, more than 60 SCAR Fellowships have been awarded.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility:
  1. Current PhD researcher or within 5 years of finishing PhD;
  2. Citizen of a WMO Member Country;
  3. Citizen of a developing economy;
  4. Visiting an Antarctic research facility in or run by a SCAR member country, which is different from applicant’s (a) country of origin and (b) current country of residence;
  5. Proposing a topic in a weather, climate, or operational hydrology related discipline;
  6. Should link to the objectives of one or more of SCAR’s science groups, including the Humanities and Social Sciences group, and/or the Scientific Research Programmes.
Number of Awards: 6-7 awards for 2019

Value of Award:
  • Up to USD $15,000 per award;
  • Home institute to bear in-home country costs (e.g. visa costs, domestic travel);
  • Host institute to waive bench fees, if any.
Duration of Award: 1 year

How to Apply: The application form and advice on applying can be found in the How to Apply section.

Applicants may find the 2016 SCAR-COMNAP-APECS webinar on preparing Fellowship applications useful. A second webinar on the same theme was conducted in Spanish in 2017.
  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage (see link below) before applying
Visit Award Webpage for Details

Important Notes: Please note: The application process is the same for both the SCAR Fellowships and the SCAR/WMO Fellowships, and requires submission of the same form. Please state whether you are applying for the SCAR Fellowship or the SCAR/WMO Fellowship when applying.

Ayada Lab French-German Incubation Lab 2019 for Entrepreneurs in West Africa

Application Deadline: 5th July 2019

Eligible Countries: West African countries

To Be Taken At (Country):  Côte d’Ivoire, Cameroon, Nigeria, Senegal and Ghana

About the Award: Ayada Lab consists of local and regional workshops, mentoring by some of the best African entrepreneurs in the fields of cultural, digital and social entrepreneurship, networking with leading German and French cultural, social and digital entrepreneurs. The Ayada Lab program takes place in English and French, the two languages of the Lab.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: Young West Africans entrepreneurs who meet the following criteria are more than welcome to apply :
  • Aged between 20 and 35
  • Be a national of and based in either Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Senegal, Nigeria or Cameroon
  • Have a 1 year project experience or a tested idea creating value of innovation with high impact on society
  • Have a project in the Cultural and Creative industries (fashion, books, cinema, etc.), Digital (online courses, e-learning, digital education), or Civil society issues (education, women rights and empowerment, civic tech, active citizens)
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: 
    • Networking trips: to France and Germany to meet with European creative and tech industries experts
    • Individual mentoring: Round 2 selection of candidates for a full year individual mentoring and participation in the AYADA Lab regional workshop
    • Local & regional workshops: Taking place in Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Senegal, Nigeria and Cameroon, with African cultural, social and digital experts to bolster the startups
Duration of Program: from June 2019 to April 2020

How to Apply: Apply Now

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

News Corp Media Fellowship 2019 for Journalists Worldwide (Fully-funded to Washington, USA)

Application Deadline: 7th July 2019

Eligible Countries: All

To Be Taken At (Country): Washington, USA

About the Award: In collaboration with The Wall Street Journal, ICFJ is offering international journalists an opportunity to participate in an innovative program that includes training on creative storytelling and offers grants to support data-driven projects.  The prize for the best project is a three-month News Corp Fellowship in New York, where the fellow will receive hands-on training and mentorship at the WSJ media science lab.
This program builds on the News Corp Media Fellowship, which has offered international journalists an immersive, hands-on experience in some of the world’s most digitally advanced newsrooms since 2014.
During the fellowship, the journalist will be embedded for three months in the WSJ’s media science lab to work on a data-driven project relevant to the fellow and tailor-made for the WSJ. The selected News Corp Media Fellow will have the opportunity to work on projects related to:
  • Workflow and collaboration in a global newsroom;
  • Data science, artificial intelligence and computational journalism;
  • New forms of training and internal leadership development;
  • Audience surveying and emerging forms of social media analysis.
Prior to the three-month fellowship, ICFJ will host a three-day orientation in Washington D.C., where the fellow will receive training and be prepared to develop his or her own digital projects at the Journal.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: English-speaking journalists and editors with 3-5 years of journalistic experience and at least 1-2 years working with data are welcome to apply for the webinar – the first step toward the fellowship.
To be considered for the fellowship, journalists must:

1. Participate in two half-day webinars conducted by editors and reporters with expertise in digital tools, data journalism and visualization, artificial intelligence, integration to mobile, and audience engagement. During the hands-on webinars, participants will learn how to pitch a data-driven project and to develop a prototype. Webinars will be open to a select group of up to 40 journalists and will take place on July 29 and 30. Apply to attend the webinars here by July 7.

2. Receive one of five news innovation grants to support your data-driven project. Only journalists who participate in both webinars are eligible to apply for these grants. Projects should promote new forms of storytelling, data journalism and visualization, and citizen engagement. Each grant recipient will also benefit from online editorial coaching and mentorship from experienced editors, reporters and data experts.
Only journalists who complete both stages successfully will be considered for the News Corp Media Fellowship. The ideal fellow will bring considerable talents, a strong work ethic and abilities to the WSJ newsroom.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: All travel and fellowship expenses are covered by the program.

Duration/Timeline of Programme: 3 months

How to Apply: Please apply here.


Visit the Programme Webpage for Details

Australian Government Research Training Programme (RTP) Scholarships 2019/2020 for International Students

Application Deadline: Varying by universities (usually May-October)

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Australia and International

To be taken at (country): Australia

About the Award: The Research Training Program (RTP) scheme is administered by individual universities on behalf of the Department of Education and Training. Applications for RTP Scholarships need to be made directly to participating universities. Each university has its own application and selection process, please contact your chosen university directly to discuss how to apply for the RTP scheme.
Information on commencing a postgraduate research degree and university courses can be found on the Quality Indicators for Learning and Teaching website. General information about the support arrangements for students may be obtained from the Study Assist website. Frequently asked questions for students are also available to answer student queries.
The objectives of the RTP scheme are to:
  • provide flexible funding arrangements to support the training of domestic students and overseas students undertaking HDRs at Australian HEPs
  • deliver graduates with the skills required to build careers in academia and other sectors of the labour market
  • support collaboration between HEPs and industry and other research end-users
  • support overseas students undertaking HDR studies at Australian HEPs.
Type: Masters (by research), PhD (research)

Eligibility:
  • RTP scholarships are available to domestic and overseas students enrolled in an accredited HDR course at an Australian HEP.
  • Other eligibilities to be decided by participating universities
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: Students can be offered RTP scholarships for one or more of the following:
  • tuition fees offset
  • stipend for general living costs
  • allowances related to the ancillary cost of research degrees.
Duration of Award: Two (2) years for a research masters degree and Three (3) years for a research doctorate degree.

How to Apply: Applications for an RTP need to be made directly to participating universities. The department does not provide an application form. Contact details for participating universities and general information about courses offered in Australia may be obtained HERE

Visit Award Webpage for details

Award Provider: Australian Government Department of Education and Training.

Democracy Faces a Global Crisis

John Feffer

If you’re a supporter of Donald Trump — or Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil or Matteo Salvini in Italy — you probably think that democracy has never been in better health.
Recent elections in these countries didn’t just serve to rotate the elite from the conventional parties. Voters went to the polls and elected outsiders who promised to transform their political systems. That demonstrates that the system, that democracy itself, is not rigged in favor of the “deep state” or the Bilderberg global elite — or the plain vanilla leaders of the center left and center right.
Moreover, from the perspective of this populist voter, these outsiders have continued to play by the democratic rules. They are pushing for specific pieces of legislation. They are making all manner of political and judicial appointments. They are trying to nudge the economy one way or another. They are standing up to outside forces who threaten to undermine sovereignty, the bedrock of any democratic system.
Sure, these outsiders might make intemperate statements. They might lie. They might indulge in a bit of demagoguery. But politicians have always sinned in this way. Democracy carries on regardless.
You don’t have to be a supporter of right-wing populists to believe that democracy is in fine fettle. The European Union just held elections to the European Parliament. The turnout was over 50 percent, the highest in two decades.
True, right-wing populists increased their share from one-fifth to one-fourth of the chamber, with Marine Le Pen’s party coming out on top in France, Salvini’s Liga taking first place in Italy, and Nigel Farage’s Brexit party winning in the UK. But on the other side of the spectrum, the Greens came in second in Germany and expanded their stake of the European parliament from 7 to 9 percent. And for the first time, two pan-European parties ran candidates. The multi-issue progressive Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM 25) received more than 1.4 million votes (but failed to win any seats).
Or maybe you’re an activist fighting for democracy in an authoritarian state. In some countries, you have reason to celebrate. You just succeeded in forcing out the long-serving leader of long-suffering Sudan. You just booted the old, sick, corrupt head of Algeria. You’ve seen some important steps forward in terms of greater political pluralism in Ethiopia, in Malaysia, in Mexico.
You can cherry-pick such examples and perspectives to build a case that the world is continuing to march, albeit two steps forward and one step back, towards a more democratic future.
But you’d be wrong. Democracy faces a global crisis. And this crisis couldn’t be coming at a worse time.
Democracy’s Fourth Wave
In 1991, political scientist Samuel Huntington published his much-cited book, The Third Wave. After a first wave of democratization in the nineteenth century and a second wave after World War II, Huntington argued, a third wave began to sweep through the world with the overthrow of dictatorship in Portugal in 1974 and leading all the way up to the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the fall of apartheid in South Africa.
It was at this time, too, that Francis Fukuyama and others were talking about the inevitable spread of democracy — hand in hand with the market — to every corner of the globe. Democratic politics appeared to be an indispensable element of modernity. As countries hit a certain economic, social, and technological threshold, a more educated and economically successful population demands greater political participation as a matter of course.
Of course, democracy doesn’t just arrive like a prize when a country achieves a certain level of GDP. Movements of civil society, often assisted by reformers in government, push for free and fair elections, greater government transparency, equal rights for minorities, and so on.
Sometimes, too, outside actors play a role — providing trainings or financing for those movements of civil society. Sometimes democratic nations sanction undemocratic governments for their violations of human rights. Sometimes more aggressive actors, like U.S. neoconservatives in the 2000s, push for military intervention in support of a regime change (ostensibly to democracy), as was the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya.
However, the modernization thesis generates too many exceptions to remain credible. Both China and Saudi Arabia function at a high economic level without democracy. Russia and Turkey, both modern countries, have backslid into illiberal states. Of the countries that experienced Arab Spring revolutions in 2011, only Tunisia has managed to maintain a democracy — as civil war overtook Libya, a military coup displaced a democratically elected government in Egypt, Bashar al-Assad beat back various challenges in Syria, and the Gulf States repressed one mass demonstration after another.
More recently, backed by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, the military in Sudan is using violence to resist the demands of democracy activists to turn over government to civilian hands. In Algeria, the military hasn’t resorted to violence, but it also hasn’t stepped out of the way.
Move back a few steps to get the bigger picture and the retreat of democracy looks like a global rout. Here, for instance, is Nic Cheeseman’s and Jeffrey Smith’s take on Africa in Foreign Affairs:
In Tanzania, President John Magufuli has clamped down on the opposition and censored the media. His Zambian counterpart, President Edgar Lungu, recently arrested the main opposition leader on trumped-up charges of treason and is seeking to extend his stay in power to a third term. This reflects a broader trend. According to Freedom House, a think tank, just 11 percent of the continent is politically “free,” and the average level of democracy, understood as respect for political rights and civil liberties, fell in each of the last 14 years.
Or let’s take a look at Southeast Asia, courtesy of Josh Kurlantzick:
Cambodia’s government transformed from an autocratic regime where there was still some (minimal) space for opposition parties into a fully one-party regime. Thailand’s junta continued to repress the population, attempting to control the run-up to elections still planned in February 2019. The Myanmar government continued to stonewall a real investigation into the alleged crimes against humanity in Rakhine State, despite significant international pressure to allow an investigation. And even in Indonesia, one of the freest states in the region, the Jokowi government has given off worrying signs of increasingly authoritarian tendencies.
Or how about this assessment of Latin America from The Washington Post last year (before the Brazilian election):
Brazil is not the only Latin American country with troubled politics. Democracy has collapsed in Nicaragua and Venezuela and is in serious trouble in countries such as Bolivia and Honduras. In El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico, just as in Brazil, criminal organizations rule the poorer parts of many cities, weakening democracy and undermining the rule of law.
Waves, of course, go both ways. And the fourth democratic tide definitely seems to be going in the wrong direction.
The 2019 Freedom House report, entitled “Democracy in Retreat,” chronicles 13 years of decline. The V-Dem Institute in Sweden, in its 2019 report on the state of global democracy, identifies a “third wave of autocratization” affecting 24 countries (including the United States). The Economist Intelligence Unit is somewhat more optimistic, arguing that “the retreat of global democracy ended in 2018.”
But all the threats itemized in the Unit’s actual report are a reminder that this optimism stems from the fact that the terrible state of democracy didn’t get demonstrably worse last year. And, the report concludes, the decline must just have paused last year before continuing on its dismal trajectory.
Democracy’s Dial-Up Dilemma
I’ve written extensively about how Donald Trump has undermined U.S. democracy with his rhetoric, his appointments, his attacks on the press, his executive actions, his self-serving financial decisions, and so on. I’ve connected the attacks on democracy in the United States to trends toward autocracy in East-Central Europe from the 1990s onward. I’ve compared Trump’s politics to the majoritarian aspirations of Narendra Modi in India, Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel, Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia, and Vladimir Putin in Russia.
Maybe it’s a positive sign that an outsider won the 2016 elections (putting aside Russian interference for the moment). If Donald Trump can do it, so perhaps can Bernie Sanders or the Green Party. Another politics is indeed possible. But everything else about Trump is profoundly anti-democratic.
Worse, he’s part of a more general trend.
Democracy’s troubles do not simply result from generals seizing power (as in Thailand or Egypt), undemocratic rulers consolidating power (like Xi Jinping in China), or illiberal leaders weakening the institutions of democratic governance (like Victor Orban in Hungary, Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, or Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines).
In other words, democracy’s discontents are not solely external to democracy itself. There’s a deeper vein of popular dissatisfaction. According to Pew research from 2018, a majority of people (out of 27 at least formally democratic countries polled) are dissatisfied with democracy. And for good reason. They are disgusted with the corruption of elected leaders. They are unhappy with economic policies that continue to widen the gap between rich and poor. They are fed up with politicians for not responding with sufficient urgency to global problems like climate change or refugees.
Here’s an equally disturbing possibility. Even in the so-called advanced democracies, the political software has become outdated, full of bugs, susceptible to hacking. Put simply, democracy requires a thorough update to deal with the tasks at hand.
So, for instance, democratic institutions have failed to get a handle on the flow of capital, licit and illicit, that forms the circulatory system of the global economy. The corruption outlined in the Panama Papers, the Russian laundromat, and the Odebrecht scandal, among others, reveal just how weak the checks and balances of democracy have been. Watchdog institutions — media, inter-governmental authorities — have been playing catch up as the financial world devises new instruments to “create” wealth and criminals come up with new scams to steal wealth.
The Internet and social media have been hailed as great opportunities for democracy. States can use electronic referenda to encourage greater civic participation. Democracy activists can use Twitter to organize protests at the drop of a hashtag. But the speed of new technologies also establishes certain expectations in the electorate. Citizens expect lightning fast responses from their email, texts, web searches, and streaming services. But government seems stuck in the dial-up age. It takes forever to get legislation passed. The lines at social service centers are long and frustrating.
In some cases, the slowness of government response is more than just irritating.
The last IPCC report suggests that the world has only a dozen years to deal with climate change before it’s too late. All of the patient diplomacy of states leading up to the Paris climate deal, which itself was an insufficient response to the crisis, was then undone by the results of… American democracy.
It’s no surprise, then, that voters have gravitated toward right-wing politicians who promise fast results and easy solutions, however illusory those might be. In other words, these leaders have the opposite appeal of democracy, which is so often slow and messy. Right-wing populists are disruptive technologies that destroy existing structures. That’s why I’ve called populist leaders “disruptors in chief.”
There are no instruction manuals on how to fix hardware and software simultaneously, on how to address climate change at the same time as fixing the political systems that have hitherto failed to tackle the problem. But democracy definitely needs a reboot. Right-wing populists have offered their illiberal fix. Despite the hype, those “solutions” aren’t working, not on climate change, not on refugees, not on trade, not on international disputes with Iran, North Korea, or Venezuela.
So, now it’s time for the rest of us to roll up our sleeves and get our hands dirty.

The False Prophets Cometh

Howard Lisnoff

A church was burned in Massachusetts; historically black churches were burned to the ground in Louisiana; a church in Georgia was the scene of a horrific mass shooting; worshippers at a synagogue in Pittsburgh were gunned down; a gunman attacked worshippers at a synagogue near San Diego. Readers aren’t being catapulted back in some sort of time machine to the U.S. of the 1950s or 1960s when four girls lost their lives while at a morning religious service in Birmingham, Alabama, and three civil rights workers were tortured and murdered in rural Mississippi during Freedom Summer when they returned from investigating a church burning in a nearby Mississippi town. No, this is the contemporary U.S. with the melding of hate, violence, religious fundamentalism, and political populism. Recall that the nefarious Ku Klux Klan wears and wore white robes and hoods reminiscent of  a medieval and extremist religious order.
Religious fundamentalism has been on the rise since the 1970s, even though church affiliation in the U.S. has steadily declined during the same period. Fundamentalists found a home within the Great Communicator’s (Reagan’s) America and they have never left. As the U.S. is battered by the effects of economic globalism and social displacement, many have turned to religious populism as a safe haven in a world of uncertainty. Who, other than Donald Trump and his acolytes, could be further from religious ethical values with his payoffs to sexual liaisons, his violent rhetoric toward opponents, his dyed-in-the-wool misogyny; his tax giveaway to the extremely wealthy, his anti-immigrant rhetoric and actions, his modernization of doomsday weapons and abrogation of nuclear weapons’ treaties, and his push to close off the U.S. economically in a global market with tariffs and economic sanctions against opponents such as those in place in Iran and Venezuela?
The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines a populist as “a member of a political party claiming to represent the common people.” And some of those common people are waking up to the fact that Trump, et al., are treating them in the same way he treated many workers and contractors who were shortchanged in the construction of his real estate empire. Environmental destruction and the use of economic sanctions are a practical tutorial for those in the farming industry who thought Trump was in their corner. If Trump has his way, his followers won’t even be able to afford those plentiful, cheap consumer goods from Asia and then where will they turn for solace?
The Guardian sheds light on the joining of populism and religion in “The populist right is forging an unholy alliance with religion,” (June 11, 2019). The melding of religion, the political system, the social system, and the economy is a dangerous phenomenon taking place across the globe, with resulting hate of the other undergoing a resurgence and metamorphosis in places like Hungary, Poland, France, the Netherlands, Belgium, Italy, and of course in the United States. How could the so-called lessons of World War II be learned when masses of people are poorly educated and simple answers are all they seem to want for complex global issues and problems that affect their lives. Great Britain at least has some sense to limit their disastrous view of populism in the economic and social spheres and keep religion and religious intolerance out of the debate for leaving the European Union. But the effects of British populism may be the same as religious fundamentalism in the long term vis-a-vis immigration.
Much of religion on the right today is not marked by participation in a church or other religious meeting place with social connections, but rather a bizarre nod to religion that comes from the likes of Trump, which is religion without redeeming values: It’s not a hand up, but a push down. Both the New Deal and the Great Society were somewhat successful attempts to raise most economic prospects in a secular environment. Those programs brought people together, but the erosion of democratic traditions and values about the worth of people and groups are eroding faster than the soil of the rain-drenched Midwest. It can be seen outside of the U.S. in India, in Brazil, in Russia, and elsewhere.
Religious populism is not the religion that bound people toward the common good, but rather a populist way to attempt to deal with globalization and its myriad displacements of communities and individuals.
We on the left need to respond to the morphing of global capitalism that is leaving so many unmoored and adrift and ready to support the next authoritarian who comes along with the false promises of false prophets. This isn’t that old-time religion, it’s blasphemy!

Health Consequences of Overwork

Cesar Chelala

Working for long periods under extreme stressful work conditions can lead to sudden death. “Burn out” is now described as an occupational phenomenon, resulting from chronic workplace stress that has not been successfully managed.
This is a phenomenon that in its most extreme manifestation is described by the Japanese as karõshi, literally translated as “death from overwork,” or occupational sudden death, mainly from a heart attack and stroke due to stress. Karõshi has been more widely studied in Japan, where the first case of this phenomenon was reported in 1969.
In 1987, as people’s concerns about karõshi increased, the Japanese Ministry of Labor began to publish statistics on the problem. According to government estimates, 200 people die from overwork annually because of the long hours spent at the workplace.
Death by overwork lawsuits have been on the rise in Japan, prompted by the deceased’s relatives demanding compensation payments. In Japan, if karõshi is considered a cause of death, surviving family members may receive compensation from the government and up to $1 million from the responsible company in damages.
Extension of the phenomenon
This phenomenon is not limited to Japan. Other Asian nations such as China, South Korea and Bangladesh have reported similar incidents. In China, where the phenomenon is called guolaosi, it was estimated in 2010 that 600,000 people had died this way.
Increasingly, workers in more than 126,000 Chinese factories are organizing and demanding better work conditions. In South Korea, where the work ethic is Confucian-inspired, and work usually involves six-day workweeks with long hours, the phenomenon is called gwarosa.
In the United States, workers in some areas such as banking and finance work extremely long hours, despite its obvious negative consequence. A 2018 survey by The Physicians
Foundation states that 80 percent of physicians across all specialties report being at full capacity or overextended and 78 percent report experiencing feelings of burnout.
Causes and consequences
The causes and consequences of karoshi have been studied in particular by Japan’s National Defense Council for Victims of Karoshi, established in 1988. Japan has much longer working hours that any other developed country. The country’s grueling work schedule has been suggested as one of the main causes of karoshi. It is not, however, the only cause.
A growing body of evidence indicates that workers in high-demand situations who have little control of their work and low social support are at increased risk of developing and dying of cardiovascular disease, including myocardial infarction and stroke. Stressful work conditions are a critical component of this phenomenon. In this regard, it has been found that workers exposed to long overtime periods show markedly elevated levels of stress hormones.
The consequences of long working hours and stressful situations at work are not limited to men. Several studies have shown strong links between women with stressful jobs and cardiovascular disease. In the Women’s Health Study (WHS) — a landmark study involving 17,000 female health professionals — a group of Harvard researchers found that women whose work is highly stressful have a 40 percent increased risk of heart disease compared with their less stressed colleagues.
The results of the WHS were confirmed both in Denmark and in China. A large 15-year study conducted in Denmark found that the greater the work pressure, the higher the risk for heart disease among women under the age of 52. In Beijing, a study among white-collar workers found that job strain was associated in women with increased thickness of the carotid artery wall.
Moving forward
Death by overwork affects not only the families themselves who may lose the main breadwinner in the family but also the industries as a result of lawsuits and lost productivity. That, in turn, affects the national economy. It is therefore urgent to devise ways to curb this problem.
It is important for workers to get regular exercise, which will reduce anxiety and depression and improve sleep. Whenever possible, they should practice relaxation techniques and, if they feel overwhelmed by their personal situation, seek help from a mental health professional.
At the industrial level, organizations should provide the workers with the best conditions for their work, a policy that may look expensive but that will be of better economic value in the long run. Business executives should realize that it is counterproductive for them to place excessive demands on their workers.
At the government level, legislation should be passed to increase job security and skill training as well as employee’s participation in issues that directly affect them such as transfers and promotions. Workers who have better control of their jobs will increase productivity and suffer less from the stressful component of their jobs. In the long run, prevention is the more humane and cheapest alternative to a very serious social and public health problem.