29 Oct 2022

Elon Musk completes private takeover of Twitter

Kevin Reed


The world’s wealthiest individual Elon Musk closed his $44 billion takeover of Twitter on Thursday evening, transforming the San Francisco-based social media platform with an estimated 330 million monthly active users into his private property.

Tesla CEO Elon Musk attends the opening of the Tesla factory Berlin Brandenburg in Gruenheide, Germany, March 22, 2022. The billionaire has completed his $44 billion takeover of the social media company Twitter after a protracted legal battle and months of uncertainty. [AP Photo/Patrick Pleul/Pool Photo via AP, File]

The deal was confirmed on Friday in a Securities and Exchange Commission filing by the New York Stock Exchange which showed Twitter’s stock had been delisted from the market and was no longer being publicly traded on Wall Street.

Late Thursday, Musk tweeted, “The bird is freed” shortly after he fired at least four top company executives: Chief Executive Parag Agrawal, Chief Financial Officer Ned Segal, top legal and policy executive Vijaya Gadde and the company general counsel Sean Edgett.

On Friday morning he tweeted, “let the good times roll.” Later in the day, he tweeted that a “content moderation council with widely diverse viewpoints” was bring formed and that “no major content decisions or account reinstatements will happen before that council convenes.”

However, Musk previously stated he was a “free speech absolutist” and would reverse the permanent ban on Donald Trump, which was implemented by Twitter in the aftermath of the former President’s January 6, 2021 coup attempt.

In typical arrogant fashion, Musk did not issue a formal press statement about his plans or intentions in taking over the micro blogging site which has become a critical element of public relations and instantaneous news announcements the world over. Instead, he is using the platform to tweet out short snippets of information to the public.

On Wednesday, Musk posted a nine second video of himself walking into Twitter headquarters carrying a heavy ceramic sink with the words, “Entering Twitter HQ — let that sink in!”

In an exception to his generally sophomoric behavior, Musk tweeted a short statement on Wednesday to Twitter advertisers aimed at stemming a potential rapid drop in sales revenue. He repeated some of the things he had said previously that Twitter is “important to the future of civilization” as a “common digital town square” where a “wide range of beliefs can be debated, without resorting to violence.”

Musk wrote that he bought the platform “to try to help humanity,” that “Twitter obviously cannot become a free-for-all hellscape, where anything can be said with no consequences.” He concluded by saying that advertising, “when done right,” will continue on Twitter.

The billionaire Musk had originally agreed to buy Twitter in April at a price of $54.20 per share and then, with the stock market declining by 25 percent, he attempted to renege on the deal. After Twitter sued Musk in Delaware Chancery Court, he backed down and agreed to go forward with the acquisition to avoid a court battle he was likely to lose.

Earlier in the week, employees at Twitter began circulating an open letter protesting Musk’s plans to fire 75 percent of the company staff. Time Magazine published the text of the letter which read, in part, “Elon Musk’s plan to lay off 75% of Twitter workers will hurt Twitter’s ability to serve the public conversation.” The letter continued, “A threat of this magnitude is reckless, undermines our users’ and customers’ trust in our platform, and is a transparent act of worker intimidation.”

With not much good economic news to report, the corporate press has responded enthusiastically to the finalization of the private conversion of Twitter. The Wall Street Journal wrote on Friday, “By taking Twitter private, the billionaire likely can take more risks to jumpstart the company’s business.”

In its “Live Updates” coverage, the New York Times wrote, “Unlike publicly traded companies, privately held firms do not have to make quarterly public disclosures about their performance. They are also subject to less regulatory scrutiny and can be more tightly controlled by an owner. That means Mr. Musk can make over Twitter — including tweaking the platform’s content rules, its finances and its priorities — without having to consider the worries of the investing public.”

Focused exclusively on financial performance, the fact that the individual private ownership of Twitter is incapable of contributing positively to society in any way is completely lost on the representatives of corporate media.

The takeover of Twitter by Elon Musk—who has a personal wealth of $221.2 billion and also owns the electric car manufacturer Tesla and spacecraft manufacturer SpaceX—is a manifestation of the increasingly oligarchic character of American capitalism. Like Amazon founder and executive chairman Jeff Bezos who owns the Washington Post, Musk is among the wealthiest billionaires in the world who are increasingly exerting their control of the financial, media and political levers of capitalist power.

28 Oct 2022

The Hijāb as a Billboard for Islamist Propaganda

Ibrahim Quraishi


As the counter-revolutionary movement intensified for over five weeks in Iran, egregious State murders indeed transformed three young brave women by the names of Nika Shakarami, Hadis Najafi & Sarina Esmailzadeh into co-martyrs of freedom and resistance along with Masha Amini, who’s initial death sparked these astounding protests over two months ago. It is time to say that in spite of horrific crackdowns, and the continuation of underground cells directed by mainly women, all those who continue to protest, all those who continue to burn their ḥijābs, deserve the full and complete support of all who subscribe to basic human values of freedom and equality. Without an ounce of doubt, these women are exceptionally fearless. They have shown an incredible reserve, a will power and an intellectual courage to no longer merely demand some supposed ‘cosmetic’ reforms, but rather, the outright overthrow of the theocratic Islamic regime.

Let’s not fool ourselves about what is actually happening in Iran now and for the last five weeks. These women are not just merely “celebrating” or marching for their freedom of expression in general political terms, no! They are fighting a piece of cloth that has come to symbolise an all-encompassing religious intolerance and zealotry as the core of a disintegrating Islamist ideology. The obligation of wearing the ḥijāb is at the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as in many other Islamic societies today. Many Iranian citizens, not only the women, have become aware how the ḥijāb has been used and abused, throughout these 43 years since the birth of the Islamic revolution of 1979, by the Ayatollahs, their religious minions, and all the other men who were and now are in power across Iran. The symbolic value of the ḥijāb must be revealed for what it really is: the female body debased as bill board for an Islamist cause.

Once again, one is reminded of the different revolts between 2017 through 2020, when university students, working class youth and unemployed youngsters throughout Iran were demanding reforms. And then, like now, women were and are at the forefront of these protests, rising up against immense injustice to raise their voices against the theocratic establishment and the Iranian religious violence in all its forms. This is not just some kind of mild transitory eruption or a mere reflection of oppressed experiences over the last forty years. An Iranian woman called Vida Movahed stood on top of a metal box in central Tehran on Revolutionary Avenue in 2017 and took off her headscarf and waved it like a flag for anyone passing by to see. This in a theocratic country where not wearing the ḥijāb is met with lashes, bodily assault, imprisonment, electrocution and even live bullets. Other brave women like Melika Qaragozlu and Nargas Hosseini refuse to exhibit remorse for demanding their basic universal rights, and consequently, continue to face horrific circumstances in Iranian prisons. Iranian women more so than their counterparts in the rest of the Muslim world (think of the atrocious situation for women in Afghanistan, Somalia or Saudi Arabia) have demonstrated tenacity,  courage and the stamina to actually stand up and resist. They rise up and fight without any weapons, leading the nation in virtually all the working-class protests against the Islamic Republic itself. It can be said that Iranian women have borne the brunt of brutal daily violence. In-spite of their second-class status, they represent over 60% of university students. They publish, they form clubs and resistant groups. They are in contact with feminists abroad and continue to fight against the political establishment and the bearded imams. A brave act of an individual or a group of women removing their scarves is not just an individual act in itself, it is a demand that expresses the collective consciousness that refuses to be silenced in-spite of all the daily barriers imposed on these and millions of other Muslim women.

The issue of the ḥijāb has been debated over and over across the West, but let’s be perfectly honest: the ḥijāb is not about modesty. Hijāb is not a cultural symbol of liberation but quite the opposite. It is a very specific cultural, political and religious marker that targets and more precisely aims to separate, discriminate and assume a very specific position between the demarcated role for women verses men. Imposed by men, it is discrimination, packaged as cultural difference. No man in Iran, or for that matter in any other Muslim country, has to cover up. No man in Iran has to prove his virginity. No man in Iran has to legally don a beard. No man in Iran has to justify who they are with in public. And virtually no “Moral Police” in Iran chases men for wearing shirts, pants, shoes and socks.

A significant point here is that perhaps while one is inside the system, one is more keenly aware of the symbolic value of the ḥijāb, much more than when one is outside of it. Of course, we in our so-called free West worry about human rights, the freedom of the individual and the rights of people to wear whatever they want to wear. And of course, we are afraid of trampling over the rights of specific minorities, and especially when it comes to Islam, many of us are even willing to negate those very hard-fought freedoms of absolute equality of the sexes (which even in the West has hardly been achieved). Some of us even speak of the virtues of a modesty in the ḥijāb  in our own midst. But let’s not compare donning the ḥijāb with wearing a Channel scarf for example, or with wearing protective facial gear while being at work in dusty environments. Rather, the hijab is a constant visible reminder of the supposed sin of being a woman: the supposed evil, potential séductrice, in need of being  held down, because she is deemed  untrustworthy,  physically and mentally feeble and seen as  being impure, thus deserving of all kinds of untold punishment that is due to them by God:  i.e. Allah, the State and men.

To argue the Qu’ran or more specifically the Surah Noor mandating the hijab as indicative for the liberty or agency for a woman is insulting at best. I am quite aware that Islam is not the only religion that has such legislation on women; indeed, some would argue that nowhere in the Qu’ran does the term hijab even signify a head covering for women.  For clarity’s sake, in the Qu’ranic context the word ḥijāb itself does not refer to women’s covering, but rather to a spatial partition in an old Testimonial context. Fatima Mernissi of Morocco pointed this out in her brilliant book, The Veil and the Male Elite many decades ago. The literal use of the idea of hijāb is more specifically connected to the supposed narrative of a screen that separated Muhammad’s wives from male visitors to his court. Other implications of ḥijāb literally go back to the Talmudic roots taken by the Qu’ran where the ancient Jewish law acted in rendering women inaccessible and unavailable to all but their husbands. In biblical times, wearing the ḥijāb came to symbolise the transition between maidenhood and womanhood within Judaism itself. During the Middle Ages, all throughout the Jewish realm, the covering of hair became solidified as a religious duty. It was during this very same period that both Muslim and Christian domains started to follow Jewish precepts on the ḥijāb. Again, feminist writers from the Muslim world like Nawal el Saadawi and Leila Ahmed have explicated this historical trajectory in their writings. The earliest confrontation with the Jewish religious authorities came in the form of wigs with a practice that began in the flamboyant French court and engulfed all of Europe. Initially decried by the Rabbinical authorities, who claimed that the wearing of wigs would enhance feminine sensuality which would evidently lead to sinful behaviour. In spite of those objections, as a matter of course Jewish communities started to accept the wearing of wigs as a normative reality.

But, the ḥijāb in the Islamic tradition makes a distinction between those who are righteous and those who are evil doers. In this regard, the bastardisation and the simplification of the term ḥijāb imposed on women can be seen in the portrayal of women as representing darkness and men as light, and this horror of interpretation has occurred throughout the vast Islamic lands. The Qu’ranic perspective on women has thus been used and abused by men to support a brute subjugation of women from all perspectives and if anything, it is about the total enslavement of the women for the pleasure and power of men. Of-course there is little criticality when the question is raised among men, who are brought up in fully-ingrained misogyny. Most men raised in a tradition of women being blamed for existing, see nothing wrong in the oppression of women and the use of violence to enforce that very oppression. Unfortunately, many women who themselves deny their own agency and buy into this religious-cultural dogma of patriarchal violence. follow silently in fear.

In a nation that brutally orders women to coverup, wearing a headscarf that is not too colourful, not too sensual, not too pretty, but no matter what, the damn headscarf has to be on even if a woman is in the midst of having a heart attack, cruelty becomes daily business. The utter ferocity against women for defying State ideology that supposedly promotes equal Islamised values and at the same time arrests, sexually violates, tortures, keeps in prison and eventually kills them, is mind boggling. Equally shocking is the fact that this regressive ideology is what many Muslim migrants in the West wish to either hold on to, or have Western secular laws accept those very Islamist morals and ethical codes that continually and unashamedly dehumanise women; even those women in our midst who have fought long for basic dignities and hard-earned equalities under Western laws that safe guard an individual’s intellectual and personal freedom, misguidedly support the wearing of hijab as a perverse kind of freedom!

For a long time already, I have been fascinated how in different countries the individual freedom of expression and speech is transformed into laws. Think for instance, how Germany has developed a legal system, regarding the wearing and distribution of its symbols of evil from its past. So, the question is when is a piece of cloth considered to be a political symbol and when is it part of the freedom of expression? What if, the women in Iran are allowed to get rid of the ḥijāb as a political symbol, maybe it then could perhaps be (re-)considered a symbol of autonomy? It seems hard for us here and now, in the West and in the East, to differentiate the freedom of expression and the symbolic value when it comes to the ḥijāb. When one sees the violence in Iran and most other Muslim societies against women on a constant basis, insisting and forcing the wearing of these symbols, one would, in my opinion, rethink one’s view on that piece of cloth. One would perhaps look differently at the presence of that very piece of cloth in our public spaces. Not all those ḥijābs and veils dawned by women in our public spheres are representations of freedom of expression as we like to think!

It is so terribly predictable that once again the Iranian government accuses both the West at large and Zionism for what it calls “social disturbances.” The Islamic Republic even dares to claim that it is “confronting enemies of state” or that “they” (meaning Jewish people) represent an international conspiracy lead by the State of Israel”, that is secretly operating behind the scenes. The utter idiocy and base anti-Semitism here seem to be the one and only pitiful official response to a genuine counter-revolutionary moment lead by women?  How insultingly stupid or gullible does The Islamic Republic thinks of its own citizenry to actually deflect its very own repressive nature by once again blaming the Jews for all of its internal and external ills.

We all remember too well, how at the roots of the Iranian revolution, many free-thinkers of that same West, women and men like Simone de Beauvoir, Jean-Paul Sartre and Michel Foucault, were embraced and praised by the leaders of the Iranian revolution for their unconditional support. No one in the critical West and in their right mind could support, at that point, the regime of the Shah or the Savak, the Iranian secret servicebut no one foresaw how so rapidly that same Iranian Revolution transformed itself into an Islamic nightmare. Of course, the images that were broadcasted on our TV -screens were themselves confusing and defied comprehension with which the speed of how a people can rise up. There was an air of resistance like the kind we had not seen before. Many Iranian women, intelligent, independent, strong, stared to dawn the ḥijāb as a symbol of anti-imperial, anti-American sentiment at that moment in time. Perhaps it was a “free choice” then and there, but what was supposedly a free choice initially, very soon became a noose. A choking obligation to take away any agency that women might possess, individually and collectively.

The Iranian State must be seen as a case of a militarised capitalistic monolith. In many ways, it has unfortunately continued the basic directions from the times of the Shah dictatorship, where the basis of the economy is characterised by the unity of its petro-chemical industry and its military. With both organisms funding all kinds of horrific terrorist organisations that exit solely to destabilise as much of the Middle East as it can, from Yemen, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, The Palestinian Territories and Israel. Since the Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini and his fanatical devotees forcibly established an Islamic Republic out of the chaos of a dynamic revolution with false promises on democracy and equal representation. So much for the fanciful notions of a viable Islamic democracy? The unfortunate situation created after the Iranian revolution shut all doors of openness and joy for women. They were forced to shut their shutters of freedom and internal reflection to the religious realm. The violence of the Morality Police of the Islamic Republic of Iran has nothing to do with guidance of women. It never had. It is nothing short of a terror force against innocent women and in some cases men. The anger against the Morality Police is discernible given how women are thrown into police vans and normally beaten up while being taken to stations and then once in the complete hands of the authorities they are subjugated to more torture and abuse and unless they are from an aristocratic background or politically well connected, these women just simply languish in prisons in their thousands, without any other recourse. Given the abysmal human rights record this un-precedented act of defiance individually and collectively, these iconic images of women who are not wearing their ḥijābs anymore, setting them on fire, cutting their hair and literally risking their lives, show once and for all that women are visibly saying enough is enough while shouting “WOMEN, LIFE, FREEDOM” as we all should be shouting with them.

China’s Path to Socialist Modernization

Vijay Prashad & Tings Chak



Photograph Source: Hou Bo – Public Domain

The Communist Party of China (CPC) held its 20th National Congress from October 16 to October 22, 2022. Every five years, the delegates of the CPC’s 96 million members meet to elect its top leaders and to set the future direction for the party. One of the main themes of the congress this year was “rejuvenation” of the country through “a Chinese path to modernization.” In his report to the congress, Xi Jinping, the CPC’s general secretary, sketched out the way forward to build China “into a modern socialist country.”

Most of the Western media commentary about the congress ignored the actual words that were said in Beijing, opting instead to make wild speculations about the deliberations in the party (including about the sudden departure of former Chinese President Hu Jintao from the Great Hall of the People during the closing session of the congress, who left because he was feeling ill). Much could have been gained from listening to what people said during the National Congress instead of putting words in their mouths.

Socialist Modernization

When the Communist Party took power in China in 1949, the country was the 11th poorest country in the world. For the first time since the “century of humiliation” that began with the British wars on China from 1839 onward, China has developed into a major power with the social situation of the Chinese people having greatly improved from their condition in 1949. A short walk away from the Great Hall of the People, where the congress was held, is the Chairman Mao Memorial Hall, which reminds people of the immense achievement of the Chinese Revolution of 1949 and its impact on Chinese society.

Xi Jinping became the general secretary of the CPC at the 18th National Congress in 2012 and was elected president of the People’s Republic of China in March 2013. Since then, the country has gone through significant changes. Economically, China’s GDP has almost doubled to become the world’s second-largest economy, growing from 58.8 trillion yuan in 2013 to 114.37 trillion yuan in 2021, and its GDP expanded at a rate of 6.6 percent per year during the same period. Meanwhile, the country’s per capita GDP almost doubled between 2013 and 2021, with China approaching the high-income country bracket. In terms of the world economy, China’s GDP was 18.5 percent of the global total in 2021, and the country was responsible for 30 percent of world economic growth from 2013 to 2021. China also manufactured 30 percent of the world’s goods in 2021, up from more than 20 percent in 2012. This adds to the decades of historically unprecedented growth rate of 9.8 percent per year from 1978 to 2014 since the launching of economic reform in China in 1978. These economic achievements are historic and did not come without their set of challenges and consequences.

While delivering the report at the opening of this congress, Xi spoke about the situation that the Chinese people faced a decade ago: “Great achievements had been secured in reform, opening up, and socialist modernization… At the same time, however, a number of prominent issues and problems—some of which had been building for years and others which were just emerging—demanded urgent action.” He went on to talk about the “slide toward weak, hollow, and watered-down party leadership,” pointing out that “money worship, hedonism, egocentricity, and historical nihilism” were the deep-seated problems in a development process that was “imbalanced, uncoordinated, and unsustainable.” These are significant self-criticisms made by the man who has led the country for the past decade.

Corruption

A decade ago, in his speech at the 18th CPC National Congress, outgoing Secretary General Hu Jintao mentioned the word “corruption” several times. “If we fail to handle this issue well,” he warned, “it could prove fatal to the party, and even cause the collapse of the party and the fall of the state.” Xi Jinping’s first task after taking over as general secretary of the CPC was to tackle this issue. In his inaugural speech as the party head in 2013, Xi said he was committed to “the fighting of tigers and flies at the same time,” referring to the corruption that had spread from the high echelons down to the grassroots level within the party and the government. The party launched “eight-point” rules for its members in December 2012, to limit practices such as inconsequential meetings and extravagant receptions for official visits, and advocated “diligence and thrift.”

Meanwhile, a year after the launch of the “mass line campaign” by Xi’s administration in June 2013, official meetings were reduced by 25 percent in comparison to the period before the campaign, 160,000 “phantom staff” were removed from the government payroll, and 2,580 “unnecessary” official building projects were stopped. Over the past decade, from November 2012 to April 2022, nearly 4.4 million cases involving 4.7 million officials were investigated in the fight against corruption. Party members have been investigated. In the first half of this year alone, 24 senior officials were investigated for corruption, and former ministers, provincial governors, and presidents of the biggest state-owned banks have been expelled from the party and given harsh sentences, including life imprisonment.

Hu Jintao’s comments and Xi Jinping’s actions reflected concerns that during the period of high growth after 1978, CPC members grew increasingly detached from the people. During the first months of his presidency, Xi launched the “mass line campaign” to bring the party closer to the grassroots. As part of the “targeted poverty alleviation” campaign launched in 2014, 800,000 party cadres were sent to survey and visit 128,000 villages as part of this project. In 2020, despite the COVID-19 pandemic, China successfully eradicated extreme poverty, contributing to 76 percent of the global reduction in poverty till October 2015.

Beyond the party’s self-correction, Xi’s strong words and actions against the corrupt “flies and tigers” contributed to the Chinese people’s confidence in the government. According to a 2020 research paper by Harvard Kennedy School’s Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation, the overall satisfaction with the government’s performance was 93.1 percent in 2016, seeing the most significant growth in the more underdeveloped regions in the countryside. This rise of confidence in rural areas resulted from increased social services, trust in local officials, and the campaign against poverty.

Right Side of History

At the 20th Congress, Xi Jinping reflected on the history of colonialism—including China’s “century of humiliation”—and the implications this would have for China going forward. “In pursuing modernization,” Xi said, “China will not tread the old path of war, colonization, and plunder taken by some countries. That brutal and blood-stained path of enrichment at the expense of others caused great suffering for the people of developing countries. We will stand firmly on the right side of history and on the side of human progress.”

Chinese officials routinely tell us that their country is not interested in seeking dominance in the world. What China would like to do is to collaborate with other countries to try and solve humanity’s dilemmas. The Belt and Road Initiative, for instance, was launched in 2013 with the purpose of “win-win” cooperation and development and has thus far built much-needed infrastructure with investment and construction contracts totaling $1 trillion in almost 150 countries. China’s interest in tackling the climate catastrophe is evidenced by its planting of a quarter of the world’s new forests over the past decade and in becoming a world leader in renewable energy investment and electric vehicle production. On the public health side, China adopted a COVID-19 policy that prioritizes lives over profit, donated 325 million doses of vaccines, and saved millions of lives as a result of this. As a result of its initiatives in the public health sector, the average life expectancy of Chinese people was 77.93 years in 2020 and reached 78.2 years in 2021, and for the first time, surpassed life expectancy in the United States—77 years in 2020 and 76.1 in 2021—making this drop “the biggest two-year decline in life expectancy since 1921-1923.”

China’s communists do not see these events without putting them in the context of the long process undertaken by the government toward achieving and ensuring their social development. In 27 years, China will celebrate the centenary of its revolution. In 1997, then-President of China Jiang Zemin spoke about the two centenary goals—the 100-year markers following the founding of the Communist Party (1921) and the Chinese Revolution (1949)—that “underwrite all China’s long-term economic planning programs and contemporary macroeconomic policy agendas.” At that time, the focus was on growth rates. In 2017, Xi Jinping shifted the emphasis of these goals to the “three tough battles”: to defuse major financial risks, to eradicate poverty, and to control pollution. This new congress has gone beyond those “tough battles” to protect Chinese sovereignty and to expand the dignity of the Chinese people.

Rishi Sunak and Britain’s Post-Brexit Fairy Tales

Patrick Cockburn



Photograph Source: Rory Arnold / No10 Downing Street – OGL 3

Much mirth is expressed over President Joe Biden mispronouncing the new Prime Minister’s name as “Rashee Sanook”. Many see this as showing how the merry-go-round of British leaders has confused the rest of the world. Some take up the opportunity to sideswipe Biden, saying that he was pretty confused to begin with.

I doubt if it matters that much: world leaders tend to know surprisingly little about allied and hostile states because they single-mindedly focus on their own domestic politics. Biden’s attention will be fixed these days on the midterm congressional elections and his own prospects in the presidential election of 2024. More important for Rishi Sunak will be the real standing of Britain, regardless of name recognition or lack of it.

A telling but negative omen about his abilities is perhaps not receiving enough attention because of the wave of relief that Liz Truss has gone from Downing Street and Boris Johnson is not going to re-enter it. There is upbeat talk of “grown-ups” taking charge at last and encouraging recollections of Sunak’s success in mitigating the economic impact of the pandemic. He is presenting himself as the cool-headed financial expert thankfully at the helm with the skill and experience to avoid the approaching rocks.

But keep in mind that Sunak backed Brexit. He voted to leave the EU, even without a withdrawal agreement. That is one reason why Steve Baker and many Brexit leaders gave him decisive backing last weekend. On the most critical economic decision facing Britain since 1945, the new Prime Minister was decisively on the side of those who claimed that the country would have a better future outside the EU.

Sunak’s jibe at Truss during the summer Tory leadership campaign that she was indulging in “fairy-tale economics” has been ceaselessly replayed on television in the past few days. But no channel I have seen is showing Sunak telling even more disastrous “fairy tales” about the advantages to Britain of putting up trade barriers with its largest market.

The devastating impact of Brexit was highlighted this month by Mark Carney, who was for seven years head of the Bank of England. He cited a couple of damning statistics. Asked in an interview about the economic consequences of Brexit, he said: “Put it this way, in 2016 the British economy was 90 per cent the size of Germany’s. Now it is less than 70 per cent. And that calculation was made before today.”

The Brexit referendum vote and the turmoil that followed accelerated the British decline caused by a decade of austerity. The country became less and less capable of sustaining external shocks like the Covid-19 pandemic, the Ukraine war – and its own government’s divisions and contortions.

Sunak presents himself as a safe pair of hands after the Truss and Johnson comic opera, but he is complicit as a true believer in a decision that almost all economic experts agree has done nothing but self-harm to Britain. He may get a sympathy vote as he inherits deep problems, but he shares in responsibility for creating them in the first place.

Brexit revived the Irish question, which bedeviled British politics for centuries and now threatens the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement of 1998. The dispute about the Northern Ireland Protocol is in reality about Irish partition, which has turned into an international issue with which Sunak has no good options.

Go too far in meeting the anti-Protocol demands of the Tory right and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and he alienates the Irish Republic, EU and – most significantly for the UK – the US. He will presumably try to fudge and delay negotiations to avoid a trade war with the EU. But any dispute involving Northern Ireland has so many moving parts that it is largely insoluble and has its own momentum outside the control of Westminster governments – as many British prime ministers have learned to their cost.

Immigration is another dangerous issue which is not quite what it appears. Many supported Brexit and the Tories because they wanted immigration to go down, but instead it has risen spectacularly, doubling to 1.1 million to June this year compared with 2018-19.

The Government has yet to be hit by a bigger dispute over this because public attention is focused on the 38,000 people illegally crossing the channel in small boats and not on the far larger figure for legal immigrants.

Sunak may increase legal immigration to encourage growth but continue to publicise deportation to Rwanda as a gimmick to pretend that the Government is trying to limit immigration. This policy was beginning to shake apart in the last days of Truss, as shown by her last-minute sacking of the Home Secretary, Suella Braverman. Her reappointment by Sunak suggests it may be resurrected.

Standing tall on Ukraine will be one of Sunak’s easier tasks, but an endless war in Ukraine, with every sign of the conflict escalating, means continued high oil and gas prices. Neither Britain nor the EU has much idea of how to break the deadlock in Ukraine, except to hope for a comprehensive Russian defeat or the overthrow of President Vladimir Putin.

As in Afghanistan and Iraq, British policy will remain in lockstep with the White House, regardless of Biden’s inability to remember the British Prime Minister’s correct name.

German parliament agrees to drastically restrict freedom of speech and assembly

Justus Leicht


The amendment to paragraph 130 of the penal code (incitement of the people), decided in a cloak-and-dagger action, is an unprecedented attack on the fundamental rights of freedom of expression and assembly. In view of the rapid return of German militarism, any expression of doubts about the deafening war propaganda and any opposition to the war policy are to be made punishable offences.

Specifically, the legislation will be amended to include a paragraph stating that it is punishable by up to three years in prison to “publicly or in an assembly” condone, deny, or grossly trivialize “genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes.” Officially, this will implement a 2008 EU decision to combat racism, so the alleged statement must be “likely” to “incite hatred or violence” against a national, racial, religious or ethnic group, against parts of the population or against an individual because of his or her affiliation with it, and “disturb the public peace.”

The amendment to the law, which was passed with the votes of the Social Democrats (SPD), Liberal Democrats (FDP), Greens and Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU), was deliberately worded in such a way that no limit is placed on the time and place of the aforementioned crimes, nor did they have to be “finally established by a court.” Such a limitation had been made possible by the EU Framework Decision, but the “traffic light” coalition of the SPD, FDP and Greens, together with the CDU/CSU, deliberately did not use it, as the parliamentary Legal Affairs Committee’s recommended resolution on the law explicitly states. Even if such a statement is made in a non-public meeting, it can still be prosecuted.

SGP placards against war and the return of fascism [WSWS Media] [Photo: WSWS]

This means that it does not matter when or where war crimes or genocide took place, or whether they have a connection to Germany or not. Since they also do not have to be established judicially, suspicion about a propaganda claim can also suffice. It suffices if police officers, prosecutors or judges declare them to be true.

At the same time, the law provides the German judiciary practically unlimited leeway, through undefined legal terms, as to when it will prosecute supposedly illegal statements and when it will not, when “trivialization” is present, when this is “gross,” and when a statement is “suitable” to “disturb the public peace” (an actual disturbance is not required).

Despite all the denials from the Ministry of Justice, which point to EU infringement proceedings against Germany from last year for failing to implement the 2008 EU decision, the reason for the tightening of the law is obviously the Ukraine war. It was literally decided in a cloak-and-dagger action, public discussion was apparently to be avoided, as the Süddeutsche Zeitung vividly described:

There had been no major announcement; instead, Marco Buschmann’s (FDP) Ministry of Justice had given an initially non-public “formulation aid” to the Legal Affairs Committee. The committee had then attached the text to an inconspicuous reform bill on the Federal Central Register on Wednesday. So it was able to move quickly: On Thursday evening shortly before 11 p.m., the traffic light factions in the Bundestag, together with the Christian Democrats, had already given their final approval.

Now, only the Bundesrat, the second chamber, must agree on November 25; after ratification by the Federal President and publication in the Federal Law Gazette it then comes into force.

The reason for the haste and stealth with which this law is being rushed through is the fear and anger of the ruling class that NATO’s proxy war in Ukraine against Russia, despite incessant propaganda, is rejected by broad sections of the population. Many working people are not driven by the desire for victory over Russia, but by concerns about rising living costs and fear of war. The answer of the ruling class is to criminalize the rejection of atrocity propaganda against Russia.

The significance of the law, however, goes far beyond the Ukraine war. In most wars and civil wars around the world, allegations of war crimes and genocide play a central political role. Sometimes they are true, but only a pretext; often they turn out to be lies.

Thus, in order to justify the war against Iraq, real past crimes of the Hussein regime, such as poison gas attacks against Kurds during the war against Iran, were brought up, but tales of atrocities were also invented, such as that Iraqi soldiers tore Kuwaiti babies out of incubators. NATO’s war of aggression against Yugoslavia, which violated international law, was preceded by propaganda about an alleged “horseshoe plan” by Yugoslav President Milosevic, who was allegedly planning genocide against the Kosovo Albanians. Similar propaganda was used to justify the war against Libya to overthrow and assassinate Libyan leader Gaddafi. The examples could be continued.

In future, using the new law, anyone who questions the war propaganda of the ruling class can be prosecuted. Hatred and the denial of war crimes against Germany’s enemies, on the other hand, will continue to go unprosecuted. No state attorney will prosecute Ukrainian nationalists for glorifying Nazis like the Azov regiment or the fascist Stepan Bandera and incitement against “Russian orcs.”

The prosecution of opponents of war has a long tradition in Germany. Socialist leaders August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht were sentenced to two years’ imprisonment for their criticism of the 1870 Franco-Prussian War. Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were locked up in a penitentiary for their opposition to the First World War. The Nazis eventually imprisoned hundreds of thousands of Communists and Social Democrats in concentration camps in order to conduct World War II.

In the name of the fight against “incitement of the people,” of all things, the ruling class is reanimating this tradition. The new law is part of comprehensive attacks on basic democratic rights aimed at suppressing widespread opposition to war and social devastation.

For example, in the capital Berlin authorities banned all “Nakba Day” demonstrations marking the destruction of Palestinian society and homeland in 1948. In many parts of Berlin this year, it was forbidden to commemorate the liberation from fascism in World War II by the Soviet Union with Soviet flags at Soviet memorials and monuments on Liberation Day, May 9. In a ruling against the left-wing daily Junge Welt in March, the Berlin Administrative Court justified allowing publications to be spied on, harassed and discriminated against by the secret service if they advocated against capitalism and for a socialist society.

Australia: Report reveals soaring levels of hunger, the result of rising living costs

Max Boddy


Last week the charity organisation Foodbank released their annual “Hunger Report,” which gives a snapshot of the level of food insecurity in Australia. It revealed that 33 percent of households, or an estimated 8.6 million people, ran out of money to pay for food or, in some cases, skipped meals for days. This is up from 28 percent the previous year—an increase of around 1.3 million people.

Foodbank Hunger Report 2022: The hunger crisis facing Australia [Photo: Foodbank Hunger Report 2022]

The report is based on an online survey of 4,024 people conducted by Foodbank between 11 and 28 July this year. Based on their responses they were categorised as highly food secure, marginally food secure, moderately food insecure or severely food insecure. The distribution of respondents was based on stratified quotas weighted by state, age, sex and location. The results give an indication of the food crisis in Australia.

Significantly the largest increase from the previous year were those categorised as severely insecure, which rose from 17 percent of households in 2021 to 21 percent in 2022. This means 400,000 more households have been thrust into severe food insecurity in a single year, or 1.04 million Australians.

To be classified as severely food insecure, households must have experienced any one of the following due to running out of money or not having access to food—went hungry and did not eat, went an entire day without food or lost weight as a result of not having food, this includes children.

Households with children are 1.5 times more vulnerable to severe food insecurity, with 32 percent, or one third of all households with children experiencing severely compromised levels of food access. According to the data, 52 percent of all Australian households with children under 18 experienced some form of food insecurity in the last 12 months.

These staggering numbers reveal a crisis bubbling under the surface, as families struggle to afford the rapidly rising cost of living. Brianna Casey, the chief executive of Foodbank, told the Guardian, that it was the worst she had seen in six years in the job, “I’ve never seen anything like what we are seeing right now.

“It’s going to come as a surprise to many that we are seeing rates of food insecurity that are worse than at the height of the pandemic… People have come out of the pandemic in many instances in a more vulnerable position than they went in.”

The pandemic, however, is far from over. August was the deadliest month in Australia since the pandemic began, with over 2000 deaths due to the virus. The Albanese Labor government has removed all basic safety measures, deepening the policies of the Liberal party, which has set the stage for a massive surge of infection.

The policy of ‘letting the virus rip,’ coupled with the US-NATO instigated war in the Ukraine and massive profit gouging by major corporations, is fueling an inflationary crisis which is pushing millions into poverty. The official inflation rate is 7.3 percent, the highest in 32 years, however the official figures hide the true extent of the pressure on families.

According to the latest available Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) figures fruit and vegetables had a 16.2 percent annual price increase in 12 months to the September quarter. At the same time, meat and seafood rose 7.3 percent, breads and cereals 10 percent and dairy related products 12.1 percent. Non-durable household products, such as those for home cleaning and healthcare rose by 11.9 percent and housing increased by 10.5 percent.

This is reflected in the report—the primary reason for households’ food crisis is “increased/high living expenses,” cited by 64 percent of respondents. Within that the top three reasons given were “increased food and grocery costs,” “increased energy costs” and “increased housing cost.”

The majority of those surveyed found they were more food insecure this year than last, on average 55 percent. One male respondent aged 55–65 years from regional Queensland said that the last time he couldn’t afford food he went to get cheaper options from a food cooperative, “I had $5 so that was enough to get through until pension day. Things are getting worse, I am scared.”

Pointing to how widespread the food crisis has become, the report notes increasing “diversity” in the households that have experienced food insecurity from those “typically less vulnerable.”

More than half, 54 percent, of households who had someone in paid work reported food insecurity and while 45 percent of households who were renting reported food insecurity, so did nearly a third, 30 percent, of those households with a mortgage.

Low-income families or those on the below-poverty welfare payments still account for the most impacted by the rising cost of living. As one woman over the age of 55 on the aged care pension wrote in the survey, “I only eat once a day because the cost of groceries have increased and the pension doesn’t cover the real cost of living, so I try and cut down on everything, so I can survive on the government pension.”

The report also notes the role of “natural disasters,” such as droughts, bush fires, and flooding, which impacted nearly 20 percent of all households. The severe impact of these disasters is the result of residents being abandoned by the government. In Lismore, in northern New South Wales, thousands of victims of floods in February are still left homeless or forced to live in overcrowded camper vans.

The soaring levels of hunger in Australia are the results of the decades-long assault on the living conditions of workers, overseen by both Labor and Liberal parties alike. This process was only accelerated in the past two years, as the pandemic has been used to funnel billions into the pockets of the wealthy even as real wage levels are declining.

Brazilian presidential run-off unfolds under shadow of military’s “parallel vote count”

Miguel Andrade


The Brazilian presidential run-off, due to take place on Sunday, October 30, is unfolding under the shadow of an unprecedented “parallel vote count” and “audit” of the country’s electronic voting machines being conducted by the country’s military. The armed forces command has essentially aligned itself with the false claims of ballot fraud used by fascistic President Jair Bolsonaro to justify his announced refusal to concede a likely defeat.

Military Police chiefs meeting wth Electoral Court on Brazil’s elections [Photo: Alejandro Zambrona/Secom/TSE]

Bolsonaro has for four years claimed that only voting fraud in favor of his 2018 elections adversary, Fernando Haddad of the Workers Party (PT), blocked his victory in the first round. Since then, anticipating the results of the hatred generated by the sweeping attacks on workers’ living standards he implemented on behalf of national and foreign capital, Bolsonaro has relentlessly attacked the Brazilian electoral system and enlisted the military in these attacks.

In the last days before the run-off, after Bolsonaro trailed former PT president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in the first round by 6 million votes, the situation is more dangerous than ever. The military has remained silent on their “audit,” while Bolsonaro repeats his claims that he will not accept the results unless the military proclaims its agreement with them, despite having no constitutional role in the matter.

More gravely, when asked last week by both the Supreme Court and the Court of auditors to release its “report,” the Defense Ministry replied it would not make public any “partial” analysis before the full conclusion of its “audit,” and that this would only happen after January 5, that is, after the inauguration of the next president, set for January 1.

The entire course of the closed door negotiations between all those declaring Bolsonaro a “fascist” and an existential threat to Brazilian democracy, first and foremost the Congressional opposition led by Lula and the PT, has so far succeeded only in elevating the military to the role of final arbiter of the elections, whatever the results of Sunday’s run-off.

Now, while Bolsonaro claims the results of the first round are suspect and calls on his fascist supporters to lay siege to voting sites in the second round, the military effectively declares it will not recognize the election results until after the inauguration of the next government, if ever.

Such a declaration represents an ominous threat, given both the Brazilian military’s bloody history and the intractable crisis of world capitalism, which finds a particularly sharp expression in Brazil. Backed by US imperialism, Brazilian generals ousted the bourgeois-nationalist Labor Party government of João Goulart in 1964, promising “clean” elections a year later, before shutting down Congress, abolishing political parties and habeas corpus, purging the Supreme Court and killing, torturing and sending into exile thousands of oppositionists. This reign of terror would last for 21 years and serve as a breeding ground for even bloodier coups across the continent, claiming hundreds of thousands of victims.

The rapid acceptance by the Brazilian ruling class of the fascistic Bolsonaro, a former Army captain and unabashed apologist of the dictatorship’s political executions, as the leading candidate and later president, signaled clearly that this history was not, after all, “past” as claimed by the PT and the corporate media. Now the military announces loud and clear that they are arrogating to themselves the right to rule on the legitimacy of civil authorities, which could rapidly evolve into a renewed dictatorship.

As the recent developments clearly expose, such dangers cannot be fought by a vote for the bourgeois opposition to Bolsonaro, that is, Lula and the PT. The main goal of the opposition, which has sworn their fealty to Brazilian capitalism in countless meetings with big business and foreign emissaries, is to chloroform public opinion in the face of the crisis engulfing Brazilian and international capitalism which drives the growth of fascist forces internationally.

The opposition’s goal is to provide a lifeline to the moribund Brazilian bourgeois-democratic regime, in order to prevent an assault from below, effectively paving the way for a redoubled assault by the right wing.

Under these conditions, the military’s refusal to rule out election fraud, providing Bolsonaro with key support for his fascistic calls to overturn the results, is being completely ignored by the opposition. Hours before a public rally in the historic Catholic University Theater in São Paulo on Monday, gathering dozens of intellectuals and artists, Lula declared that he believes Bolsonaro will call him and concede defeat on Sunday night.

Lula reacted similarly after news on Wednesday night that Bolsonaro had made a hasty return from the campaign trail to the capital, Brasília, to meet with the military chiefs before announcing he would challenge the Superior Electoral Court (TSE) for allowing radio stations to suppress his legal advertisement schedules. Bolsonaro’s announcement was yet another step in his carefully developed coup plans, but Lula dismissed it as a sign that the president is “psychologically broken.”

Such declarations by the foremost leader of the self-proclaimed Brazilian left and “anti-fascist” opposition are politically criminal. In the face of the plans for a coup that are underway, the PT’s only argument is that it should be returned to power as the best means to contain and disrupt the working class opposition to a renewed dictatorship with the use of its allied union apparatus and pseudo-left identity politics.

With the military placing a sword over the head of the next administration, one can only expect that, if elected, the PT will move further to the right, deepening the turn to religious, militaristic and law-and-order reaction that has been the hallmark of the run-off election.

This turn started with Lula’s pious declaration of ultra-right “pro-life,” anti-abortion convictions, and deepened with his calls for billionaires and businessmen to declare their open support for the PT as the best alternative for improving Brazil’s relations with world imperialism. What followed were promises to evangelical churches supporting Bolsonaro that they will hold sway over social policies in a new PT government, as announced by Lula in a “Letter to the Evangelicals” of October 19.

Now the PT is fully focused on presenting itself as the last line of defense of the police apparatus. It has seized on a standoff last Sunday between Bolsonaro’s fascist supporter Roberto Jefferson and the Federal Police, in which Jefferson fired 50 rounds from an assault rifle and hurled three stun grenades against a squad poised to arrest him outside of his home in the countryside of Rio de Janeiro.

Jefferson was the first of the ultra-right elements—such as Bolsonaro himself—to break from the PT’s ruling coalition after Lula was elected for the first time in 2002. Jefferson then, as now, led the corrupt Brazilian Labor Party (PTB), and denounced the PT government for paying monthly stipends in exchange for votes in the Brazilian House, including for the approval of its hated pensions reform. He was sentenced to seven years in prison in 2012 for taking part in the scheme himself, leaving prison 15 months later. He later steadily steered the PTB towards fascistic forces, becoming a Bolsonaro loyalist and sponsoring, in July 2021, the mass entry into the party of members of the traditional Brazilian fascist movement, the Integralistas.

He was arrested soon after on the orders of Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who now leads the Electoral Court, as a threat to the state, under the sealed so-called fake news inquiry. Placed under house arrest due to poor health, he repeatedly violated the sentence’s terms, including by keeping the arms cache used to repel federal officers.

Jefferson fully embodied Bolsonaro’s coup strategy, going on social media, in violation of judicial orders, to complain about the anti-“fake news” measures of the Electoral Court, which days before had ordered the withdrawal of hundreds of pro-Bolsonaro videos and news pieces from social media, and forbidden the far-right Jovem Pan radio from reproducing them. Knowing his provocation would bring a renewed arrest warrant, Jefferson started broadcasting the arrival of the police and later exposed a pool of blood from one officer hit in the head by fragments of a stun grenade. As a result, by the time police reinforcements arrived and were finally able to seize him, his house was surrounded by Bolsonaro loyalists.

Bolsonaro then dispatched his Justice Minister, Anderson Torres, who negotiated Jefferson’s surrender by phone from the nearby city of Juiz de Fora. While Bolsonaro later condemned Jefferson as an “outlaw” to be punished, the protection offered to him with the use of the Justice Ministry sends a clear message to the president’s fascist supporters who have been summoned to seize voting sites on Sunday.

Predictably, the PT’s reaction was to show solidarity with the police and double down on the lie that Bolsonaro is the sole source of fascist violence in the country, with Lula declaring that “this never happened in Brazilian politics,” as if the dictatorship the PT was born opposing had never existed.