31 Dec 2021

How CIA Plots Undermined African De-Colonization

Eve Ottenberg


For those who believe Africa was decolonized decades ago, it’s time to wake up from dream-world. True, colonial European powers no longer impose direct rule on African nations, which are nominally “independent.” But those European countries, beaten back from their African colonies in the second half of the twentieth century, had no intention of losing their investments or access to Africa’s vast mineral wealth. So, with the help of groups like the CIA, Europeans and Americans covertly recolonized the continent, with bribes, murders, loans, privatizations (aka looting) and the installation of western-friendly regimes.

The latest and most noxious of these colonial iterations is the U.S. military’s AFRICOM, although a French oligarch “controls 16 West African ports through bribery and influence peddling,” as Margaret Kimberley recounted in Black Agenda Report, December 1. “Canadian companies control gold mining in Burkina Faso, Mali and D.R.C.…British soldiers are still stationed in Kenya.” So the west never stopped strangling African nations. In this effort, the vile 1961 assassination of Patrice Lumumba was key. Needless to say, the CIA was involved up to its eyeballs.

As Congo’s first freely elected leader after the Belgian rout, Lumumba made the honest mistake of trusting western democratic ideals.  Then, when he discovered they were phony, he tilted – very slightly – toward the Soviets. That sealed his fate. “President Eisenhower authorized the assassination of Lumumba,” writes Susan
Williams in her newly published book, White Malice: the CIA and the Covert Recolonization of Africa. The consequences were ghastly. After Lumumba’s murder and dismemberment, for well over three decades, “the Congo was ruled with an iron fist by Mobutu – a dictator chosen by the U.S. government and installed by the CIA.”

Now Congo again leaps into headlines – not because of its rich uranium deposits, so coveted by Washington in the 1940s and ‘50s, but because of cobalt and other minerals essential to a green energy transition. Mining cobalt is an ugly business. Roughly 40,000 cobalt miners are children, out of 255,000 Congolese cobalt miners. They work in nearly slave labor conditions, earning less than $2 per day. Their intensive labor is extremely hazardous and there have been charges that AFRICOM indirectly oversees these mines. Context is key here. D.R.C. is an extremely poor country. Life expectancy is 60 years. But the U.S. craves D.R.C. resources, as it has, going back to the 1940s. So pretty much anything goes.

Once again in Congo, Washington finds itself snarling imbecilically at a communist competitor – this time China. But unlike the struggle with the U.S.S.R., which had safely sequestered its economy from western capitalism, China is the U.S.’s biggest trading partner; the two economies are inextricably intertwined. Insulting and threatening someone you regularly do business with may seem cretinous to the casual observer, but somehow it’s the best the American politicos can come up with lately.

So Washington fulminates in fury at being outmaneuvered by a supposed foe – when in fact China, recently an American friend until idiotic sachems in the U.S. declared it otherwise, has long invested in Africa, occasionally quite generously handed its infrastructure over to local governments, and, contrary to western financial barbarism, forgiven loans when African countries couldn’t pay! The U.S. government long knew about the nature of these Chinese investments, but lately goes out of its way to distort and lie about them.

Trump’s secretary of state, Mike Pompeo fibbed about a port in Sri Lanka, which those supposedly devious Chinese had, he lied, repossessed as part of their “debt trap” for Africa. (This repossession never happened.) Even comedian Trevor Noah flogged this bogus story, demanding to know what is going to be done about how those Asiatics ensnare poor nations to steal their infrastructure. And the most recent propaganda has been some nonsense about an airport in Uganda, supposedly stolen by China. (It wasn’t.)

The description of the CIA’s viperous attitude toward Lumumba, made by journalist Cameron Duodu and recounted in Williams’ book, unfortunately, still holds for today: “His country has got resources. We want them. He might not give them to us. So let us go get him.” In addition, Washington bigwigs regard the entire African continent as a stage for their Great Game competition with China, which is disastrous. Africans of all nationalities will only suffer as a result.

So a history like White Malice could not arrive at a more opportune time. It shows how Ghanian President Kwame Nkrumah – ousted by a CIA plot in 1966 – dreamed of a united states of Africa. While Washington ensured that never emerged, African countries can still coordinate and work toward shared goals. Williams’ account spells out the cost of not doing so.

This book showcases three main villains – CIA director Allan Dulles, diplomat and arts patron William Burden (a one-time director of New York City’s Museum of Modern Art, which boosted the abstract expressionism the CIA so vigorously funded and promoted) and the crudely murderous Leopoldville CIA station chief, Larry Devlin. But behind these three monsters loomed a vast, homicidal military empire, piloted by capitalist ideologues, who did not value human life, to put it mildly, especially if that life belonged to black, brown or communist people.

In that sense, little has changed from the 1950s and ‘60s to the present. Which should be cause for alarm. It probably is, to the Chinese, and to the Ethiopians, who find their prosperous country in imperial crosshairs, much as another once wealthy African nation, Libya recently did. But otherwise, most of the world sleeps through this repeat performance of the African tragedy.

It shouldn’t. The CIA committed atrocious crimes in the ‘50s and ‘60s, and not just on the African continent. Williams cites the suspiciously premature deaths of left-leaning African notables, as well as that, in Paris, of the great African American writer, Richard Wright. And one of the most despicable of the CIA’s many murders was that of Congo’s first elected leader. “Lumumba, Malcom X believed, was the ‘greatest black man who ever walked the African continent,’” Williams writes. Malcom X was not alone in this judgment. Which is why, as Williams notes, when CIA hands got together to boast of their dirty exploits, the CIA’s man in Congo, Devlin, so pivotal in schemes to trap and murder Lumumba, always carefully kept his mouth shut.

45 Journalists Killed In 2021, Violence Against Journalists Remains Global Challenge: IPI Death Watch

Anne ter Rele


IDPIIDPI

In 2021, a total of 45 journalists were killed in connection with their work, IPI research revealed on December 29, 2021. The sombre tally reflects the continued risks of doing journalism and reaffirms journalist safety as a global challenge. International Press Institute (IPI) calls on authorities to end impunity for these crimes and to ensure the protection of journalists, who must be able to do their work freely and safely.

The IPI global network published its yearly Death Watch on December 29, 2021. IPI’s research shows that since the beginning of 2021, a total of 45 journalists were killed in connection with their work, or lost their lives on assignment. Of these 45 journalists, 40 were male and five were female. A total of 28 were targeted due to their work, while three were killed while covering conflict, two lost their lives covering civil unrest, and one journalist was killed while on assignment. Eleven cases are still under investigation.

The Death Watch includes names of journalists who were deliberately targeted because of their profession – either because of their reporting or simply because they were journalists –  as well as those who lost their lives while covering conflict or while on assignment. IPI’s list includes journalists, editors, and reporters, as well as media workers who directly contribute to news content, such as camerapersons.

IPI’s statistics are based on the organization’s regular monitoring of attacks on journalists. In addition, IPI works closely together with its network of members and with local journalism organizations to assess whether the killing of a journalist was likely to be work-related or not.

Deliberately killed

Of the journalists included in the Death Watch, IPI classifies 28 as targeted due to work, meaning that there are clear indications that the victims were deliberately killed due to their profession – either in retaliation for specific reporting or simply for being a journalist. The list includes independent Somali journalist Jamal Farah Adan, who was shot by gunmen on March 1. The extremist group Al-Shabaab later claimed responsibility. In July, Mexican journalist Ricardo Dominguez López, owner of news website InfoGuaymas, was shot to death in the parking lot of a supermarket on his 47th birthday. These are just some of the more than two dozen abhorrent killings around the world.

Some – but not all – journalists had received death threats before they were murdered. For instance, Shannaz Roafi, Sadia Sadat, and Mursal Wahidi worked for the independent radio and TV station Enikass in Afghanistan, which had received threats from extremist groups for broadcasting television shows. Rasha Abdullah Al-Harazi, a journalist from Yemen who died in a targeted car bomb attack while she was nine months pregnant, had received many threats in the months before her death, Khalid Ibrahim of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights told IPI. “By phone she was told to stop doing journalism”, he said. “But we didn’t know it would be this serious.”

In addition to the 28 targeted killings, IPI classifies 11 killings as “under investigation”. This designation means that there are grounds to suspect that the journalist’s death may have been a targeted killing, but that more information is needed to be able to confirm this. One example is the murder of former Reuters journalist Jess Malabanan in the Philippines, who was killed on December 8 by assailants on a motorcycle while he was watching TV. As Malabanan had worked on a prize-winning Reuters production on President Duterte’s drug war in 2018, there is suspicion that the killing may have been journalism-related. IPI is working closely with local journalism organizations to follow this and other cases for potential updates.

In many cases, the failures of states to investigate the murders of journalists makes it difficult to assess whether a killing is work-related, requiring researchers to rely on circumstantial evidence. Determinations may be updated to reflect new information. In addition, IPI is also looking into several other cases of journalists who were killed in 2021, for which there is currently no indication of a connection to their work. Although these cases are not listed on IPI’s Death Watch, IPI continues to follow them in collaboration with local media organizations.

Three journalists were killed covering armed conflict, including Maharram Ibrahimov, a reporter for the Azerbaijani state news agency AzerTag, who was killed in a landmine explosion on June 4 in Azerbaijan’s Kalbajar region. Two journalists were killed covering civil unrest, including Burhan Uddin Mujakker, who was shot in the neck while covering a political clash in Bangladesh in which eight other people suffered bullet injuries. One Indian journalist, Arindam Das, died on assignment. Das drowned while covering the rescue mission of an elephant from a river. These deaths reflect the continued hazards of the journalistic profession.

A global problem 

The Death Watch reveals that killings of journalists have occurred in almost every part of the world, confirming that journalist safety is a global problem that is not confined to particular regions. Asia and the Pacific was the deadliest region for journalists in 2021, with 18 killings, most of which occurred in India (6) and Afghanistan (6). Ten killings occurred in the Americas, which led the list in 2020. Seven journalists were killed in Mexico, one in Colombia, one in Guatemala, and one in Haiti. Six journalists were killed in Europe: two in Azerbaijan, one in Georgia, one in Turkey, one in the Netherlands (listed as Under Investigation), and one in Greece. Two journalists were killed in the MENA region, both in Yemen, while nine journalists were killed in Sub-Saharan Africa, most of whom in the Democratic Republic of Congo (3), followed by Burkina Faso and Somalia (both 2).

Like last year, more journalists were killed in Mexico (7) in 2021 than any other country in the world. All seven cases were targeted killings. According to IPI’s analysis, journalists researching local politics and organized crime, including drug trafficking, are especially at risk. Most of the targeted journalists were examining these or related topics. Another explanation for the high number of killed journalists is the level of impunity. According to ARTICLE 19 Mexico, in only one of these seven cases have suspects have been arrested. The continued high number of killings confirms Mexico’s status as one of the deadliest countries for journalists to work. Despite this tragic status quo, the government there has decided to stop funds allocated for upholding the Law for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists (LPPDHP).

After Mexico, Afghanistan and India are the two next-deadliest countries, with six killings each. In Afghanistan, most killings occurred in relation to the violent conflict as a result of the Taliban’s takeover of the country this summer. Not included in the list are two journalists who died at the airport from a bomb explosion while trying to escape the country.

Of the six journalists who lost their lives in India, two were targeted due to work, like Chennakesavulu, who was stabbed to death by a suspended police officer after he discovered the officer’s involvement in a gambling and tobacco smuggling ring. Another two cases are classified as under investigation (potential targeted killings). One journalist was killed while on assignment, while another was killed while covering civil unrest.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, three journalists were killed because of their work, like Joel Mumbere Musavuli, director of the privately owned broadcaster Radio Télé Communautaire Babombi (RTCB), who was stabbed to death alongside his wife by militiamen who had threatened him after Musavuli had covered armed groups in one of his shows. In Burkina Faso, 43-year-old David Beriáin, an experienced war reporter, and 47-year-old cameraman Roberto Fraile, were killed in an attack on a ranger patrol. The two journalists from Spain had been working on a documentary about combating poaching in the region, which is known for violent activity.

Importantly, journalists were also murdered in countries with relatively high levels of press freedom, which arguably shows the global nature of the risks of doing journalism. For example, high-risk crime journalist Peter R. De Vries was shot on an Amsterdam city street in broad daylight on July 6, 2021, despite the fact that the Netherlands is considered one of the countries with the highest degree of press freedom in the world. The De Vries case is currently classified as Under Investigation on IPI’s Death Watch. In Greece, crime reporter Giorgos Karaivaz was shot outside his home in Athens. As of December 2021, no suspects have been publicly identified and no arrests have been made, while public information about the status of the investigation remains scarce.

Impunity

IPI’s analysis shows an alarmingly insufficient response from authorities to the killings, leading to high levels of impunity for crimes against journalists. In only six of the 28 cases have local police reportedly arrested suspects. However, even this figure must be interpreted with caution, given that state investigations into journalist killings – insofar as they occur at all – are often deeply flawed and in some cases result in further miscarriages of justice, including arrests of innocent suspects.

Indeed, in several cases where arrests have been made, families of victims have indicated their belief that the police have arrested the wrong suspect or have arrested suspects to cover up the case, avoiding a real and thorough investigation. For example, in the case of Manish Kumar Singh, an Indian reporter working for Sudarshan TV who was killed on August 10 this year, his editor, Suresh Chavhanke, said on Twitter that the family believed the detained suspects were being used to whitewash the murder.

The failure of states to investigate many of the killings on IPI’s Death Watch occurs against a background of wider impunity for attacks on journalists. The vast majority of journalist killings around the world go unpunished, emboldening further violence and casting a chilling effect over the press everywhere. These include some of the most openly egregious murders of journalists. For example, Jamal Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist and well-known critic of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, disappeared after entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on October 2, 2018. His body was apparently dismembered by a team of assassins sent from Riyadh and his remains have never been found. Or Ahmed Hussein-Suale, who was shot dead on January 16, 2019, in Accra, Ghana, while returning home from work. In 2018 Hussein-Suale was part of an investigation that revealed corruption in African football right before the World Cup. Police arrested six people on suspicion of being involved in the murder, but later released them all due to lack of evidence. To this day, the assailants and the masterminds who ordered the killing remain unidentified.

IPI has repeatedly called on local authorities to end impunity for crimes against journalists and will continue to do so. “Impunity for such killings fuels violence against the media at a time when the free flow of news is more important than ever”, IPI Deputy Director Scott Griffen said. “States must do more to solve attacks on journalists. And the international community must sanction regimes – such as Saudi Arabia – complicit in such killings.”

Small decrease, but no celebration

The last few years have seen an overall decrease in the number of killings of journalists. For reference, 102 killings were registered in 2011, while 2016 saw 120. As IPI’s statistics include journalists who are killed while covering conflict or on assignment, this decrease can partly be explained by the waning of several violent conflicts around the world. For example, the conflict in Syria led to 12 killed journalists in 2016; this year IPI did not register any case in the country. In 2017, 11 killings of journalists were registered in Iraq; this year the number was zero. While the decreased number of journalist killings is clearly a positive development, even one case is one too many. All 45 killings this year are a tragedy. All journalists must be able to do their work safely.

Moreover, the number of journalist killings is not in itself a reliable indicator for the state of press freedom. “Waves of violence against the press may lead to pervasive self-censorship whereby journalists avoid topics or beats that put their lives at risk”, Griffen said. “This is worsened by a climate of impunity in which killers are not held to account. IPI stands with the families and colleagues of all journalists killed for their work in 2021, and we demand that those responsible be held to account.”

Turkish government rejects public health measures as Omicron rages

Ulaş Ateşçi


As the Omicron variant spreads rapidly throughout Turkey amid record numbers of infections worldwide, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government is refusing to take any public health measures against the pandemic.

The Health Ministry announced over 36,000 new daily cases on Wednesday. It was an 80 percent increase in three days. While the test positivity rate has risen to 10 percent, many more infected people have undoubtedly gone undetected due to the limited number of tests—around 360,000 per day in a country with 85 million people.

Children wearing face masks for protection against the coronavirus, walk in Kugulu public garden, in Ankara, Turkey, Wednesday, May 13, 2020. (AP Photo/Burhan Ozbilici)

Under these conditions, the government is keeping all workplaces and schools open, implementing a “vaccine-only” policy against COVID-19. The only change it made in policy after the Omicron variant emerged was to reduce the time to receive a booster dose from six months to three months. In Turkey, only 20 percent of the population is triple-vaccinated, and there is no vaccination permit for children under age 12.

No public health measures other than vaccines exist. There are no restrictions on international and domestic travel or life indoors. There is no widespread testing, and there is no contact tracing.

On Saturday, President Erdoğan claimed: “We successfully managed the pandemic with a flexible and unique model, using the opportunities provided by our strong health infrastructure in the most effective way.”

Moreover, Finance Minister Nureddin Nebati recently laid out the government’s approach to mass infections and death, declaring: “Is the pandemic over? Yes. Is the economy vigorous? Yes. We are going to double-digit growth figures. Exports exploded.”

Calling to “maintain social life as it should be,” Health Minister Fahrettin Koca said Tuesday: “Reducing the number of cases to 20,000 was a serious success. Due to the rapid spread of the Omicron variant, it now appears to be in an uptrend. We are in a period that requires being careful and taking booster doses as soon as possible. Have no doubt. WE WILL HAVE SUCCESS AGAIN.”

What the government presents as “success” is that millions have been infected or lost loved ones to a preventable disease. The number of recorded infections with COVID-19 in Turkey has exceeded 9.4 million. While the total official deaths surpassed 82,000, the calculations of Güçlü Yaman, a member of the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) Pandemic Working Group, show that the real death toll from the pandemic is more than 235,000.

Despite the government’s attempt to normalize mass death, with overt or tacit support of the opposition parties, pseudo-left organizations and unions, scientists are warning of a public health catastrophe.

“We can see another storm coming. Within weeks, Omicron will dominate in more countries of the [European] region, pushing already stretched health systems further to the brink,” warned Dr. Hans Kluge, the director of WHO-Europe, on December 21.

Not long after this warning, the number of daily cases in Europe rapidly approached about 1 million. Records are being broken in the number of daily cases in France, Britain, Spain, Italy and many other countries.

Prof. Dr. Tuğrul Erbaydar, a public health expert from Ankara University, warned of the growing dangers and against the absence of any measures. He said: “We also know that the protective efficiency [of vaccines] decreases with Omicron. The pandemic has been long and there is a fatigue. Due to our officials stop taking precautions, a dangerous situation arises. As the risk rises for the coming days, there are no precautions against them.”

Erbaydar emphasized that the beds in hospitals will be full and patients other than COVID will not be able to receive health services.

In an interview with the daily Hürriyet, Prof. Dr. Derya Unutmaz, an immune system expert, warned about the contagiousness of Omicron. He stated: “It would not be wrong to call this variant one of the most contagious viruses in human history. … It is spreading at an incredible speed.” He added: “Currently, 90 percent of cases in many countries, and even close to 100 percent in some, are caused by Omicron. We can say that Omicron took over the world by excluding Delta.”

Stressing the danger facing children, he said, “There are growing data that Omicron infects children more … We can definitely say that Omicron is more dangerous than Delta for children.”

Speaking to the daily Hürriyet, Prof. Dr. Bülent Ertuğrul, an infectious diseases and clinical microbiology specialist, warned: “If we do not take adequate precautions, our health system may be overwhelmed as it was last year.”

Despite these serious warnings, the government insists on not taking any public health measures, while workers and youth on social media demand immediate action in the face of the rising danger.

Reflecting the situation at most hospitals, one health care worker wrote on Twitter: “Our 7 nurses in our service have been diagnosed with Covid (+). All of them showed symptoms in 24-48 hours. The Omicron variant is spreading rapidly, especially among health care workers. If this is not taken seriously enough and awareness is not raised, our health system may be at great risk.”

The situation in schools is rapidly getting worse. Neither Education Ministry nor the education unions bother to announce the outbreaks in schools anymore. One teacher wrote on Twitter: “I am a teacher working in Istanbul. I don’t know how many classes were closed [due to outbreaks], but there has been intense absenteeism among children in the last few weeks. They don’t test children, and I think most of them would be positive if they did!”

Another teacher states: “The high school where I worked was empty today. The reason is that 19 classes are in quarantine. Another class was quarantined in the afternoon. There are 4 or 5 classes left in this massive school that continue in-person education.”

However, Education Minister Mahmut Özer openly rejected demands for distance learning raised on social media. Yesterday, he said: “Taking a break from in-person education is not on our agenda. I find it improper that when new variants appear, the first thing that comes to mind is to discuss schools taking a break from in-person education.”

The main thing that the ruling class and all its representatives find “improper” is, in fact, the demand to prioritize public health and saving lives over capitalist profits.

The trade unions also ignore the demands for remote education in the face of the growing danger with Omicron.

While the Eğitim-İş union called a one-day nationwide teacher strike last Wednesday to demand a 100 percent raise for educators amid surging inflation and cost of living, it did not advance any demands to protect the health of teachers and children against COVID-19.

Moreover, not only the pro-government unions, but also those controlled by bourgeois opposition parties did not even participate in this strike for wages, let alone demand distance learning.

New Zealand government removes more public health restrictions despite Omicron cases

Tom Peters


On Wednesday night, New Zealand health officials reported that they had detected the country’s first case of Omicron outside of the managed isolation and quarantine (MIQ) hotels used to isolate people arriving from other countries.

A drive-through COVID-19 testing centre in Auckland. Image credit: Ministry of Health Facebook video (posted August 17, 2020)

The infected person, a DJ named Robert Etheridge, recently arrived from the UK and posted on social media that he had received a positive test result two days after spending the required 10 days in isolation—seven days in MIQ and three days in “self-isolation” on Waiheke Island near Auckland.

Etheridge had previously tested negative three times while in an MIQ hotel, before receiving his final test on day nine of the isolation period. He did not wait for the result of his test—received three days later, on December 27—before going to restaurants, a bar and a night club in Auckland, potentially exposing many other people to the highly-infectious variant of COVID-19.

On Thursday, the Ministry of Health confirmed that a second person had tested positive for Omicron while in the community: an Air New Zealand staff member who worked on a flight between Sydney, Australia, and Auckland. The crew member had arrived on December 24, on a flight with three other Omicron cases, and tested positive on December 27. They were then transferred to an MIQ facility.

COVID-19 Response Minister Chris Hipkins told the media on Thursday that up to 100 people deemed to be close contacts of Etheridge were being tested and told to self-isolate. However, Hipkins declared that the government was not planning to reinstate a lockdown in Auckland, or to bring back a boundary restricting travel to and from the city.

The minister declared that New Zealand was “in quite a different position to much of the rest of the world, in that we have very low circulation of COVID-19 in the community, we don’t have Omicron circulating… and we want to keep it that way for as long as we can.”

In fact, the Labour Party-led government has adopted a policy of allowing COVID-19 to spread, as Hipkins basically admitted. He encouraged complacency, saying: “I don’t want to over-react to this. We are moving to a point where there is going to be freer movement at the border… We are moving to a different space now, where we are going to have COVID-19 in the community.”

Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern ended the country’s previous elimination strategy in October, and since then all businesses and schools have been allowed to reopen, with minimal public health restrictions.

As of yesterday there were 1,226 confirmed active cases of the Delta variant of COVID-19, and New Zealand’s total death toll is 51. While still very low by international standards, the number of deaths has risen sharply since elimination was ditched: 23 people died from the virus in the last two months. Since the Delta outbreak began in August, 564 people have been hospitalized, including 43 under the age of 10.

There are more than 70 active cases of Omicron among returned travelers staying in MIQ. The Omicron variant is far more transmissible and can infect someone who has had two doses of the Pfizer vaccine. In New Zealand, 91 percent of people aged over 12 have been double-vaccinated, which is 77 percent of the population. Only about 6 percent of people have received a third dose.

Internationally, including in the US, Europe and Australia, Omicron has fueled an unprecedented surge in cases since it was identified as a variant of concern in November, and hospitals are becoming overwhelmed. In a briefing on December 30, the World Health Organization warned that the “tsunami” of COVID-19 cases is paving the way for new variants that could be even worse.

Governments refuse to impose lockdowns and other necessary public health measures, instead allowing the virus to spread and to kill thousands of people daily. They are acting on behalf of major corporations, which are demanding that workers sacrifice their health and their lives, so that the extraction of profits can continue uninterrupted.

The New Zealand government has adopted the same criminal strategy of allowing COVID-19 to become endemic. Despite the presence of thousands of Delta cases and the possibility that Omicron has already begun to spread, the government last night removed some of the last remaining public health restrictions in Auckland.

The city’s “traffic light” setting has been lowered from red to orange, under the so-called “COVID-19 Protection Framework.” This means that large New Year’s Eve events can now proceed with no limits on crowd numbers.

Professor Marylouise McLaws, an epidemiologist from the University of New South Wales in Australia, told TVNZ last night that with the lifting of restrictions after two people in Auckland were found to have Omicron, “I would be worried.” She pointed out that the Delta outbreak in New Zealand began with just one positive case, and with Omicron it would be even more “difficult to find cases before they’ve inadvertently passed it on to others.”

Professor Michael Baker, an epidemiologist from Otago University, told Radio NZ that Etheridge may not have been infectious, because his housemates on Waiheke Island have tested negative, but more people still remain to be tested.

It remains unclear why Etheridge tested negative twice before testing positive. Baker said he might have had an “historic infection” and the “residue” of the virus triggered the positive result. Another possibility is that Etheridge contracted the virus while staying in MIQ. The government has refused to establish purpose-built MIQ facilities to reduce the chances of transmission within them.

Auckland University microbiologist Siouxsie Wiles told the New Zealand Herald the population must “be prepared for the worst.” She urged: “If people are unwell in any way, they need to stay home and get tested. We really don’t want New Year’s Eve to be a massive super spreader event and that it will be very difficult to control cases then.”

The government, however, by recklessly proceeding to lift restrictions, has created the conditions for just such a disaster. It is encouraging the false belief that vaccination alone is enough to prevent significant numbers of deaths and disease. As Hipkins indicated, the government also intends to dismantle MIQ requirements in coming months. From the end of February, travelers from Australia will be allowed to bypass MIQ, which will inevitably allow more Omicron cases into the country.

Ambulance services buckling as COVID-19 surges in Australia

Gary Alvernia


With the Omicron variant fueling a rapidly rising COVID wave across Australia, healthcare services are already being overwhelmed. One of the most critical indications is extensive ambulance response delays and understaffing.

Ambulances lined up outside Sydney’s Westmead Hospital in August (Source: Australian Paramedics Association NSW Facebook)

In Sydney, Australia’s most populous city, the Sydney Morning Herald reported that the average response time on December 22 was one hour for life-threatening emergencies (called P1 emergencies). P1 emergencies include heart attacks and patients rendered unconscious, and most must be seen within 10 minutes.

A senior operational manager at New South Wales (NSW) Ambulance, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said there were significant “wait times in offloading ambulances” at public hospital emergency departments, causing up to four-hour response delays to triple zero calls.

“Paramedics are also catching COVID-19 and needing to take extended periods of time off work,” the manager said. Only 20 ambulances were available across the network, which is about 11 percent of total operational capacity.

The ambulance network reached “status 2” mode at least twice that week, meaning there was likely more emergency triple zero responses than there were available crews. As well as endangering the lives of patients, such crisis modes increase the stress and fatigue levels among the over-stretched paramedics.

Since then, daily new COVID cases have more than quadrupled and are soaring exponentially, now above 21,000 in NSW.

Even before the Omicron disaster, NSW Ambulance statistics showed that from July to September less than half of ambulance responses to P1 cases (42.5 percent), including unconscious patients, having an acute heart attack or choking, arrived within 15 minutes. Roughly 40 percent of responses to priority 1A jobs—the most life-threatening category—failed to arrive within the 10-minute target.

Similar failures are occurring in other states. In South Australia, ambulances in metropolitan Adelaide entered a critical “status white” for almost five hours overnight on December 22, with 100 percent of available crews in use, leading to a backlog of cases and lengthy delays.

The Australian Broadcasting Corporation reports that final-year paramedic students are now acting as ambulance drivers before qualification because of the acute shortages of staff. In recent days, police officers have even served as de facto paramedics, ferrying patients to hospital.

Compounding the crisis, the South Australia Ambulance Service (SAAS) was forced to dispatch paramedics to an Adelaide nursing home, the Bene Italian Village, on Christmas Eve and Christmas Day to assist with resident care due to a shortage of nurses. At least 20 residents at the aged care facility had tested positive to COVID-19.

In October, during the Delta wave, the state of Victoria requested military personnel to drive ambulances as average response times ballooned to 50 minutes, an increase of 20 minutes from 2019. So severe was the emergency that Victoria Ambulance director Mick Stephenson said ambulances would be reserved for only the direst circumstances. “Unless they’re really sick, they won’t get an ambulance,” he declared.

On November 7 a Code Red was almost declared in Melbourne, indicating that ambulances are unable to respond to any new patients. Since then, Victoria’s daily COVID infections have more than doubled, rising above 5,000.

All the state governments, both Liberal-National and Labor, constantly insist that the public health system is well-prepared to deal with the flood of cases coming in the weeks ahead. These reports, however, indicate that the system, long starved of resources and staff, is already unable to cope.

Ambulances are vital to timely patient care. A breakdown in service ensures that patients will arrive to hospital sicker and possibly die en route. These dangers are worsened by shortages of available hospital beds. Even if patients get to a hospital on time, they are often left inside ambulances for hours waiting to be admitted for treatment—a practice known as “ambulance ramping.”

A financial audit of the Queensland Ambulance Service revealed that paramedics spent a cumulative 112,000 hours in ambulance ramping this year, even though the state did not have significant COVID outbreaks until the Labor Party government re-opened its borders in mid-December.

In response, Premier Annastacia Palaszczuk announced only a vague promise to hire 535 new paramedics “in the next few years.” This is in a state with a population of over 5 million, now confronting thousands of daily new COVID cases.

Governments have responded to the breakdown in healthcare services with a mixture of lies and callousness. A SAAS spokesperson downplayed the unprecedented use of student drivers, stating: “Certainly, our crews have had a busy few days as more South Australians move about the state and celebrate the festive season.”

That comment also reflects the fact that the governments have urged people to ignore the dangers of the Omicron variant and socialise widely, in an attempt to bolster the profits of the retail, airline and hospitality industries.

COVID has sharpened the healthcare crisis, but it did not create it. Worsening working conditions and overtime, and increasingly severe delays in ambulance services were the norm before the pandemic.

Ambulance workers have become increasingly burnt-out and disillusioned. In 2017, Steve McDowell, a former paramedic and founder of the emergency services support group No More Neglect, told the WSWS: “It is clear to on-road paramedics and control centre staff that they are a ‘bum on a seat.’” That is, their welfare and fatigue were secondary to meeting NSW Ambulance’s key performance indicators.

Primary responsibility for this situation lies with the health trade unions. For decades they have collaborated with governments in overseeing the erosion of services.

In 2017, Health Services Union (HSU) secretary Gerard Hayes told a parliamentary inquiry that NSW Ambulance was “at least a thousand people short.” Hayes and the HSU, along with the Australian Paramedics Association (APA) then accepted without opposition the state government’s meagre promises to hire 700 paramedics over four years.

Ambulance workers are on the frontlines of an unfolding catastrophe. Healthcare services have been starved of staff and funds, while hundreds of billions of dollars have been transferred to the coffers of corporations and the super-wealthy during the pandemic.

Pakistan to impose new raft of austerity measures and pro-investor reforms to secure IMF bailout funds

Sampath Perera


With Pakistan mired in economic crisis, Prime Minister Imran Khan and his Islamic populist Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf (PTI)-led coalition government have once again been forced to turn to the US-led International Monetary Fund (IMF) for emergency financial support.

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan corporations at World Economic Forum event (Wikipedia)

They are doing so with great trepidation. IMF assistance is contingent on the government implementing deeply unpopular austerity measures and economic reforms.

Already there is mass popular anger over rapidly rising prices, especially for food, and the disastrous health and economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. According to official figures, the pandemic has killed some 28,900 people. But this figure is simply not credible, given Pakistan’s ramshackle public health care system, teeming slums, and serological studies that indicate well over a third of the population in the country’s major cities has been infected.

Throughout the pandemic, Imran Khan’s government has prioritized protecting big business profits and investor wealth. It imposed only a brief lockdown in the spring of 2020, and while admitting millions of jobs have been lost, has provided little more than token pandemic “financial relief,” with eligibility to it restricted to the poorest of the poor.

Even before the pandemic struck, the jobless rate had risen to 6.9 percent, according to the most recent government Labour Force Survey, while the proportion of the population living in poverty was rapidly approaching 40 percent, a prominent Pakistani economist estimated.

When major opposition parties called protests in October in an attempt to exploit popular anger over the economic crisis, tens of thousands of people rallied in major cities across Pakistan to denounce the soaring cost of food and petroleum products and widespread job losses. Recent months have also seen widespread protests and strikes by government workers demanding pay rises to offset double-digit inflation, although the unions have largely succeeded in isolating and containing these struggles.

The government has been frantically maneuvering to try to deflect blame for, and contain the political fallout from, a new round of savage austerity. During the past several weeks, Khan has repeatedly delayed seeking parliamentary approval for a “mini-budget” written according to IMF diktats.

Fearing divisions within its own parliamentary coalition and not wanting to give the opposition parties a platform from which to posture as opponents of IMF-imposed austerity, the PTI top brass initially resisted getting parliament’s sanction for the mini-budget. Instead it proposed to impose the IMF measures by government decree. However, the IMF has insisted that it will only release $1 billion in desperately needed emergency bailout funds if the mini-budget is approved by parliament.

Pakistan faces a looming current accounts crisis. Its imports now cost $8 billion per month, meaning that Pakistan Central Bank’s currency reserves of $18 billion are enough to cover little more than two months of imports. Moreover, the Pakistani rupee is rapidly depreciating, and is the worst-performing currency in the region. On Tuesday, it fell to a record low of 178.19 rupees per US dollar, bringing its total depreciation vis-a-vis the world’s premier trading currency to 11 percent in 2021 and over 30 percent since Khan assumed office in August 2018.

Pakistan also has South Asia’s highest inflation rate, with prices rising on a year-to-year basis by 11.5 percent in November.

In 2019, the PTI government negotiated a $6 billion IMF loan, and received close to $1.5 billion in two tranches that year, in return for pledging to implement what the London-based Financial Times called “the toughest IMF bailout yet.” This included draconian cuts in social spending and price-subsidies, and a sweeping privatization program.

After the outbreak of the pandemic, the PTI government pleaded for the IMF to “relax” the terms of the bailout program, but it refused. While the IMF did give Islamabad access to a special COVID assistance program, further dispersal of monies from the $6 billion loan have been stalled for the better part of two years as an increasingly unpopular government sought to avoid adding further fuel to the social-political crisis.

Pakistan’s increasingly dire economic straits, however, have now given it no choice. Further assistance, whether in the form of new loans or the restructuring of existing debts, from China and Saudi Arabia is not forthcoming (or in Saudi Arabia’s case at least conditional on securing IMF support), and the government has tapped out on high-interest loans from foreign commercial banks. Total external debt has nearly doubled under Khan’s government and now stands at more than $85 billion.

Under the mini-budget, which was formally approved by Khan’s cabinet yesterday, exemptions from the 17 percent national sales tax for essential food items and pharmaceuticals will be removed, development expenditures will be slashed by 22 percent, and prices subsidies, especially in the energy sector, will be slashed. The latter measure will mean a sharp increase in the price of petrol, other petroleum products, and heating. In total the combination of tax hikes and subsidy cuts are supposed to “save” the government—that is squeeze from working people—$3.4 billion by July 2022, and countless billions more in the years to come.

In addition to securing parliamentary approval for the mini budget, the IMF is adamant the government pass a second bill, the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) Autonomy Bill. It will drastically reduce the government’s ability to borrow from the country’s central bank. This is a long-standing IMF demand, so as to curtail spending on subsidies, social-welfare measures and development projects.

The IMF has agreed to hold a review on January 12 of the government’s progress in meeting its criteria for releasing a $1 billion tranche from the existing bailout loan. Unless the two bills have been adopted by then, the government will in all likelihood be prevented from accessing the funds.

The PTI, which gained power with phony promises of an Islamic welfare state and by railing against corruption and austerity, predictably made an about-face once in office. Within weeks of forming the government, it began implementing a slew of austerity and privatization measures, which were subsequently expanded as result of the negotiations to secure the 2019 IMF bailout loan. This, and its ruinous handling of the pandemic, have led to a steep fall in the PTI’s popular support, and caused fissures in the PTI-led governmental coalition.

Khan intervened on Dec. 21 to prevent a parliamentary vote on the mini-budget bill after his PTI suffered major reversals in the local elections held in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province on Dec. 19.

The IMF wants parliament to endorse the latest round of austerity measures both to make it harder for the government to claim it lacks the political support to carry them out, and to provide a veneer of “democratic” legitimacy for imposing them in the face of popular opposition that it fears could quickly surge onto the streets.

The opposition parties’ criticisms of the IMF austerity program and “reforms” are entirely cynical and hypocritical. When in office, both the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz and the Pakistan People’s Party repeatedly imposed IMF austerity and “pro-investor” reforms.

Forming government for the first time in 2018, the PTI enhanced its credentials with the ruling elite by pushing through the privatization of a long list of state-run enterprises, destroying tens of thousands of jobs and lowering wages.

The PTI government has also extensively promoted serving and ex-military officers to major economic positions, with the aim of imposing a regime of super-exploitation with even more limited worker rights. The military itself has a long record of implementing the brutal measures demanded by the IMF whenever it has ruled the country, including under General Pervez Musharraf, who with staunch US-backing was the country’s dictator-president from 1999 to 2008.

Washington has frequently used IMF bailouts to bully Pakistan and bring it closer into line with its geo-political agenda. The current negotiations are taking place under conditions of heightened tensions between Washington and Islamabad. Much of the US political and military-security establishments holds Pakistan responsible for the debacle of the two-decade long US occupation of Afghanistan. But the biggest source of tensions is the ever-closer partnership Islamabad has forged with Beijing, in response to Washington’s promotion and arming of India, its principal strategic rival.

Sri Lankan and Indian ruling elites whip up national rivalry between poverty-stricken fishing communities

Naveen Dewage


On December 18, 19 and 20, the Sri Lankan Navy (SLN) arrested 68 Indian fishermen and impounded their vessels for allegedly fishing in Sri Lankan waters. The arrests were part of intensified navy patrols in recent months.

Arrested Indian fishermen, 18 December 2021 (Source: Sri Lankan Navy)

Capitalist politicians on both sides of the Palk Strait, the narrow passage between southern India and northern Sri Lanka, are now denouncing fishermen from each other’s countries in an attempt to divert outward the rising social tensions produced by increased living costs and “herd immunity” pandemic policies.

The reciprocal arrest of Indian and Sri Lankan fishermen has been a major issue for the poor fishing communities in both countries in recent decades. This year the SLN is reported to have arrested Indian fishermen on 19 different occasions and killed five Indian fishermen.

The Palk Strait was a traditional fishing ground for Sri Lankan and Indian fishermen during the British colonial rule until 1947, with the sharing of its sea resources continuing after independence and up until the 1980s. These long-standing arrangements were disrupted by the anti-Tamil racialist war launched by Sri Lanka’s United National Party government in 1983 and continued by successive Colombo governments.

The ongoing military harassment of Indian and Sri Lankan fishermen, which underscores the reactionary and irrational character of arbitrary national borders maintained by ruling classes in both countries, is aimed at whipping up chauvinist sentiment and dividing the working class.

As the Sri Lankan Navy website reports:

  • On December 18, the navy arrested six Indian fishing trawlers and 43 fishermen, southeast of Delft Island, off the Jaffna Peninsula.
  • On December 19, the navy arrested two fishing trawlers and 12 fishermen, south of Mannar.
  • On December 20, the navy arrested another two trawlers and 13 Indian fishermen, west of Analativu Island.

The Indian media reports that the fishermen were from Rameswaram, Thangachimadam, Mayiladuthurai and Pudukottai in Tamil Nadu and that the arrests provoked angry responses in these communities.

Rameswaram community in India protests against Sri Lankan Navy murder of fishermen in January 18, 2021 (Photo: U. Pandi)

According to ANI News, fishermen from Thangachimadam and Rameswaram began a protest hunger strike on December 22 to demand the Indian government intervene and secure the immediate release of the arrested fishermen and their trawlers.

The Economic Times reported that members of some Tamil Nadu fishermen’s associations took indefinite strike action on December 19 and plan to block the railroads on January 1 if the fishermen and the boats are not released. Sri Lankan authorities have never returned impounded vessels.

In a letter to the Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin declared: “The alarming frequency at which these incidents of apprehension and attacks are happening warrants urgent attention. The lives and livelihoods of our fishermen must be protected when they fish in the traditional waters of Palk Bay.”

Stalin’s concern for Tamil Nadu fishermen is bogus. His Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam party and the rival All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam have ruled Tamil Nadu for more than half a century. Under their state governments, the fishing industry has become one of India’s most profitable sectors, even as fishermen live in dire poverty. In Tamil Nadu, around 91 percent of the state’s 200,000 fishing families subsist below the poverty line.

At the end of the 1980s, India modernised its fisheries by encouraging private investments under its so-called “Blue Revolution,” which transformed former small-scale boat owners into fishing workers. The Indian ruling elite, having proletarianised these fishermen and driven them into deeper poverty, is now cynically posturing as their defenders while pushing them against their Sri Lankan fishing industry brothers and sisters.

Justifying the recent arrests, the SLN declared: “Taking into account the impact of foreign fishermen poaching in Sri Lankan waters on the livelihood of local fishing communities and the sustainability of fishery resources of Sri Lanka, the Navy is conducting regular patrols to curb illegal fishing activities in island waters.”

The SLN’s claim to be protecting the local fishing community is as hypocritical as the posturing of Tamil Nadu bourgeois politicians about “their” fishermen.

In fact, the livelihood of the Sri Lankan northern fishing community, which is still using outdated fishing techniques due to the lack of capital, is in danger of being swallowed up by big businesses penetrating the sector. Fishermen in the Northern province have already lost traditional fishing areas to foreign fishing ships and through the construction of sea cucumber farms, that have all been facilitated by Colombo.

Sri Lankan fishermen also face constant harassment by the SLN under the pretext of fighting “smuggling” and policing fishing regulations. Sri Lanka’s North and Eastern provinces remain under military occupation even though Colombo’s civil war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended in May 2009.

Like their Indian counterparts, the Tamil bourgeois parties and the fishermen’s unions in Sri Lanka, agitate against Indian fishermen and demand harsher repressive measures.

On October 17, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) initiated a protest flotilla of fishing boats from Mullaitivu to Point Pedro to protest Colombo’s “lack of action” in stopping Indian fishermen supposedly poaching in the Sri Lankan waters. The flotilla was organised immediately after the SLN arrested 23 Indian fishermen.

On December 24, the Jaffna Fishermen’s Cooperative Union held a demonstration outside the Jaffna District Secretariat. The union backed the navy’s oppressive border controls, with protesters chanting, “Arrest the Indian fishermen,” “Don’t release the arrested vessels” and “Don’t release the arrested fishermen as an act of good faith.”

Jaffna fishermen protest at Divisional Secretariat office, December 2021 (Source: Facebook)

After the event, Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda met with the protesters, promising harsh measures against the Indian fishermen. Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) leader Gajendra Kumar Ponnambalam participated in the demonstration.

In July, Ponnambalam told parliament that: “Indian fishermen have been encroaching into Sri Lankan waters. These are fishermen who come in large trawlers and they have literally destroyed the fishing assets of the fishermen of the Northern Province, particularly from Mannar to Jaffna and Mullaitivu.”

The class character of Sri Lanka’s Tamil bourgeois parties’ position is reflected in their efforts to establish joint relations with foreign capital to exploit the cheap labour in the country’s North and Eastern provinces.

In July–August this year, thousands of Tamil Nadu fishermen demonstrated against a proposed Indian Fisheries Bill which would place small-boat owners and mechanised vessels in the same category, thus imposing unbearable conditions on small-scale fishermen.

In Sri Lanka, small-scale fishermen, particularly in the Northern Province, have protested big-business sea cucumber farms.

The struggle of Indian and Sri Lankan fishermen is occurring amid rising working-class strikes and protests against austerity measures in both countries and around the world as governments attempt to impose the full burden of economic crisis on the working masses.

On January 8 and November 26 in 2020 Indian workers walked out in general strike action against the Modi government’s austerity measures. Likewise, Sri Lanka has seen a rising tide of working-class struggles in the past twelve months.

The furious denunciation of Sri Lankan and Tamil Nadu fishermen by capitalist politicians on both sides of the Palk Strait is driven by ruling elite fears that these struggles of the working class and the oppressed masses will take a unified form across the whole subcontinent.