18 Oct 2016

EU foreign ministers adopt statement denouncing Russia and Syria

Alex Lantier

Meeting in Luxembourg yesterday, European Union (EU) foreign ministers adopted a statement denouncing the actions of the Russian and Syrian regimes in NATO's now five-year-long war for regime change in Syria.
In another reactionary move yesterday to boost pressure on Moscow, British banking authorities suspended the bank accounts of Russia's English-language state broadcaster Russia Today (RT). Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) later denied having frozen RT's accounts, but RT officials cited a RBS letter that declared, “We have recently undertaken a review of your banking arrangements with us and reached the conclusion that we will no longer provide these facilities.” RBS called the decision “final” and said it was “not prepared to enter into any discussion in relation to it.”
The Luxembourg statement aligns the EU with the flood of anti-Russian propaganda emanating from Washington. As US-backed Islamist militias in Aleppo face imminent defeat at the hands of the Syrian army and the Russian air force, the US media are denouncing Moscow. Top US military officers have publicly advocated imposing no-fly zones over Syria to ground Russian warplanes, acknowledging that this would require a war with Syria and Russia, a nuclear-armed power.
The EU statement echoes this mendacious war propaganda. It calls for the ending of all flights over Aleppo and denounces Moscow for possible “war crimes,” while covering up NATO's arming of Al Qaeda-linked militias, like the Al Nusra Front (now also known as Fateh al-Sham), in Syria.
It writes, “The Syrian regime has the primary responsibility for the protection of the Syrian population. The EU therefore strongly condemns the excessive and disproportionate attacks by the regime and its allies, both deliberate and indiscriminate, against civilian populations, humanitarian and health care personnel, and civilian and humanitarian infrastructures and calls on them to cease indiscriminate aerial bombardment. The EU condemns the continued systematic, widespread, and gross violations and abuses of human rights and all violations of international humanitarian law by all parties, particularly the Syrian regime and its allies.”
The summit also agreed on financial aid to the Lebanese and Jordanian regimes, who host Syrian refugee camps, and for youth employment in Tunisia—where, five years ago, mass protests against joblessness turned into a working class uprising that toppled the NATO-backed dictatorship.
The EU statement's appeals for intervention on the basis of “humanitarian” imperialist arguments drip with cynicism. It acknowledges that the opposition is guilty of systematic, mass violations of human rights. Armed and backed by NATO, the opposition has in fact carried out hundreds of terror bombings, sectarian massacres, and mass executions of prisoners, as well as looting factories and granaries, forcing over 10 million Syrians to flee their homes.
The EU's propaganda method is selective outrage. Covering up its own politically criminal role in backing the opposition militias, it simply asserts that outrage must focus only on Moscow and Damascus—even as Washington and the EU back a military assault on Mosul, which could provoke an even larger bloodbath, by the US puppet regime in neighboring Iraq.
There is nothing progressive in the Russian and Syrian regimes' attempts to retake a larger sphere of influence in Syria, from which they aim to negotiate better relations with imperialism. Nonetheless, their actions, including the bombing of eastern Aleppo, are a response to a CIA-led war.
The EU's condemnation of Moscow reeks of hypocrisy. The EU enthusiastically endorses the right of EU member states to suspend democratic rights and impose a state of emergency, as in France, in response to Islamist terror attacks. In 2014, after backing the installation of a far-right, anti-Russian regime in Ukraine by a putsch in Kiev, it supported the new Kiev regime's bloody military suppression of opposition in Russian-speaking eastern Ukraine.
Yet they denounce the Assad regime's attempts to defend itself from a far larger military threat—the direct intervention of the CIA and the European intelligence agencies, funded by the Persian Gulf oil sheikdoms, to back Al Qaeda-linked Islamist militias—as a war crime.
European foreign ministers, particularly of Britain and France, made stark moralistic appeals in support of the EU statement. “The pressure must be strong,” French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault said of EU relations with Russia. “The more the European Union shows unity and determination, the more we can move forward in what is a moral obligation: to stop the massacre of the population of Aleppo.”
Similarly, British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson said the Russian bombing operation over Aleppo “shames humanity” and denounced Moscow as the Syrian government's “puppeteers.”
Nonetheless, there were also indications of deep tensions between the EU and Washington and within the EU itself, in the negotiations leading up to the issuing of the EU statement.
The statement distances itself from more aggressive Pentagon demands for military escalation. “The EU firmly believes that there can be no military solution to the conflict,” it declares, calling for negotiations so Washington and the EU can oust Assad without risking all-out war with Russia.
EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini stressed this at her press conference yesterday evening on the EU declaration: “The EU supports and encourages all efforts in all formats not only to stop the bombing on Aleppo, but also supports all efforts to avoid any further military escalation and any further direct confrontation on a military level.”
The EU meeting also rejected calls from Washington for stepped-up sanctions against Russia, which were explicitly criticized by several EU powers, led by Germany. “At present I don't see how sanctions, which may have a long-term impact, should help here to improve the provision of the [Syrian] civilian population,” German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier said.
Similar criticisms emerged in Hungary, Greece, Cyprus and Austria, whose foreign minister, Sebastian Kurz, said: “The idea to have additional sanctions against Russia would be wrong. We do not need a further escalation.”
Since the British vote to leave the EU—as Berlin, Rome and Paris demanded a common military policy of the remaining EU states—demands for an independent EU military policy have continued to rise. The US war drive against Russia and China faces opposition from sections of the European ruling class. In the longer term, they are considering the possibility of designing war policy independently of, that is potentially against, Washington.
The European bourgeoisie is carrying out a massive military build-up, plunging tens of billions of euros more each year in military spending; its conflicts with Washington do not reflect pacifism. It fears, however, that the US war drive will destabilize Europe and provoke a major war before they are prepared.
These issues emerged in a recent paper, titled “America's Russia policy and the European security order,” by the German think-tank Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP). “US-Russian relations remain central to the European security order,” the SWP complained, adding: “Strong social and economic interests in a stable cooperative relationship have not succeeded in developing.”
This has resulted in a situation, the SWP added, where “Washington increasingly faces the alternatives of either accepting a [Russian] sphere of influence in the interest of global cooperation and the avoidance of war risks, or of power rivalries with a high potential for escalation.”

17 Oct 2016

John S. Knight Journalism Fellowship at Stanford University 2017

Application Deadline: 1st December, 2016
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: All
To be taken at (country): Stanford University, USA
About the Award: A John S. Knight Journalism Fellowship is a life-changing experience. Each year, JSK selects up to 20 fellows from around the world and brings them together for 10 months (September to June) at Stanford University, in the heart of Silicon Valley. Immersed in the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit of this region, they are inspired to let go of old assumptions and learn new ways of thinking and working.
JSK Fellows spend a significant portion of their time pursuing their journalism challenges, while also taking advantage of classes and other activities at Stanford and in Silicon Valley. By the end of the program, we expect fellows to have some sort of outcome from their work on the journalism challenges. That outcome can take many forms and is often a preliminary or intermediate step toward a goal that the fellow will continue to pursue after their JSK Fellowship. Some fellows explore ideas that involve technology, others work on challenges that focus on organizational change and innovation. We are not a program focused on creating products, companies or organizations, though some fellows have ended up doing those things. We also are not a reporting fellowship.
JSK Fellows have a lot of freedom to decide how to spend their time and energy, but we do have a few expectations. Once selected, fellows must agree to:
  • Devote their energy during the year to the fellowship rather than to regular professional work
  • Spend the academic terms, September through June, in residence at Stanford
  • Participate fully in weekly all-hands meetings and activities organized by the fellowship
  • Fellows who commit to return to their news organizations after the fellowship agree to honor that commitment.
Type: Fellowship
Eligibility:
  • Experience: U.S. applicants for a JSK Fellowship ideally have at least seven years of full-time professional experience; international applicants ideally have at least five years. But we also consider less experienced applicants with outstanding achievements.
  • Degree: No college degree is required.
  • Professional Background: We consider applicants who fall into one or more of these categories:
    • Journalists employed by a news organization or journalism freelancers
    • Journalism entrepreneurs and innovators
    • Journalism business and management executives
Selection Criteria: The John S. Knight Journalism Fellowship is focused on journalism innovation, entrepreneurship and leadership. We select JSK Fellows who are passionate about finding ways to address challenges facing journalism and journalists. To that end, we ask applicants to identify a challenge they want to pursue and tell us a little bit about it. Those who are selected for a fellowship spend a significant portion of their time here working on that challenge.
Selected fellows identify and articulate a challenge in journalism that they want to work on addressing. We expect them to arrive in the program with more questions than answers and we seek people who are eager to experiment and to change course based on what they learn along the way.
JSK Fellows learn from, and collaborate with, each other. Diversity of background, experience and viewpoints is a fundamental value of our program. We enthusiastically include spouses, partners and families in fellowship life.
There is no single formula for identifying a journalism challenge that will assure you are selected for a JSK Fellowship. The best advice we can give you is this: Identify a challenge that you are passionate about pursuing and that is important to helping journalism.
If you are looking for a sabbatical, this is not the program for you.
Number of Awardees: 20
Value of Fellowship: To help fellows get the most out of their year, we provide several financial benefits, including a stipend of $65,000. In addition to the stipend, we provide fellows with additional funds designed to help with specific costs, such as housing, health insurance, child care and expenses related to work on their journalism challenges. (The amounts of these supplemental funds a fellow receives are based in part on family size and range from $13,000 to more than $50,000.)
Other benefits of the John S. Knight Journalism Fellowship:
  • Access to some of the world’s most innovative thinkers and organizations, from technology giants to hot new startups to Stanford’s 100-plus special institutes and centers.
  • Opportunities to join classes taught by top-notch Stanford professors and instructors in a wide range of specialties. It is not uncommon for classes to be taught by people who also are working in the private sector.
  • A rich intellectual and cultural campus life, including live theater, music and dance performances and special lectures and events.
  • Fellowship social events where everyone can get to know one another. A number of these events also are open to fellows’ children.
  • Spouses and partners are eligible to take classes and attend fellowship seminars just as the fellows do. Fellows’ children can attend excellent Palo Alto-area schools and are included in some special fellowship social activities.
  • Exposure to the incredible diversity of world views, experiences and cultural traditions that about 20 fellows from all over the world bring to the program.
  • New friendships, professional connections and entrepreneurial skills that will continue beyond your 10 months with us.
Duration of Fellowship: 10 months (September to June)
How to Apply: Apply here
Visit Fellowship Webpage for details
Award Provider:  John S. Knight Journalism Fellowship Programme

Sweden: Mälardalen University Scholarship Programme for Masters Students 2017/2018

Application Timeline: 1st February, 2017
Notification of scholarships granted are sent by email 31 March 2017. Mälardalen University will use the same email address as used on University Admissions.
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: The scholarship is aimed at especially qualified students coming from countries outside of EU/EEA/Switzerland and who are required to pay tuition fees. The scholarship is NOT open for students from the twelve countries with which Sweden has long-term development cooperation (Bangladesh, Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mali, Mozambique, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia). Students from these countries should instead apply for the Swedish Institute Study Scholarship (application opening soon)
To be taken at (country): Sweden
Eligible Field of Study: All
Type: Masters
Selection Criteria: The selection process is based on applicant’s CV and qualifications that will be evaluated in connection with the application for a KI study programme. Scholarship awardees will be notified via email.
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: The scholarship will cover 100% of the tuition fee of the programme as long as you follow the normal study plan (minimum 22.5 credits/semester, minimum 45 credits/academic year). The scholarship does not cover living expenses. If your status from being a fee-paying student to a non-paying student is changed during the study period of the programme you will no longer be granted the scholarship.
Duration of Scholarship: Complete programme duration
How to Apply: Fill out the Scholarship form and submit the application together with your other documents to University Admissions Sweden, FE 20102, SE-839 87 Östersund, Sweden or upload them at their website.
Apply with this application form
Award Provider: Mälardalen University
Important Notes: If your application for scholarship is to be considered you must have applied for the programme at Mälardalen University as your first choice and submitted supporting documentation within deadlines published on www.universityadmissions.se. In addition the application fee must have been paid in time.

Israel – The Dan David Prize Scholarships for International Doctoral Students 2017

Application Deadline: 10th March, 2017
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: All
To be taken at (country): Tel Aviv University, Israel
Eligible Fields of Researchers: Advanced doctoral and postdoctoral students of excellent achievements and promise studying topics related to the fields chosen for this year, are invited to apply for the Dan David Prize Scholarships 2017.
2017 Fields: 
  • Past: Archaeology and Natural Sciences
  • Present: Literature
  • Future: Astronomy
About the Award: The Dan David Prize is a joint international corporation, endowed by the Dan David Foundation and headquartered at Tel Aviv University.
The Dan David Prize recognizes and encourages innovative and interdisciplinary research that cuts across traditional boundaries and paradigms. It aims to foster universal values of excellence, creativity, justice, democracy and progress and to promote the scientific, technological and humanistic achievements that advance and improve our world.
The Dan David Prize covers three time dimensions – Past, Present and Future – that represent realms of human achievement. Each year the International Board chooses one field within each time dimension. Following a review process by independent Review Commitees comprised of renowned scholars and professionals, the International Board then chooses the laureates for each field.
Type: Doctoral and Postdoctoral Research
Eligibility: Registered doctoral and post-doctoral researchers who study at recognized universities throughout the world, and whose research has been approved, are eligible to apply.
Selection Criteria: The Dan David Prize scholarships are granted according to merit, without discrimination based on gender, race, religion, nationality, or political affiliation.
Number of Awardees: 20
Value of Scholarship: US$15,000
How to Apply: In order to fill out the scholarship application form you will need the following information:
Applicant’s details
  • Title, First Name, Middle Name, Last Name
  • Name of applicant’s institution of study and department
  • Postal address of institution of study
  • Ph.D. student or postdoctoral researcher
  • Commencement date of Ph.D. studies or postdoctoral research period
  • Date of approval of Ph.D. research project (Postdoc: Not Applicable)
  • Title of Ph.D./postdoctoral research project
  • Postal address of applicant
  • Telephone numbers: work, home and mobile
  • Fax, Email
Supervisor’s details
  • Title, First Name, Middle Name, Last Name
  • Name of supervisor’s institution of affiliation and department
  • Telephone number at work
  • Fax, Email
Attachments
  • A full curriculum vitae of the applicant (allowed: doc|rtf|docx|pdf / max:5mb)
  • one-two page description of the applicant’s doctoral/postdoctoral research project (allowed: doc|rtf|docx|pdf / max:5mb)
  • A list of the applicant’s publications (allowed: doc|rtf|docx|pdf / max:5mb)
  • Three separate letters of recommendation, on official letterhead and signed, by recognized scholars in the field, one of which is the doctoral/postdoctoral supervisor (allowed: doc|rtf|docx|pdf / max:5mb) Applicants/Recommenders are requested to go to Recommendation Submission Form to attach the recommendation letters. In addition, originals must be received by March 10, 2017, via regular post to: Ms. Smadar Fisher, Director, Dan David Prize, P.O.Box 39040, Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviv, Tel Aviv 6997801, Israel.
  • Signed authorization by the university, on official letterhead, stating that the applicant is a registered doctoral student/postdoctoral researcher, whose research has been approved. (allowed: doc|rtf|docx|pdf / max:5mb) In addition, original must be received by March 10, 2017, via regular post to: Ms. Smadar Fisher, Director, Dan David Prize, P.O.Box 39040, Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviv, Tel Aviv 6997801, Israel.
Confirmation of successful submission is provided electronically and a copy of the application material is sent to the applicant by email.
It is important to go through the Application Guidelines before applying
Award Provider: Dan David Prize,  Tel Aviv University, Israel
Important Notes: Applicants who have received a scholarship from the Dan David Prize may not apply again.

The Real Humanitarian Crisis is Not in Aleppo

Paul Craig Roberts

Why do we hear only of the “humanitarian crisis in Aleppo” and not of the humanitarian crisis everywhere else in Syria where the evil that rules in Washington has unleashed its ISIL mercenaries to slaughter the Syrian people?  Why do we not hear about the humanitarian crisis in Yemen where the US and its Saudi Arabian vassal are slaughtering Yemeni women and children?  Why don’t we hear about the humanitarian crisis in Libya where Washington destroyed a country leaving chaos in its place?  Why don’t we hear about the humanitarian crisis in Iraq, ongoing now for 13 years, or the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan now 15 years old?
The answer is that the crisis in Aleppo is the crisis of Washington losing its ISIL mercenaries to the Syrian army and Russian air force.  The jihadists sent by Obama and the killer bitch Hillary (“We came, we saw, he died”) to destroy Syria are being themselves destroyed.  The Obama regime and the Western presstitutes are trying to save the jihadists by covering them in the blanket of “humanitarian crisis.”
Such hypocrisy is standard fare for Washington.  If the Obama regime gave a hoot about “humanitarian crisis,” the Obama regime would not have orchestrated humanitarian crisis in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, and Yemen.
We are in the middle of a presidential campaign in the US and no one has asked why the US is determined to overthrow a democratically elected Syrian government that is supported by the Syrian people.
No one has asked why the White House Fool is empowered to remove the president of Syria by siccing US-supplied jihadists, which the presstitutes misrepresent as “moderate rebels,” on the Syrian people.
Washington, of course, has no acceptable answer to the question, and that is why the question is not asked.
The answer to the question is that Washington’s strategy for destabilizing Iran and then the Muslim provinces of the Russian Federation, former Soviet central Asia, and the Muslim province of China is to replace stable governments with the chaos of jihadism.  Iraq, Libya, and Syria had stable secular societies in which the government’s strong hand was used to prevent sectarian strife between Muslim sects. By overthrowing these secular governments and the current effort to overthrow Assad, Washington released the chaos of terrorism.
There was no terrorism in the Middle East until Washington brought it there with invasions, bombings, and torture.
Jihadists such as those that Washington used to overthrow Gaddafi appeared in Syria when the British Parliament and the Russian government blocked Obama’s planned invasion of Syria. As Washington was prevented from directly attacking Syria, Washington used mercenaries.  The prostitutes that pretend to be an American media obliged Washington with the propaganda that the jihadist terrorists are Syrian democrats rebelling against “the Assad dictatorship.”  This transparant and blatant lie has been repeated so many times that it now is confused with truth.
Syria has no connection whatsoever to Washington’s original justification for introducing violence into the Middle East.  The original justification was 9/11 which was used to invade Afghanistan on the fabrication that the Taliban was shielding Osama bin Laden, the “mastermind,” who at the time was dying of renal failure in a Pakistani hospital.  Osama bin Laden was a CIA asset who was used against the Soviets in Afghanistan.  He was not the perpetrator of 9/11.  And most certainly, neither were the Taliban.
But the Western presstitutes covered up for the Bush regime’s lie, and the public was deceived with the phrase that we must “defeat them abroad before they attack us at home.”
Of course, Muslims were not going to attack us at home. If Muslims are a threat, why does the US government keep bringing so many of them here as refugees from Washington’s wars against Muslims?
9/11 was the neoconservatives “new Pearl Harbor” that they wrote they needed in order to launch their wars in the Middle East. George W. Bush’s first Secretary of the Treasury said that the topic of Bush’s first cabinet meeting was the invasion of Iraq.  This was prior to 9/11.  In other words, Washington’s wars in the Middle East were planned prior to 9/11.
The neoconservatives are zionists. By reducing the Middle East to chaos they achieve both of their goals.  They remove organized opposition to Israeli expansion, and they create jihadism that can be used to destabilize countries such as Russia, Iran, and China that are in the way of their exercise of unilateral power, which, they believe, the Soviet collapse bequeathed to the “indispensable nation,” the USA.
Osama bin Laden, the alleged 9/11 mastermind, was dying, not directing a terror war against the US from a cave in Afghanistan. The Taliban were focused on establishing their rule in Afghanistan, not on attacking the West. After blowing up weddings, funerals, and childrens’ soccer games, Washington moved on to Iraq.  There was no sign of Iraqi beligerance toward the US. UN weapons inspectors said that there were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, but Washington did not hear.  The whores who comprise the American media helped the Bush regime create the image of a nuclear mushroom cloud going up over America if the US did not invade Iraq.
Iraq had no nuclear weapons and everyone knew it, but facts were irrelevant.  There was an agenda at work, an undeclared agenda.  To advance its agenda that the government did not dare reveal, the government used fear.  “We have to kill them over there before they kill us over here.”
So Iraq, a stable, progressive country was reduced to ruins.
Libya was next. Gaddafi would not join Washington’s Africa Command.  Moreover, China was developing the oil fields in eastern Libya.  Washington was already troubled by Russia’s presence in the Mediterranean and did not want China there also.  So Gaddafi had to go.
Next Assad was set up with faked evidence that he had used chemical weapons against the rebellion that Washington had started.  No one believed the transparant Washington lie, not even the British Parliament.  Unable to find support to cover an invasion, Killary the Psychopath sent the jihadists Washington used to destroy Libya to overthrow Assad.
The Russians, who until this point had been so naive and gullible as to trust Washington, finally figured out that the instability that Washington was brewing was directed at them.  The Russian government decided that Syria was their red line and, at the request of the Syrian government, intervened against the Washington-supported jihadists.
Washington is outraged and is now threatening to commit yet another criminal violation of the Nuremberg Standard with blatant aggression against Syria. Such an ill-advised step would bring Washington into military conflict with Russia and by implication with China.  Before Europeans enable Washington to initiate such a dangerous conflict, they had best consider the warning from Sergey Karaganov, a member of the Russian Foreign Ministry’s Foreign Policy and Defense council:  “Russia will never again fight on its own territory. If NATO initiates an encroachment against a nuclear power like ourselves, NATO will be punished.”
That the government of the United States is criminally insane should frighten every person on earth.  Killary-Hillary is commited to conflict with Russia.  Regardless,  Obama, the presstitutes, and the Democratic and Republican establishments are doing everything in their power to put into the Oval Office the person who will maximize conflict with Russia.
The life of the planet is in the hands of the criminally insane. This is the real humanitarian crisis.
Note:  Lt. General Michael Flynn, director of the Pentagon’s Defense Intelligence Agency stated in an interview that the creation of ISIS was “a willful Washington decision.”  See, for example.
The DIA warned that ISIS would result in a Salafist principality over parts of Iraq and Syria. The warning went unheeded as the neoconservative Obama regime saw ISIS as a strategic asset to be used against Syria.

US Allies are Funding ISIS (and Hillary Knew All Along)

Patrick Cockburn

It is fortunate for Saudi Arabia and Qatar that the furore over the sexual antics of Donald Trump is preventing much attention being given to the latest batch of leaked emails to and from Hillary Clinton. Most fascinating of these is what reads like a US State Department memo, dated 17 August 2014, on the appropriate US response to the rapid advance of Isis forces, which were then sweeping through northern Iraq and eastern Syria.
At the time, the US government was not admitting that Saudi Arabia and its Sunni allies were supporting Isis and al-Qaeda-type movements. But in the leaked memo, which says that it draws on “western intelligence, US intelligence and sources in the region” there is no ambivalence about who is backing Isis, which at the time of writing was butchering and raping Yazidi villagers and slaughtering captured Iraqi and Syrian soldiers.
The memo says: “We need to use our diplomatic and more traditional intelligence assets to bring pressure on the governments of Qatar and Saudi Arabia, which are providing clandestine financial and logistic support to Isis and other radical groups in the region.” This was evidently received wisdom in the upper ranks of the US government, but never openly admitted because to it was held that to antagonise Saudi Arabia, the Gulf monarchies, Turkey and Pakistan would fatally undermine US power in the Middle East and South Asia.
For an extraordinarily long period after 9/11, the US refused to confront these traditional Sunni allies and thereby ensured that the “War on Terror” would fail decisively; 15 years later, al-Qaeda in its different guises is much stronger than it used to be because shadowy state sponsors, without whom it could not have survived, were given a free pass.
It is not as if Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State and the US foreign policy establishment in general did not know what was happening. An earlier WikiLeaks release of a State Department cable sent under her name in December 2009 states that “Saudi Arabia remains a critical financial support base for al-Qaeda, the Taliban, LeT [Lashkar-e-Taiba in Pakistan].” But Saudi complicity with these movements never became a central political issue in the US. Why not?
The answer is that the US did not think it was in its interests to cut its traditional Sunni allies loose and put a great deal of resources into making sure that this did not happen. They brought on side compliant journalists, academics and politicians willing to give overt or covert support to Saudi positions.
The real views of senior officials in the White House and the State Department were only periodically visible and, even when their frankness made news, what they said was swiftly forgotten. Earlier this year, for instance, Jeffrey Goldberg in The Atlantic wrote a piece based on numerous interviews with Barack Obama in which Obama “questioned, often harshly, the role that America’s Sunni Arab allies play in fomenting anti-American terrorism. He is clearly irritated that foreign policy orthodoxy compels him to treat Saudi Arabia as an ally”.
It is worth recalling White House cynicism about how that foreign policy orthodoxy in Washington was produced and how easily its influence could be bought. Goldberg reported that “a widely held sentiment inside the White House is that many of the most prominent foreign-policy think tanks in Washington are doing the bidding of their Arab and pro-Israel funders. I’ve heard one administration official refer to Massachusetts Avenue, the home of many of these think tanks, as ‘Arab-occupied territory’.”
Despite this, television and newspaper interview self-declared academic experts from these same think tanks on Isis, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf are wilfully ignoring or happily disregarding their partisan sympathies.
The Hillary Clinton email of August 2014 takes for granted that Saudi Arabia and Qatar are funding Isis – but this was not the journalistic or academic conventional wisdom of the day. Instead, there was much assertion that the newly declared caliphate was self-supporting through the sale of oil, taxes and antiquities; it therefore followed that Isis did not need money from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf. The same argument could not be made to explain the funding of Jabhat al-Nusra, which controlled no oilfields, but even in the case of Isis the belief in its self-sufficiency was always shaky.
Iraqi and Kurdish leaders said that they did not believe a word of it, claiming privately that Isis was blackmailing the Gulf states by threatening violence on their territory unless they paid up. The Iraqi and Kurdish officials never produced proof of this, but it seemed unlikely that men as tough and ruthless as the Isis leaders would have satisfied themselves with taxing truck traffic and shopkeepers in the extensive but poor lands they ruled and not extracted far larger sums from fabulously wealthy private and state donors in the oil producers of the Gulf.
Going by the latest leaked email, the State Department and US intelligence clearly had no doubt that Saudi Arabia and Qatar were funding Isis. But there has always been bizarre discontinuity between what the Obama administration knew about Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states and what they would say in public. Occasionally the truth would spill out, as when Vice-President Joe Biden told students at Harvard in October 2014 that Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates “were so determined to take down Assad and essentially have a proxy Sunni-Shia war. What did they do? They poured hundreds of millions of dollars and thousands of tons of weapons into anyone who would fight against Assad. Except that the people who were being supplied were al-Nusra and al-Qaeda and the extremist elements of jihadis coming from other parts of the world”. Biden poured scorn on the idea that there were Syrian “moderates” capable of fighting Isis and Assad at the same time.
Hillary Clinton should be very vulnerable over the failings of US foreign policy during the years she was Secretary of State. But, such is the crudity of Trump’s demagoguery, she has never had to answer for it. Republican challenges have focussed on issues – the death of the US ambassador in Benghazi in 2012 and the final US military withdrawal from Iraq in 2011 – for which she was not responsible.
A Hillary Clinton presidency might mean closer amity with Saudi Arabia, but American attitudes towards the Saudi regime are becoming soured, as was shown recently when Congress overwhelmingly overturned a presidential veto of a bill allowing the relatives of 9/11 victims to sue the Saudi government.
Another development is weakening Saudi Arabia and its Sunni allies. The leaked memo speaks of the rival ambitions of Saudi Arabia and Qatar “to dominate the Sunni world”. But this has not turned out well, with east Aleppo and Mosul, two great Sunni cities, coming under attack and likely to fall. Whatever Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and the others thought they were doing it has not happened and the Sunni of Syria and Iraq are paying a heavy price. It is this failure which will shape the future relations of the Sunni states with the new US administration.

A Rigged System?

Fran Shor

At the risk of validating anything uttered by the misogynistic, xenophobic, racist demagogue, Donald Trump, anyone with a critical perspective on the electoral racket run by the duopoly would have to acknowledge that the system is rigged, albeit not in the constricted and partisan way advanced by Trump.  Unpacking the political matrix within which electoral delusions are perpetrated and consumed is essential if we wish to provide a more inclusive and radical analysis of that rigged system.
First and foremost, the electoral system has both structural and ideological features that guarantee the perpetuation of the rule of the 1%.  The very instruments that operationalize the electoral system, from voter registration to ballot access, are particularly susceptible to partisan manipulation, from gerrymandered districts to control by secretaries of state who, in many instances, are political operatives for one of the two major parties.
On the latter point, recall the role of Katherine Harris, the Republican Secretary of State in Florida, during the run-up to the 2000 presidential election when nearly 100,000 mostly African-American voters were kicked off the registration rolls.  (A matter conveniently overlooked by all those who continue to blame Ralph Nader for the debacle in Florida.)  A Republican Secretary of State in Ohio also apparently tainted the 2004 presidential election results. However, Democratic Party operatives were notoriously manipulative in this year’s Presidential primary from Nevada to New York.
Beyond such partisan interventions in skewing election results, the very access to the ballot has over the years become more difficult for third parties and large segments of the population.  Starting with the anti-fusion laws of the late 19th and early 20th centuries that made the translation of populist insurgencies into electoral success nearly impossible, states have erected barriers to ballot access.  Accompanying such ballot restrictions were exclusionary regulations that erected impediments to the participation of the poor, workers, and African Americans.  The latter had to mount heroic decade long efforts to overturn disenfranchisement laws, especially in the South.  While recent efforts by Republican legislatures to use voter ID laws to prevent students, the poor, and people of color from participation in the elections, various courts have struck down the obvious discriminatory objectives of these laws.
On the other hand, the US Supreme Court has recently voided parts of the Voting Rights Act that had important protections for African Americans, in particular in the South.  Trying to amend and strengthen these provisions of the Voting Rights Act has proven exceptionally problematic given the control of the US Congress by Republicans.  In addition, it is still the case that millions of ex-felons are denied enfranchisement in states around the country.  Although agitation for change is helping to push some Governors, mostly Democratic, into extending the franchise to ex-felons, the punitive criminal justice system continues to expand disenfranchisement.
Once citizens reach the voting booth, they still have to contend with a variety of hurdles that call into question the efficacy of their vote.  From limited times and locations for exercising the vote to faulty and suspect voting machines there is plenty of evidence to suggest that the system is rigged against the working poor and minority constituents.  Indeed, as numerous empirical studies demonstrate, suburban whites are privileged (once again) when it comes to the electoral system.  The compounding of class and geographical disparities is evident, in particular, in the anti-democratic US Senate where Senators from rural and small town states hold sway over their colleagues from more populous and diverse states.
When one adds into the mix the role of money in politics and the impact of Citizens United, the class advantages reinforcing a rigged electoral system are huge. The amount of money poured into the electoral arena has primarily, but not exclusively, guaranteed that duopolistic outliers and third parties will be further marginalized.
Of course, the corporate media perform their ideological function as the gatekeepers to the electoral system.  Beyond hectoring, trivializing, and neglecting any challenge even within the electoral matrix, the corporate media perpetuate the fantasies about the US as a “representative democracy.”  As the recent Princeton study demonstrably proves, when it comes to legislation at a federal level the 1% make out like the bandits they are.
So, we are saddled with a rigged system that is patently undemocratic, especially with the continuing arcane influence of the Electoral College.  The constrained call by Bernie Sanders for a “political revolution” never contemplated the actual overturning of such an undemocratic system.  When a number of Latin American countries faced a duopolistic system, like ours, with an extreme right-wing party and a center right party, their population took to the streets and brought to power through insurrectionary action new political leadership more committed to the 99% and new constitutions.
While Trump and his right-wing populist minions have already begun to bray about the “rigged” election and the need to revolt, we, on the left, had better prepare for the potential reaction to the coronation of the Queen of Chaos.  Moreover, we need to seriously create a broad front of resistance which could, in time, blossom into an authentic political revolution without violence and macho posturing, but with steady transformative moments that will create a new world in the ashes of the old.

Covering, And Exposing, Atrocity: Australian Commandos Come Forward

Binoy Kampmark

Kevin Frost, a special forces sergeant in the Australian Army, has done something unusual. He wishes, even demands, to be tried for his role behind the summary execution of an Afghan prisoner in his captivity during a tour of the country.
From Frost came a statement to an inquiry digging through allegations of war crimes by Australian troops that took place after the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001.  According to Frost, the incident took place on one of three tours of the beleaguered country with the ADF, though details were sketchy as to where, and when, it took place.
“The particular incident that I was involved in resulted in the POW that I captured actually being executed, murdered.  Now, I can’t remember if he [the executioner] cut the cuffs off first or if he cut the cuffs off after he shot him.  That’s one point I can’t remember there, because I wasn’t looking, I didn’t want to look.  I turned around, and the guy was dead.  He’d been shot through the forehead.”
For Frost, investigation and prosecution would be a form of deliverance, a necessary catharsis for his years of depression and onerous guilt.  His statement almost assumed that of a desperate plea: “I believe I should be punished with the full weight of the law, and justly.  I do not believe this should be brushed under the carpet.”
Frost’s case is not unusual.  In May this year, a former lance corporal of the Army’s elite 1stCommando Regiment, given the name Dave, found keeping a lid on his role in a raid resulting in the deaths of Afghan children, impossible.  He had been charged, along with his sergeant colleague, with manslaughter by former director of military prosecutions, Brigadier Lyn McDade.  “From the moment I realised there were dead children, I was horrified, numb, just struggling to grasp.”
His missions were typical, operating in conditions of killing or capturing Taliban targets.  In the blood lust and fury, there were bound to be casualties, notably against civilians.  The fundamental problem in this approach remains its often unreliable foundation: that of suitable intelligence.
“The intelligence we received,” claimed Corporal Geoff Evans, “was of varying quality.  Sometimes it was very, very good, and other times it felt like they were throwing a dart at a map.” All the travails, in fact, of guerrilla war and insurgency.
In this specific case, the prosecutor’s views, outlined in a memorandum from September 23, 2011, identified the sergeant as the individual giving the order to detonate grenades, “an indiscriminate weapons system, into a very confined space, when they ought to have known, and during the attack knew for certain, that women and children were present.”
According to Brigadier McDade, “the evidence discloses that Sergeant J and Lance Corporal D knew for certain there were women and children in the room.  They both provided statements to the inquiry officer to this effect; specifically that they could hear the women and children screaming from inside the room.”
The lance corporal did have his case dismissed, but the ADF dug in its bureaucratic heels in not formally exonerating him and the sergeant.  The lance corporal also took issue with the brigadier’s assessment of his state of awareness:
“We didn’t believe there would be any women and children in that room for two reasons, that being that we had earlier found who we believed to be the family living in that compound and removed them from an earlier room.  And secondly, that we were now receiving gunfire from that room and we believed that we had found the insurgents that we had been told were staying there.”
Battle field conditions, and the search for the unruly and violent on the ground as convenient scapegoats of armchair ignorance, remain perennial themes.  Controlling what happens in that field is, at best, an overly confident assertion in the face of adversity.
The point of such atrocities is that they are irreversible and immutable. As Lance Corporal “Dave” explained, despite disagreeing with the assessment of alleged criminality, “When you’ve realised you’ve killed children, devastating doesn’t even begin to describe it, and I feel like I can’t fix it and I can’t atone for it.  I can’t do anything to undo the damage that was done.”
Atrocity is axiomatic to the waging of war.  The righteous wars, pursued with misplaced moral outrage, tend to be the worst.  The post-September 11, 2001 conflicts suffer from a brutalised mix of humanitarianism and vengeance, one that has been unsparing to Australia’s soldiers, and their victims.
Instead of putting a brake on enthusiastic deployments to distant, even irrelevant theatres of conflict, Australian governments continue to engage in blind, and damaging deployments.  Where the Stars and Stripes go, the Southern Cross will follow.  When that happens, there will be more Lance Corporal Daves and Sergeant Frosts.

Demonising Wind Energy In Australia: The South Australian Blackout

Binoy Kampmark


From the time when energy became a state ambition and the central, almost paranoid platform of security, its messiness became apparent.  Energy reserves needed to be controlled; corrupt regimes with access to such resources needed to be placated, or, if not, overthrown and replaced by compliant puppet governments.  The world of energy is one governed by invasion, acquisitive brutality and resistance.
Even within countries less susceptible to regime change via energy exploitation, the tendency to politicise the issues surrounding access and acquisition remain.  Cleaner, more sustainable options are deemed unpatriotic, draining traditional industries and jobs.  The sense that the climate change phenomenon is an exaggerated bogey of politics persists.
At stages the argument has been panicked.  The violent storms in South Australia last month, so-called “act of God” events which inflicted an energy blackout through the state, did not draw sympathy from the federal government, which persists in its autistic policies on the environment.  The opposite was the case.
According to Australia’s Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, the blackout was exacerbated by poor energy policies, notably of the environmentally inclined sort.  The finger, he argued, could be pointed to renewal energy targets at the state level deemed “extremely aggressive, extremely unrealistic.”  It did not take long for the suggestion to be made that the Greens, and those sympathetic to green policies, be hauled out and given a public dressing down.
Various political figures were also lending their voices to the vitriolic mix, adding good lashings of distortion. After all, South Australia is something of a golden boy in the renewable revolution in a country often hostile to it.  The figure of 41 percent of the state’s energy generated from renewables, much of it drawn from wind, was condemned as a feature of irresponsibility rather than praised as a matter of foresight.
Permanent school boy Deputy Prime Minister Barnaby Joyce might well be a fanatic when it comes to repelling the introduction of biosecurity threats into Australia (remember the Depp affair), but tends to be softheaded on the greening of the economy.
Earlier this month, Joyce suggested that the mid-latitude cyclone, which generated several tornados, should not be saddled with the dramatic devastation.  He had found the indisputable culprit.  “It wasn’t a hurricane.  It was a severe thunderstorm.  They’ve had severe thunderstorms before.”  Wind energy, in short was “obviously not working” given the dramatic consequence.
Having made the erroneous deduction that South Australia, having had similar events before, should have been more resilient in the face of the usual, he condemned recent spikes in energy prices in the state, and the “appalling management” on the ground.
Similar views could also be heard from the muddled Energy Minister Josh Frydenberg, who remains a customary conquistador indifferent to the renewable industry, and South Australian senator Nick Xenophon, wind energy’s permanent critic.
The searing spotlight had moved to demonising wind and the uneven nature of renewable targets across the states.  “Federal and State renewable energy targets being different,” he explained to Radio National, “does create a problem, because it skews investment in an inefficient way”.  The theme here: money, investment, rather than environmental conscientiousness.
Frydenberg went on to tell the 7.30 Report that, “questions are raised by the virtue of the increasing amount of renewables”, a point he twinned with an admission that “South Australia lost its power due to the most extreme weather event there in half a century”.
Wind energy, as Australia’s Chief Scientist Alan Finkel explained, had become something of a handy scapegoat. Not that his views mattered.  “If you had a natural gas generator there, and the voltage was collapsing, and the frequency was collapsing, that natural gas generator would have taken itself off the grid just as rapidly as the wind farms had taken themselves off” (ABC News, Oct 6).
In the populist bilge, the exceptional nature of the weather event, advanced by the energy experts, was ignored.  The views of engineers, gathered from such sources as ElectraNet, which installed temporary transmission towers in the state’s mid-north, were discounted.
A regulatory report released this month by the National Energy Market Operator examining the outage came to the sensible conclusion that weather’s destruction of infrastructure, not environmental mismanagement, was the catalyst.  The authors of the report acknowledged a sudden loss of wind energy, but preferred to focus on the effects of the storm.  The result of the damage to transmission lines increased pressure on the main interconnector with Victoria, resulting in a tripping of the system after an inevitable overload.
Admitting that at the political level would be sensible, but in the ruthless and often misinformed world of energy politics, it would be unexpected.  The point is made more acute in a country where climate change denialism, along with a continued insistence on fossil fuels, prevails with stubborn determination.  In all this, the de-greening of Turnbull’s faux credentials in this entire process is perhaps the most striking feature of the debate.