19 Oct 2017

Australian military covered up dangers of toxic fire-fighting foam

Patrick Davies

Contamination, an investigative television report which aired on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s “Four Corners” program last week, confirmed that the Australian Defence Department ignored explicit warnings issued three decades ago about the danger of fire-fighting foam used at its facilities.
While it was previously thought the defence department only learnt in 1991 of the risks posed by the foam leaking into water supplies, the program cited a 1987 consultant’s report which called for the foam to be treated as “toxic waste.” Defence deliberately withheld this knowledge from the public.
The fire-suppressant aqueous film forming foam, which contains perfluorooctane sulfonate (PFOS) and perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA) and is also known as light water, was manufactured by the giant 3M chemical company. It began to be used for aviation fire-fighting in 1964.
Up to 18 air force bases around Australia have been potentially contaminated by the foam. The total number of sites currently under government investigation exceeds 70. This includes some local fire stations and civilian airports.
The foam was widely employed throughout Australia until 2003 when the National Industrial Chemicals Notification and Assessment Scheme called for the end to any “unnecessary” use of the product. The following year, the Defence Department claimed it would phase it out, but this was not completed until 2012.
Two years after receiving the 1987 consultant’s warnings, the defence department established the Tindal air force base in Katherine, in the Northern Territory, where it used the toxic material. It failed to warn defence personnel and residents of the dangers posed.
Tindal base fire-fighters told “Four Corners” that they trained with the toxic material for years and were told it was safe. Former flight sergeant Brian Wrigglesworth said fire-fighters had no idea of the risks and were often “saturated in” the product. He estimated that roughly two-hundred litres of foam would overflow into local waterways and groundwater each week.
PFOS and PFAS have been identified by international bodies, such as the Persistent Organic Pollutants Review Committee, as potentially dangerous to human health and highly persistent in the natural environment. Large-scale epidemiological studies conducted by the C8 Science panel in the US have shown probable links to six diseases, including thyroid and testicular cancer.
Philippe Grandjean, an assistant professor of environmental health at the Harvard School of Public Health, told “Four Corners” that PFAS chemicals can suppress the body’s immune system. “With immune dysfunction, the body does not pick up the abnormal cells that are spreading and developing into a cancer,” he said. Grandjean cautioned that further action was needed to “protect humans against these exposures.”
The contamination of water supplies in Katherine has placed its 6,000 residents at significant risk. Defence Department testing of bore water, which is relied upon by families for daily use including drinking and washing, has showed PFAS levels up to 80 times the safe limit.
Two months ago, the town was put on water restrictions. While the tropical community receives high rainfall, the restrictions have been imposed so town water supplies do not have to be topped up with the contaminated ground water.
The Bartlett family, who were featured on “Four Corners,” own a mango farm in close proximity to the airbase. They are among more than 40 people who rely entirely on bottled water because their bore water is unsafe. Kirsty Bartlett was diagnosed with thyroid cancer at around the same time that her family were told their water was contaminated.
The Defence Department’s failure to act on previous warnings was “just disgusting,” Bartlett said. “It feels a bit like we’re collateral damage. I know that sounds a bit extreme, but it just really feels like our lives here really don’t matter.”
Defence Department representative Steve Grzeskowiak attempted to deflect political responsibility for the disaster, telling “Four Corners” that standards and practices in place before the early 2000s were “not as good as they should have been.” He claimed to have had no prior knowledge of the consultant’s report in 1987 and refused to explain why residents and fire-fighters had not been warned of the dangers.
Residents of Oakey, Queensland and Williamtown, New South Wales, who live in areas contaminated by PFAS fire-fighting chemicals, have mounted separate class action suits to litigate for compensation. A Senate inquiry launched in late 2015 called for compensation and land acquisition but none of its recommendations were binding.
Oakey resident Brad Hudson told “Four Corners” about the impact of the contamination on his family. Hudson was diagnosed with testicular cancer shortly before he was informed that water on his property was toxic.
“Four Corners” also cited a 2012 internal email from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in which the defence department acknowledged elevated levels of PFAS chemicals leaving the Williamtown air base. The department, however, instructed the EPA to keep the information “confidential.” It was another three years before residents surrounding Williamtown were alerted.
During this period, several people purchased properties in the area and set up their lives, only to find out later that their homes had been placed in the “red zone.” These homes lost their value and now the banks will not lend to residents living in the zone. Water in some parts of the Williamtown “red zone” is currently registering PFAS readings 18 times the safe drinking level.
The federal government, which has offered free blood testing to the residents of contaminated areas around Williamtown and Oakey, has refused to do the same in Katherine until environmental investigations are completed, a process that will drag on well into 2018. Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull has defended this decision, reiterating government and defence department claims that there is “no consistent evidence that PFAS is harmful to human health.”
According to “Four Corners,” the clean-up has already cost the Defence Department $100 million nationally with defence spokesman Steve Grzeskowiak admitting that it was possibly the “largest environmental investigation” in Australian history.
The Australian government is fighting the class action by residents and strenuously resisting demands for compensation for the poisoning of water supplies and the consequent health and social consequences, for which consecutive Liberal-National and Labor governments are directly responsible. Utterly indifferent to the plight of residents and their families, it continues to spend billions on the military and, in lock step with Washington’s “pivot to Asia,” is preparing for war against North Korea and China.

Power struggle in leadership of Germany’s Left Party

Peter Schwarz

In the wake of Germany’s federal election, a bitter power struggle has erupted in the leadership of the Left Party. It reached a high point on Tuesday at the first meeting of the party’s newly-elected parliamentary group.
The dispute was triggered by the issue of how much influence party leaders Katja Kipping and Bernd Riexinger should have over the parliamentary group. Several motions were presented at the meeting that would have given the two leaders voting rights in the parliamentary group’s executive and additional speaking rights in parliament (the Bundestag). The two parliamentary group leaders, Sahra Wagenknecht and Dietmar Bartsch, categorically rejected this.
Prior to the meeting, Wagenknecht appealed to all parliamentary deputies in a four-page letter accusing Kipping and Riexinger of sabotaging the election campaign, intriguing behind the scenes and bullying. She threatened to resign if they got their way in the parliamentary group.
The two party leaders, Wagenknecht wrote, “never accepted” that the party elected herself and Bartsch as the lead candidates for the federal election campaign. They had “engaged in a penetrating small-scale war” to “undermine” the election “from behind the scenes and by means of intrigue.”
“After the federal election—and with complete disregard to the Lower Saxony election campaign—the mounting conflict became an open campaign against the current parliamentary group leadership,” Wagenknecht continued. A climate has been created in the party “that no longer permits a normal culture of discussion.” Riexinger and Kipping are attempting to “force out” Wagenknecht and Bartsch.
Wagenknecht threatened to withdraw as parliamentary group leader if the group’s leadership is occupied by party executive candidates. She sees “no point in wasting my strength and health in permanent internal trench warfare with two party leaders who are obviously unwilling to cooperate fairly.”
After a seven-hour discussion and a meeting between the four, they finally agreed in the evening on a compromise. The party leaders will receive additional speaking rights in the Bundestag, but no voting rights on the parliamentary group executive. Bartsch and Wagenknecht were subsequently re-elected as parliamentary leaders by 80 percent and 75 percent of the votes, respectively.
But the disputes have not been resolved. This is shown by the aggressive tone of Wagenknecht’s letter. The Left Party is responding to the federal election and the rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) with a sharp shift to the right, which is tearing it apart internally.
The party has played an important role in eastern Germany in suppressing social opposition and, where it has held government posts, imposing its own attacks on the working class. This role has now been called into question. In all five federal states in eastern Germany, the AfD finished ahead of the Left Party. The party lost 400,000 voters to the AfD, above all from workers and the unemployed in their former strongholds in eastern Germany.
The Left Party was able to slightly improve its national result, because the party secured new voters from urban middle-class elements who previously backed the Social Democratic Party (SPD) or Greens. But the main beneficiaries of the major losses suffered by the Christian Democrats and SPD were the AfD and liberal Free Democrats. Both parties overtook the Left Party, which now, instead of being the third largest party, is only the fifth largest in parliament.
Wagenknecht has reacted to the party’s collapsing support among workers and in eastern Germany by adopting the AfD’s xenophobic programme. She and her husband, the former SPD leader and founder of the Left Party, Oskar Lafontaine, have been pursuing this course for some time.
Shortly after the election, Lafontaine published a comment on Facebook that was printed in the party’s newspaper, Neues Deutschland. He blamed the Left Party’s “mistaken refugee policy” for the “lack of support from those on the lower end of the income scale.”
In a manner typical of the AfD, Lafontaine sought to play refugees off against the poor. One should “not impose the burden of immigration on those who are already the losers due to increasing inequality in income and wealth,” he wrote, as if the refugees are responsible for the attacks on workers carried out by the ruling class, with the Left Party’s support, in the interests of the ruling elite!
Stretching his demagogy to the limit, Lafontaine went on to write that if one looks at “the people fleeing war, hunger and disease,” the “violation of the principle of social justice” is even greater. Only a minority manages “to come up with several thousand euros to pay smugglers to come to Europe, and above all Germany.” Instead, it would be much better to spend money to “improve conditions in the camps” than to allow refugees into Germany.
This comment provoked a sharp debate in Neues Deutschland, as several party leaders distanced themselves from the all too obviously right-wing positions advanced by Lafontaine.
Gregor Gysi, a leading figure for many years within the Left Party, rejected the idea “that one adopts wrong, semi-right-wing positions in the hope of getting votes from more workers and unemployed people… If you want more social justice, you have to struggle against unjustifiable wealth, not against other poor people.”
Kipping countered Lafontaine, writing, “Whoever adopts a right-wing position on the refugee issue is risking the Left Party’s credibility.”
Wagenknecht complained bitterly in her letter to the deputies about this criticism. Neues Deutschland publishes online “articles almost daily from party leader Kipping’s close political associates, who accuse me of ‘semi-right-wing’, ‘AfD-aligned’ or even ‘racist’ and ‘social-nationalist’ positions,” she wrote. “If anyone who does not share the position ‘open borders for everyone right now’ is immediately suspected of being a ‘racist’ and ‘semi-Nazi’, it is no longer possible to conduct a detailed discussion about a reasonable strategic direction.”
The fact that Wagenknecht was elected by 75 percent of the deputies despite this proves that her right-wing, xenophobic positions enjoy broad acceptance within the Left Party.
Kipping and Riexinger are not concerned about declaring their support for refugees. They see the Left Party’s future in “cosmopolitan, mobile, often urban milieus” (Kipping) which are chiefly interested in questions of environmental protection, gender politics and similar matters, and would be repelled by too close an identification with the AfD.
Riexinger wrote in Neues Deutschland, “The struggle to compete, nationalism and racism dominate the daily thinking of sections of the population, unfortunately also the workers and unemployed.” For the Left Party, the issue is therefore to “build bridges with the social democratic and left-green milieu.”
For all the factions engaged in the infighting, the responsibility of the Left Party for the AfD’s rise remains completely taboo. The Left Party’s right-wing policies dressed up in left rhetoric—the social cuts, lay offs and strengthening of the police for which the Left Party is responsible—have created the frustration, anger and outrage which the AfD now seeks to exploit. It is no accident that in Thuringia, the only state with a Left Party Minister President, the AfD led the Left Party by six percentage points in the election.
Notwithstanding the bitter conflicts, all tendencies in the Left Party continue to seek to prevent social opposition from getting out of control and to suppress the class struggle. The Lafontaine-Wagenknecht wing want to do this by adopting AfD slogans, while the Kipping-Riexinger wing seek to mobilise privileged sections of the middle class. The divisions between both factions are fluid.

Military industry stocks soar amid growing threat of war

Gabriel Black

Amid the growing threat of world war, Wall Street is investing huge sums of money in the armaments industry.
Since the beginning of this year, the Standard & Poor’s (S&P) Aerospace and Defense Industry subsector index has climbed 31.5 percent, while the S&P as a whole increased by only 12.9 percent. This surge in the stock value of the weapons industry—at a pace 2.5 times the rest of the market—should be taken as a warning of the bloodshed that is being prepared by the ruling elite.
At the top of the list in growth are giant companies such as Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Boeing and Raytheon. These companies are responsible for the most-used and deadliest weapons of the US arsenal, including the F-16, F-22 fighter planes, the B-2 bomber, the Patriot Missile, and all sorts of lesser-known ammunitions, high-tech communication devices, and vehicles essential for modern warfare.
Raytheon, the largest producers of guided missiles, is typical of the group, with its stock price continually breaking record highs. It is up 32 percent from the beginning of this calendar year. Its recent acceleration, however, is just the tail-end of a steep five-year climb in growth. Since 2013, its stock price has increased threefold.
The growth in defense industry stocks reflects several interconnected phenomena. First, there is the growing danger of war. At no point since before World War II have international relations between major powers been so tense. Should the United States launch a war against North Korea, China and Russia could quickly become involved, sparking a global conflict. Countries such as Saudi Arabia, Germany, and Japan are making moves to greatly increase their defense budgets, and they will rely heavily on US armaments to do so.
Second, the stock markets in the United States and globally have been fed by a coordinated central bank policy of historically unprecedented cheap credit. This policy has produced a massive bubble that threatens to explode, dwarfing the 2008 financial crisis. The low rate of return on actual industrial investment has caused the loose money floating around the financial markets to inflate pre-existing assets. This is why economic growth and inflation remain low while asset prices have exploded.
Third, the Trump administration is signaling a new stage in the United States’ descent into military rule. Trump has already signed a series of record armament deals with other countries, such as Saudi Arabia. At the same time, it has pledged to massively increase the US war budget. Trump’s policy of allowing the top military brass to essentially make its own decisions has sent a strong signal to Wall Street that major defense companies will experience a massive growth in the coming period.
Raytheon CEO Tom Kennedy told investors this July, “We have an administration that is significantly supporting international work for the domestic U.S. industry and that has opened several doors for us.” He said that Trump as commander-in-chief “changes the game. … The bottom line is it’s just accelerating our ability to grow internationally.”
In May, Trump signed a deal to give Saudi Arabia $350 billion worth of armaments. Raytheon’s Patriot missile system stood prominently in this package.
The growth of the armament industry amid economic stagnation, whatever the trajectory of the stock market, is a testament to the parasitic character of the word capitalist system. While billions of people around the world have no decent work and basic social services are being slashed, the ruling elite is pumping hundreds of billions of dollars into more-sophisticated ways to kill and destroy their adversaries.

Rift deepens between Britain and European Union as talks reach no agreement

Robert Stevens 

Twenty-seven European Union leaders will today inform British Prime Minister Theresa May that after five rounds of negotiations over the terms of its exit from the EU, the UK needs to make further concessions.
At the beginning of negotiations six months ago, today’s annual summit of the European Council was set as the date by which it was expected agreement on the first round of talks would have been concluded.
A draft statement released last week, agreed by the European Council (EC), representing the 27 other member countries, states that agreement has not been reached with the UK on the three areas it stipulated when it issued its hard-line Brexit negotiating strategy in April.
The EC stated then that in order to progress to an agreement over a future trading relationship with the UK, the following issues had to be resolved:
* The residency rights of EU and UK citizens post-Brexit.
* The UK payment to the EU as part of its “divorce” settlement.
* An agreement avoiding the creation of a “hard” border between the Irish Republic—which is an EU member—and Northern Ireland.
In its draft statement, the EC says only that some progress has been made regarding EU citizens’ rights and calls on the UK, “to build on the convergence achieved so as to provide the necessary legal certainty and guarantees to all concerned citizens and their family members who shall be able to exercise directly the rights protected by the withdrawal agreement…”
On the Irish border issue, it notes only there has been “some progress on convergence on principles and objectives …” As regards the “avoidance of a hard border,” the EC declares it expects “the UK to present and commit to flexible and imaginative solutions called for by the unique situation of Ireland.”
Regarding the financial settlement the UK must make, the EC notes the “UK has stated that it will honour its financial obligations taken during its membership,” but this has “not yet been translated into a firm and concrete commitment from the UK to settle all of these obligations.”
Moves to a second phase of talks on trade will be reassessed at the next session of the European Council in December, “with a view to determining whether sufficient progress has been achieved” to allow this.
As the document was released, EU lead negotiator Michel Barnier said bluntly, “We have reached a state of deadlock. This is very disturbing.”
The EC position was released just hours after the May government called on the EU to relax its hard-line negotiating position. It confirms that the EU, at the insistence of Germany and France, will allow no concessions to Britain. The response follows the speech May gave in Florence September 23, which was hyped by London as being crucial to breaking the deadlock in negotiations with the European Union, but which achieved nothing.
In a desperate move to progress the negotiations ahead of the summit, May made a surprise visit to Brussels on Monday for talks with European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker. Under pressure from the “hard Brexit”, anti-EU wing of her Conservative Party, May had nothing more to offer Juncker than a €20 billion settlement.
May left Brussels empty-handed, with only a brief joint statement with Juncker stating that negotiations were ongoing and “these efforts should accelerate over the months to come”.
The British prime minister received the same rebuff from German Chancellor Angela Merkel. The Financial Times reported that Merkel “warned her that the EU would not start discussing a transition deal with Britain until she put more money on the table.” It added, “That message was also conveyed to Mrs May on Monday by French President Emmanuel Macron, with French officials saying Paris and Berlin are ‘perfectly aligned’ in their approach on Brexit.”
While May adopted a diplomatic pose in Brussels, the stance of her government to the EU—and an indication of the nationalist rivalries tearing the continent apart—was provided last Friday by her Chancellor Philip Hammond who told Sky News, “The enemy, the opponents, are out there. They’re on the other side of the negotiating table. Those are the people we have to negotiate with, negotiate hard to get the very best deal for Britain.” This followed a statement by Juncker asserting, “We Europeans have to be grateful for so many things Britain has brought to Europe. During the [Second World] war, before the war, after the war. Everywhere and every time. But now they have to pay.”
Tensions have ratcheted up even further in the 48 hours following the failure of May’s Brussels trip.
Brexit Secretary David Davis told the British parliament on Monday, “They [the EU] are using time pressure to see if they can get more money out of us… Bluntly that’s what is going on—it’s obvious to anybody.” He warned, “We all must recognise that we are reaching the limits of what we can achieve without consideration of the future relationship,” adding, “The maintenance of the option of no deal is both for negotiating reasons and sensible security.”
On Tuesday evening, Antonio Tajani, European Parliament president, which has to ratify any final agreement, told BBC’s Newsnight that Britain would have to pay far more than €20 billion. Asked if the EU was delaying talks in order to extract larger financial sums from the UK, he replied, “€20 billion is peanuts, it's peanuts €20 billion... The problem is 50, 60 [billion euros], this is the real situation… We are realistic. The UK government is not realistic.”
With increasing talk by the hard Brexit wing, including Davis, that not reaching a deal with the EU was a possibility, the government has stated soldiers could be mobilised to patrol the border of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland in that scenario. Appearing before the Commons Home Affairs Committee alongside the Home Secretary Amber Rudd, Philip Rutnam, the department’s top civil servant, said, while our “strong preference is to deal with the border and security needed at the border through Border Force and that is the basis in which our planning is proceeding… any use of the military would be an absolute last resort.”
The government is being torn asunder between its pro-and anti-EU wings over Brexit, with other senior cabinet figures, including Rudd, opposed to a no-deal conclusion to the talks, something she described as “unthinkable.”
Those advocating a possible, no-deal outcome are opposed by the majority of big business and most MPs. On Sunday, Labour Party Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell—party leader Jeremy Corbyn’s most senior ally—told the BBC, “I don’t think it’s a realistic option, it’s not going to happen. I don’t think there is a majority in parliament for no-deal. They haven’t got a majority to get through a no-deal situation in parliament. If we amend the legislation for parliament to have a meaningful vote, that will force the government to negotiate and come to their senses.”
McDonnell was referring to the upcoming debate on the government’s EU Withdrawal Bill, the first step in the UK leaving the EU—scheduled for March 2019.
The scale of changes being proposed to the Bill by both the Remain and Leave factions of parliament--300 amendments and 54 new clauses have been tabled according to the government—is such that it will not now be discussed until November 13, after MPs return from the autumn recess. Originally, the government had intended to bring the bill back to the House of Commons straight after the Tory annual conference earlier this month, if it was to have any chance of being passed by next spring.
Labour’s shadow cabinet has put forward more than 20 amendments to the bill and oppose it being passed without amendments. Pro-EU MPs in the cross-party group on European relations—led by Labour’s Chuka Umunna in alliance with the Tory Anna Soubry, have put down dozen’s more amendments, which according to the Guardian, “have enough Conservative signatures to potentially threaten May’s majority.”
One of the main amendments has been tabled by former Tory cabinet member Dominic Grieve and nine other Conservatives. Backed by members of the other main parties, it states that any final deal must be approved by an entirely separate act of parliament, which if passed, means the pro-EU wing of parliament would have the opportunity to veto a hard-Brexit or no-deal outcome.

200,000 protest jailing of Catalonian nationalist leaders in Barcelona

Paul Mitchell 

The jailing this week of the leaders of the largest separatist organisations in Catalonia—Jordi Sànchez of the Catalan National Assembly (ANC) and Jordi Cuixart of Ã’mnium Cultural—was met with demonstrations throughout Catalonia culminating in a 200,000-strong protest in Barcelona on Tuesday night.
The incarceration of the two marks the first jailings of political prisoners since the end of the fascist dictatorship of General Francisco Franco.
A mass mobilisation has been scheduled for Saturday afternoon calling for their release. There are talks of another “national strike” by the “Board for Democracy”, which comprises 60 organisations including the ANC, Ã’mnium Cultural, the UGT and CCOO unions and the employers umbrella organisations, CECOT and PIMEC.
Sànchez and Cuixart are being held pending investigation of trumped-up sedition charges, which carry a maximum sentence of 15 years imprisonment. They are accused of orchestrating demonstrations on September 20 and 21, which attempted to prevent police raids on organisations promoting the October 1 Catalan independence referendum.
The arrests came after weeks of sustained repression by the Popular Party (PP) government of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy. Catalan government officials have been arrested, scores of websites closed, millions of posters and leaflets seized, print shops and newspapers searched, meetings banned, and hundreds of mayors threatened with prosecution for supporting the referendum.
On October 1, the PP government sent in tens of thousands of police in a failed attempt to prevent the referendum. Social media was flooded with images of Civil Guards forcing their way into polling places, grabbing ballot boxes and beating up peaceful, defenceless voters, hundreds of whom were injured. A nationalist, law-and-order hysteria has been whipped up and far-right protests encouraged.
Today, by 10am, Catalan regional premier Carles Puigdemont must “clarify” whether or not he has declared independence—following his statement last week in which he reaffirmed the right of Catalonia to independence, but that it would not be declared for several weeks in order to allow for negotiations with Madrid.
If he does not deny the declaration of independence, many reports suggest Rajoy’s Council of Ministers will invoke measures under article 155 of the Spanish Constitution—routinely described as the “nuclear option”—that suspend Catalan autonomy. Such a step lays the basis for imposing direct rule from Madrid through military intervention.
According to media reports, the regional parliament (Generalitat), will be dissolved and a “transitional governmental authority” will be created, composed of appointed technocrats who will take over the functioning of the various Catalan ministries.
Puigdemont would be allowed to continue as President of the regional government, but he would be stripped of his powers. Vice-president Oriol Junqueras, responsible for the finances of the Generalitat—and blamed for driving away investment in Catalonia and companies relocating their headquarters—could be removed. Junqueras and other officials are likely to be rounded up and imprisoned as Jordi Sánchez and Jordi Cuixart have been.
The next step, according to reports, would then be to hold new elections in Catalonia. These would not be convened by the regional government as normally the case but under the control of Madrid. Whether parties calling for independence would be allowed to stand is increasingly unlikely, as calls for their banning increase.
The government is not talking openly at the moment of military intervention, but logistics troops have been sent to support National Police and Civil Guard units in Catalonia and details of the “Chain Mail” troop deployment plan have been published alongside comments from military figures.
Rajoy is travelling Thursday afternoon to Brussels to take part in the European Council summit of the heads of state and government of the European Union (EU). The EU has consistently declared that Catalonian succession is an “internal” crisis that Spain must resolve within the limits set by its Constitution—a view taken by the Trump administration in the US. The PP crackdown enjoys the support of the EU and the US because they fear the break up of the EU and the NATO alliance into a patchwork of competing mini-states.
To that end, Catalonia does not even feature as an official item on the summit agenda. “We do not intend to put it on the agenda, but of course, if President Rajoy wants to talk about it, we will reflect it on the agenda,” said one senior European official.
The Secretary General of the Socialist Party (PSOE), Pedro Sánchez, is also visiting Brussels. His main role is to cover for the PP and attempt to counteract depictions of the repressive measures being enacted by the Spanish state. On Wednesday, he met the president of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani, the High Representative for Foreign Policy, Federica Mogherini, and the President of the Socialist Group in the European Parliament, Giani Pittella, before taking part in a conference organized by the European Social-Democratic faction. Today he will meet European Commission president Jean Claude-Juncker.
The unrelenting juggernaut of police state measures being imposed in Catalonia by the PP government, which rules over the fifth largest, supposedly democratic, capitalist country in Europe, is a warning to workers and youth across the continent and internationally. The green light given to the PP’s repression, supported by the right-wing Citizens party and the PSOE by the EU and US is further confirmation that the global ruling elite will not tolerate any opposition to its social counter-revolutionary policies.
What is happening in Catalonia will become the benchmark for rule across Europe.
The rapid re-emergence of such repressive measures in a country, which the PSOE and Communist Party insisted had resolved its bitter 20th century history of class struggle, revolution and dictatorship through the “transition to democracy”—following the death of Franco in 1975—is a graphic expression of the collapse of the post-World War II global capitalist order.
The political settlement concocted during the Transition has disintegrated. The PSOE, the Spanish ruling elite’s main party of government in the post-Franco period, has been discredited by decades of policies of austerity and war.
The critical question is the political mobilization of the entire Spanish and European working class in struggle against the return to police state rule and any attempt to mobilise the army.
Workers and youth in Catalonia, throughout Spain and across the continent must demand an end to the brutal repression being carried out in Catalonia. All troops and government forces must be withdrawn from Catalonia and those held captive as political prisoners immediately released.
Opposition to state repression cannot be mounted under the auspices of the ruling parties in Madrid or the Catalan nationalists, who are unflaggingly hostile to the working class.
The International Committee of the Fourth International insists that the only viable policy against the danger of war and dictatorship is to fight to unify the working class in Spain and Europe in a struggle against capitalism and for the socialist reorganization of society. This can be carried out only in revolutionary struggle against all of Spain’s bourgeois factions, whether in Madrid or Barcelona.

18 Oct 2017

Machel-Mandela Fellowship Program for Study in South Africa 2018

Application Deadline: 30th November 2017.
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Countries in Africa or abroad
To be taken at (country): Johannesburg, South Africa
Eligible Field of Study: None
About the Award: The Machel-Mandela Fellows programme aims to be the most prestigious of its kind in Africa. It helps sharpen the Brenthurst Foundation’s focus on Africa’s burgeoning youth population and helps nurture Africa’s future leaders.
The fellowship will be available full-time for a minimum of six months and the selected candidate will be expected to take up the appointment in April 2018. The fellow may be from Africa or abroad and will be based at the Brenthurst Foundation’s headquarters in Parktown, Johannesburg. Fellows will work directly with and assist the Foundation’s staff on a range of projects and activities, some of which will require foreign travel.
Type: Fellowship
Eligibility: 
  • Under 30 years of age
  • An Undergraduate or Masters level degree
  • Excellent spoken and written English. African and other languages an asset
  • Excellent communication skills
  • Enthusiastic and reliable, a self-starter who requires minimal oversight and management
  • Able to balance deadlines and attention to detail
  • Fluency in all basic IT skills
  • Copy-editing and proof-reading skills an asset
  • A passion for Africa and a keen interest in new thinking and strategies to strengthen Africa’s economic performance
  • Broad knowledge of African politics and economics
  • Familiarity with the work of the Brenthurst Foundation (please consult the website : www.thebrenthurstfoundtion.org)
Value of Scholarship: An all-inclusive stipend per month and accommodation (subject to Foundation policy) will be provided. Other work-related expenses may also be covered subject to agreement with the Foundation.
Duration of Scholarship: The programme will be available full-time for a minimum of six months and the selected candidate will be expected to take up the appointment in January 2017.
How to Apply: Please address your application to Ms Leila Jack at jackl(at)eoson.co.za quoting ‘Machel-Mandela Fellow’ in the subject line.
You will need to send:
  • An up-to-date CV with references’ details
  • A covering letter – no more than 500 words, outlining your interest in the position and the skills you can bring to bear
  • A writing sample – this can be any piece of work, for example an essay or a published article, of any length.
  • The earliest date you would be able to start
  • Details of where you saw the post advertised
Award Provider: The Brenthurst Foundation
Important Notes: Due to the volume of applications, only shortlisted candidates will be contacted. If you have not heard from us by 4 November 2016 please assume your application to be unsuccessful.

9th Arab Film Festival ALFILM for Filmmakers in MENA Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 20th December, 2017
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Countries in the Middle East and North African Region
To be taken at (country): Germany
About the Award: The 9th ALFILM takes place from 11 to 18 April 2018 and presents a panorama of the contemporary Arabian filmproduction in the OFFICIAL SELECTION with current play and documentary films as well as experimental films and video art. We accept films, documentaries and short films by an Arab filmmaker or a Arab filmmaker submitted, produced or co-produced in an Arab country or take up a subject that is closely related to the Arab world.
ALFILM – Arabic Film Festival Berlin is Germany’s the biggest festival of the diverse scene of the Arab world offers a platform. The focus of the festival is on the Arab film content and artistic standard. ALFILM is a non-commercial film festival that annually since 2009 bymakan – Center for Arab cinema and Culture is organized.
Type: Contest, Events
Eligibility:  
  1. To be eligible for ALFILM, the online submission form must be completed, as well as the upload of promotional material such as high-resolution electronic film stills (300dpi), full cast and crew credits sheet, and the director’s bio-/filmography. These materials shall be considered incorporated as part of the submission.
  2. The films submitted must not be older than 3 years.
  3. The person who is filling out the Entry Form “Submitter” warrants that he/she has read and understood the guidelines, regulations, and requirements; and holds all necessary rights considering the usage granted to ALFILM Festival herein, and is authorized to grant and does hereby grant said rights to ALFILM.
  4. Submission to the festival’s main program is open to feature films, documentaries, animation, experimental films, video art and short films. The festival accepts entries that are either produced or co-produced in an Arab country, or by an Arab director, or closely related to the Arab world.
  5. In case that films have dialogues in other languages than German or English, they must be subtitled either in German or English.
  6. Films must be submitted on DVD (region 0 or 2) accompanied by a printout of the confirmation email. All DVDs submitted will not be returned and will be added to the festival’s archive. DVDs should be labelled with the following information: title of the film, full name of the director, country, and year of production. Any film up to 30 mins. can also be digitally sent via Vimeo link.
  7. ALFILM accepts submissions on a year-round basis. Entries received after the submission deadline will be considered automatically for the following year, there is no need to resubmit the same film again.
  8. Submission does not guarantee a screening of the film in the festival.
  9. Due to an enormous number of entries the festival will only inform the entrants whose films were selected about the selection results. The festival’s programme committee is not obliged to explain their decisions.
    No requests regarding the selection results will be processed in the meantime. Please turn to our FAQ for more info.
  10. Film formats and video systems that can be presented at the festival are: 35mm, Digital Cinema Packages (DCP), BluRay and DVD, as well as MPEG files and Quick Time. Please check our technical specifications for clarification. Presentation of other formats and video systems requires the authorization of the festival.
  11. The Submitter is responsible for shipping the film copy to ALFILM, including payment of shipping, insurance, and customs fees. ALFILM is responsible for the return shipping. Please provide return mailing information and make sure all materials are properly labelled.
  12. The Submitter authorizes ALFILM to use all submitted promotional material and up to 3 minutes clips of the film for any promotional activity of the film or the festival, including the clip’s broadcasting on televisions and their web sites, as on ALFILM‘s website, and the festival’s partners media and promotional web sites.
  13. Entries are to be sent via normal mail (not by registered post) or international carrier and labelled with:
    No commercial value, for cultural purposes only”. Customs should be declared with a value not exceeding 5 Euros/US Dollars. Shipments held by customs authorities due to improper labeling or lack of value declaration will not be cleared.
Value of Contest: Selected films will be screened at ALFILM. Dependent on the amount of travel funds raised, ALFILM will select a handful of filmmakers to present their work in Berlin and cover part of their travel and accommodation expenses. For all filmmakers whose films were selected, ALFILM will gladly offer festival badges for you and up to 5 members of your team.
Duration of Program: The 9th ALFILM takes place from 11 to 18 April 2018
How to Apply: For your entry to be considered please complete the following steps for each submission:
  1. Fill out the entry form in this portal in English. In case of any questions please turn to the FAQs first.
  2. Upload the requested material: film stills (at least 3) and one photo of the director. Please use the upload area within the entry form for this matter and wait until the upload is completed. All images should have a resolution of 300 dpi and not be larger than 5 MB each.
  3. Send two (2) preview DVDs of the submitted film properly labeled with the necessary information: title of the film, full name of the director, country, and year of production, along with a printout of the confirmation email following the completion of your submission. Films up to 30 mins. are also accepted via Vimeo links.
  4. IMPORTANT: Entries are to be sent via normal mail (not by registered post) or international carrier and the package labeled with:
    “No commercial value, for cultural purposes only”. Customs should be declared with a value not exceeding 5 Euros/US Dollars. Shipments held by customs authorities due to improper labeling or lack of value declaration will not be cleared.
  5. Please send the complete submission materials to this address:
ALFILM Festival (Programme)
Potsdamer Str. 151
D-10783 Berlin
Germany
Award Provider: ALFILM

Emile Boutmy Scholarship for International Students at Sciences Po 2018/2019 – France

Application Deadlines: 
  • Deadline for undergraduate programme: 26th April, 2018
  • Deadline for masters programme: 3rd January, 2017
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: International
To be taken at (country): Sciences Po University, Paris, France
About the Award: The Emile Boutmy Scholarship is awarded to top students whose profiles match the admissions priorities of Sciences Po and individual course requirements. The Emile Boutmy/MIEM scholarship may not be supplemented with other scholarship (Eiffel scholarship, AEFE scholarship, BGF…).
Type: Bachelors Programme, Masters Programme
Eligibility: Eligible students are those, first time applicants, from a non-European Union state, whose household does not file taxes within the European Union, and who have been admitted to the Undergraduate or Master’s programme.
Students who are not eligible are:
  • Swiss and Norwegian applicants, since they may be entitled to CROUS scholarships
  • Candidates who have dual citizenship, including from a European Union state
  • Candidates from Quebec for master degree (since they may take advantage of sliding scale fees same as European applicants). Candidates for bachelor degree are eligible
  • Dual-degree candidates. Only applicants for the following dual degrees are eligible:
    • the dual degree in Journalism Sciences Po/Columbia University
    • the dual degree Sciences Po/Fudan University with the concentration Europe-Asia in Global Affairs (only applicants with Chinese nationality)
    • the dual degree Sciences Po/Peking University (only applicants with Chinese nationality)
  • Ph.D. programme students (thesis)
  • Candidates to the 1 year Master’s programmes
  • Exchange students
Selection Criteria: This scholarship is awarded based on factors of excellence and according to the type of profile sought for this programme. Social criteria are also taken into account.
Selection Process: The Admissions Department is responsible for awarding Boutmy scholarships.
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value and Duration of Scholarship: The Emile Boutmy scholarship is awarded to Undergraduate and Masters students arriving at Sciences Po for their first year of study.
Undergraduate Scholarship: The Emile Boutmy programme can take several different forms:
  1. A tuition grant of €7,300 per year for the three years of the undergraduate programme, in addition to a grant to cover part of the cost of living of €5000 per year.
  2. A tuition grant of €7,300 per year for the three years of the undergraduate programme.
  3. A tuition grant of €5,000 per year for the three years of the undergraduate programme.
  4. A tuition grant of €3,000 per year for the three years of the undergraduate programme.
On an exceptional basis, a scholarship of 19,000€ may be granted to cover the three years of College. Scholarship amounts are decided during the different admission juries.
If you do not validate your academic year, your scholarship will be lost.
If you have been granted for a scholarship and you decide to defer your admission, your scholarship wil be lost.
During the year abroad (third year of the undergraduate programme): Scholarship recipients will retain their tuition fee grant and additional cost of living grant (if applicable) during their year abroad.
Masters Scholarship: The Emile Boutmy/Miem programme can take several different forms:
  1. A grant of €10,000 per year to cover tuition fees for the two years of the Masters, in addition to a grant to cover part of the cost of living of €6,000 per year.
  2. A tuition grant of €10,000 per year for the two years of the Masters.
  3. A tuition grant of €5,000 per yearfor the two years of the Masters.
On an exceptional basis, a scholarship of 19,000€ per year, may be granted to cover the two years of the Masters programme. Scholarship amounts are decided during the different admission juries.
If you do not validate your academic year, your scholarship will be lost.
If you have been granted for a scholarship and you decide to defer your admission, your scholarship wil be lost.
How to Apply: In order to apply to this scholarship you must notify it on your application form, as well as include a proof of income and documents explaining your family situation.
Students must indicate that they are applying for the Emile Boutmy scholarship in their Sciences Po application. Students will also be required to include proof of income and documents explaining their family situation (e.g. income tax return for both parents, payslips, divorce certificate, unemployment benefits, documents related to alimony, child support or retirement pensions, death certificate…).
It is important to visit the Scholarship Webpage (link below) to access the application form and for detailed information on how to apply for this scholarship.
Award Provider: Sciences Po University, France

EMMIR African-European Masters Scholarship+Internship in Migration Studies 2018/2020

Application Deadline: 20th December, 2017
Eligible Countries: African and EU countries
To be taken at (country): Graduates will be awarded a joint degree by the seven EMMIR partner universities:
  • Carl von Ossietzky University Oldenburg, Germany
  • Ahfad University for Women in Omdurman, Sudan
  • Mbarara University of Science & Technology, Uganda
  • University of Nova Gorica, Slovenia
  • University of South Bohemia in Ã„Å’eské BudÄ›jovice, Czech Republic
  • University of Stavanger, Norway
  • University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa (from 2017)
About the Award: European Master in Migration and Intercultural Relations (EMMIR) is the first African-European Erasmus Mundus Master Course in Migration Studies. EMMIR is jointly run by three African and four European universities, facilitated by a wider network of partners. Various associate organsiations on the regional, national and international level provide significant assistance for student internships and graduate’s employment.
In summer 2016, the programme has been selected for further co-funding under the European Erasmus Mundus label of excellence. Consequently, from 2017 onwards, another three editions of the study programme will be supported by a limited number of scholarship for both European and non-European students.
EMMIR is jointly run by three African and four European universities, facilitated by a wider network of partners. Various associate organsiations on the regional, national and international level provide significant assistance for student internships and graduate’s employment.
EMMIR is a unique study programme focusing on migration through an intercultural approach. It provides profound theoretical skills in migration studies combined with field work in Europe and Africa. It is designed as a multidisciplinary programme that addresses important contemporary issues in an emerging field of study.
EMMIR includes study periods in both Europe and Africa. Students’ mobility is understood as a key to mutual understanding of different views and cultures of migration and movement and will sharpen intercultural sensitivity.
EMMIR students become acquainted with different cultures and academic traditions and gain knowledge about migration issues in internships. They will gain profound skills and specialise in one of the programme foci, this will provide them with excellent chances for employment in national and international governmental and private sector organisations or in academia.
Offered Since: 2011
Type: Masters
Selection Process: The quality of the programme is constantly evaluated by an international board of experts.
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: Full participation fees, stipends plus travel expenses.
Duration of Scholarship: 2 years
How to Apply: EMMIR uses the management platform eConsort to facilitate the application process. Only after registering with your name, email address you will be able to access the online application form.
The application form must be completed online by filling in all the indicated boxes in the link above.
Upon submission, you will receive a summary of all your application details automatically generated by the application system. This confirmation has to be printed out, dated and signed, and attached to your applications package including all the documentation required. Please note that your application package has to arrive at the EMMIR Coordinator within the given deadline. In other words: The application process is only completed once the paper version of your application has arrived at the University of Oldenburg.
It is important to go through the Application Requirements before applying
Award Provider: European Commission

University of Aberdeen Masters Scholarships for African Students 2018/2019

Application Deadline:  There is no formal deadline, however, you must be aware of the time it takes to organise your visa and arrive in time to start your studies for the start of term, therefore it is strongly recommended that your accept your offer of admission and your scholarship as soon as possible and before the CAS is issued to you.
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: You must be a national of one of the following countries: China, Vietnam, Malaysia, Algeria, Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe.
To be taken at (country): Scotland
Eligible Field of Study: Courses offered at the University except (i) Petrophysics and Formation Evaluation (ii) Oil and Gas Innovation
About the Award: As part of the it’s commitment to attract the very best students to join our diverse international community, the University of Aberdeen is delighted to offer the Aberdeen International Masters Scholarship. This scholarship is in the form of a £2,000 tuition fee discount and is open to self-funding students who are nationals of Vietnam, China, and African countries, and are classed as international for tuition fee purposes.
Type: Masters Taught
Eligibility: To be eligible for this scholarship, candidate must:
  • have been given a conditional or unconditional offer of admissions for an eligible Masters programme (postgraduate taught programme) at the University of Aberdeen.
  • be planning on beginning your studies in January 2018 or September 2018.
  • be classed as overseas for tuition fee purposes.
  • be a full-time international student.
  • be based on the Aberdeen campus for the course of study.
  • You cannot be an Aberdeen Alumni as you would then be entitled to the Aberdeen Alumni discount
  • You cannot be coming via a University partnership, as it is likely a different financial arrangement would be in place.
Value of Scholarship: £2,000 tuition fee discount
Number of Awardees: Limited
Duration of Scholarship: One time
How to Apply: You do not need to apply for the scholarship but you must have applied and been given a conditional or unconditional offer of admissions for an eligible Masters programme. If you are eligible you will automatically receive an email from the Vice Principal for Internationalisation to advise you that you have been offered the scholarship with instructions on how to accept this.
Your scholarship will be applied at the point at which the University issues your CAS (Confirmation of Acceptance of Studies) which you require to progress your visa application. If you have not accepted your scholarship offer, the scholarship will not be applied at this point and you will be required to pay the full tuition fee.
Award Provider: Aberdeen University, Scotland