22 Dec 2017

Anita Borg Systers Pass-It-On (PIO) Awards for Women in the Fields of Technology 2018

Application Deadline: 28th March, 2018
Eligible Countries: All
To be taken at (country): Online
Eligible Field of Study: Fields of technology
About the Award: The cash awards, funded by donations from the Systers Online Community and others, are intended as means for women established in technological fields to support women seeking their place in the fields of technology. The program is called “Pass-It-On” because it comes with the moral obligation to “pass on” the benefits gained from the award.
Type: Awards
Eligibility: 
  • Pass-it-on Award applications are open to any woman over 18 years old in or aspiring to be in the fields of computing.
  • Awards are open to women in all countries
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Award: Awards are open to women in all countries and range from $500.00 to $1000.00 USD. Applications covering a wide variety of needs and projects are encouraged, such as:
  • Small amount to help with studies, job transfers or other transitions in life.
  • A broader project that benefits girls and women.
  • Projects that seek to inspire more girls and women to go into the computing field.
  • Assistance with educational fees and materials.
  • Partial funding source for larger scholarship.
  • Mentoring and other supportive groups for women in technology or computing.
How to Apply: Apply here
Award Provider: Anita Borg Institute

KTH Royal Institute of Technology Masters Scholarships for International Students 2018/2019 – Sweden

Application Deadline: 15th January, 2018.
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: International
To be taken at (country): Sweden
Type: Masters
Eligibility: To be eligible to apply you
  • must be a tuition-fee paying student
  • must have applied for a Master’s programme at KTH as your first priority.
  • Students with a conditional eligibility are eligible to apply for a scholarship.
  • KTH Scholarships are not available for applicants to Erasmus Mundus and EIT Master’s programmes.
Selection Criteria: The selection process will be undertaken in parallel with the selection process for admission to the programme. The scholarship will be granted primarily on the basis of academic excellence. Only applicants who fulfil the eligibility requirements of the programme applied for will be considered for a scholarship. After each of the applicants has been assessed in accordance to the selection process for their respective programmes, an overall assessment of all recommended applicants for the KTH Scholarships will be made based on the following criteria:
  • The applicant’s grades (GPA or equivalent)
  • The ranking of the university where the applicant’s Bachelor’s degree was awarded
  • The selection process and the recommendation of the Director of the applied Master’s programme
  • The applicant’s motivation, relevant work experience and extra-curricular activities
Number of Awardees: 30
Value of Scholarship: 100% tuition fee waiver. The scholarship is applied to the tuition fee at KTH and does not include a cost of living allowance.
Duration of Scholarship: 2 years
Award Provider: KTH Royal Institute of Technology in Stockholm
Important Notes: If you are applying to the following joint programmes you must apply for the scholarship here according to the same instructions as for the KTH Scholarship.
  • Master’s Programme in Molecular Techniques in Life Science
  • Master’s Programme in Turbomachinery Aeromechanical University Training (THRUST)

King Baudouin African Development Prize for African Individuals and Organisations (€200.000 prize money) 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 1st March 2018
Offered Annually? Every 2 years
Eligible Countries: African countries
Type: Award
Eligibility: 
  • The submission of a candidate’s file may only be undertaken by a nominator. The selection committee will not consider applications by individuals who are applying for the Prize themselves or for an organization within which they are active.
  • The Prize will be awarded to Africans or organisations which are founded or led by Africans.
Selection Criteria: 
  • Does the candidate have concrete realizations under his belt?
  • Are they innovative and exemplary?
  • Are they capable of being duplicated elsewhere on the continent?
  • Is there a long-term vision?
  • Is the financial management healthy and transparent?
  • Are the initiatives embedded at local level ?
  • Do they take into account the gender perspective?
  • Are the initiatives directed at all actors of society (inclusiveness)?
Value of Award: € 200.000
How to Apply: 
  • How to submit an application form online? View video
  • If you are not very familiar with computers: 02-500 4 555 or proj@kbs-frb.be.
Award Providers:  King Baudouin African Development Prize

Penn-UNESCO Fellowships for Developing Country Scholars 2018

Application Deadline: 1st April 2018
Eligible Countries: Low-income and Lower-middle-income countries. See List below
To Be Taken At (Country): USA
About the Award: This Fellowship, under the auspices of the International Educational Development Program (IEDP), is the first of its kind in the U.S., and is designed to support promising professionals devoted to international education in the developing world. A first Fellow was accepted for the Fall 2011 cohort.
Type: Fellowship
Eligibility: Priority will be given to applicants who are citizens of countries defined by the World Bank as low-income and lower-middle-income countries. Naturalized US citizens and permanent residents who originate from low-income and lower-middle-income countries (i.e., were born in one of these countries and whose parents are not US citizens) may also apply.
Number of Awards: 2
Value of Award: The Fellowship covers all Penn tuition (up to 10 course units) associated with the IEDP Masters Degree program of study. The Fellowship does not cover other costs associated with attending graduate school, such as room and board, books, health insurance, travel, etc.
Duration of Program: 1 year
How to Apply: Application will be open soon.
Award Providers: The University of Pennsylvania’s Graduate School of Education

Shanghai Government Scholarship for Bachelors, Masters and PhD International Students 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 30th April, 2018
Eligible Countries: International
To be taken at (country): China
Eligible Field of Study:
  1. Bachelor’s degree programs
  2. Master’s degree programs (except MBA and MTCSOL*)
    • Note: MBA is short for Master of Business Administration;
    • MTCSOL refers to Master of Teaching Chinese to Speakers of Other Languages.
  3. Doctoral degree programs
Type: Bachelors, Masters and PhD
Eligibility: 
  1. Be a non-Chinese citizen in good health.
  2. Not be an enrolled degree student in Chinese universities at the time of application.
  3. Be a high school graduate under the age of 25 when applying for the undergraduate programs;
  4. Be a master’s degree holder under the age of 40 when applying for doctoral programs.
  5. Be a bachelor’s degree holder under the age of 35 when applying for master’s programs.
  6. Be excellent in academic and extra-curricular performance and yet not be rewarded any other scholarships offered by Chinese govern
Value of Scholarship: The scholarship covers tuition waiver and comprehensive medical insurance for bachelor’s students; it covers tuition waiver, accommodation, stipend, and comprehensive medical insurance for master’s students and doctoral students.
Duration of Scholarship: 
  1. Bachelor’s Degree Program: 4 to 5 years
  2. Master’s degree programs: 2 to 3 years
  3. Doctoral degree programs: 3 to 4 years
How to Apply: 
  • 1. Application Form for Shanghai Government Scholarship: Please visit http://www.study-shanghai.org/ and click“Application Online” to log in, submit online the completed “Application Form for Shanghai Government Scholarship” and print a hard copy.
  • 2. Application Form for Enrollment: Please visit http://ao.sufe.edu.cn/ and click“Application Online” to log in, submit online the completed “Application Form for Enrollment” and print a hard copy.
  • 3. Notarized highest diploma: Prospective diploma recipients must submit official document issued by your current school to prove your current student status or expected graduation date. Documents in languages other than Chinese or English must be attached with notarized Chinese or English translations.
  • 4. Academic transcripts (written in Chinese or English): Transcripts in languages other than Chinese or English must be attached with notarized Chinese or English translations.
  • 5. A Study Plan or Research Proposal (written inChinese): This should be aminimum of 800 words.
  • 6. Two Recommendation Letters (written in Chinese orEnglish): Applicants must submit two recommendation letters signed by a professor or an associate professor.
  • 7. Foreigner Physical Examination Form (photocopy) The physical examinations must cover all of the items listed in the Foreigner Physical Examination Form.pdf. Incomplete forms or forms without the signature of the attending physician, or the official stamp of the hospital, or a sealed photograph of the applicant are considered as invalid. Please carefully plan your physical examination schedule as the result is valid for only 6 months.
  • 8. The copy of valid HSK level 5 or 6 Certificate
  • 9. The copy of your valid passport
  • 10. Application Fee: 415 yuan for bachelor’s students; 830 yuan for master’s students and doctoral students (Fees paid are not refundable).
You should send a set of bound application documents to Shanghai University of Finance and Economics (SUFE) by post before April 30th,2018. No application documents will be returned.
If you have further questions, please contact us by email: ices@mail.sufe.edu.cn
mailing address:
Room 102, Admission Office ICES SUFE
No.369 Zhongshan Beiyi Road, Shanghai, China
Post code: 200083
TEL: +86-21-65361944; +86-65360382
Award Provider: Shanghai government

The War on Iraq’s Children

Cesar Chelala

Iraqi children have been the victims of the country’s dire political situation even before the start of the war led by the U.S. The negative effects on children started with the harsh United Nations sanctions against the regime of Saddam Hussein, and were considerably aggravated by the war, whose consequences are still felt.
Even now, hardly a week passes in Iraq without signs of violence leaving both children and adults with permanent physical and mental scars. Experts such as Dr. Haithi Al Sady from the Psychological Research Center at Baghdad University have warned of the high number of children suffering from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).
PTSD can have devastating effects on children’s brains, negatively affecting their development. It can lead to a decrease in the area of the brain known as hippocampus, which is critical for memory processing and emotion. In addition, if not treated, PTSD can lead to a wide variety of mental health problems later in life.
Most Iraqi children with mental health problems will be untreated, since the number of child psychiatrists in the country is insufficient to deal with those who need assistance. Dr. Haidr al-Maliki, who was an army psychiatrist during Saddam Hussein’s regime, now works as a child psychiatrist at Ab Ibn Rushed Hospital in Baghdad. He is one of the very few remaining child psychiatrists in the country.
A UNICEF report, “Nowhere to Go,” details the effects of continuing violence on Iraqi children. According to this report, 5 million children out of a total child population of 20 million are in need of humanitarian assistance. One in five children have stunted growth  and over 7 percent of children under 5-years-old suffer from wasting, a disease which causes muscle and fat tissue to “waste” away.
Children are exposed to heavy metals and neurotoxins resulting from bomb explosions and other ammunition, since those weapons affect not only those targeted but all those living nearby. In addition, contamination from Depleted Uranium and other military-related pollution is probably the cause of the rise in congenital birth defects and cancer. Mozhgan Savabieasfahani, an Iranian toxicologist, has found “alarming” levels of lead in the “baby” or “deciduous” teeth of Iraqi children with birth defects
War and continuing violence in the country have had a serious impact on children’s education. According to UNICEF studies, 3 million children do not attend school on a regular basis, and 1.2 million children are out of school. In addition, half of all schools in Iraq are in need of urgent repairs.
The water and sanitation infrastructure, damaged by heavy bombings and not yet repaired has led to a weakened health care system that puts children’s health and survival into jeopardy. At least 70 percent of displaced children (from a total 1.5 million displaced children) have missed a full year of school. Children with disabilities do not have access to education.
Between January 2014 and May 2017 1,075 children were killed and 1,130 were maimed or injured. In addition, 231 children were recruited into the fighting. Despite laws against child labor, large numbers of children are compelled to work to be able to fulfill their own basic needs and to help their families.
The US-British occupying forces and the Iraqi government have failed to fulfill their most basic duties towards the children of Iraq, in accordance with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Iraq, Great Britain and the US have signed the Convention on the Rights of the Child, although the US is the only stable country in the world that has not ratified it The other two countries are Somalia and South Sudan.
There is a moral imperative to help Iraqi children lead normal lives. The US-led war has caused tremendous damage to the public health infrastructure and to the social fabric in the country. Although the war against Iraq has ended, the ruthless attack against Iraqi children continues.

Nuclear Betrayal in the UK

Oliver Tickell

It seems like a long time ago now: the Conservative party’s catastrophic 2017 election manifesto. Yes, the one that promised a new care home tax on the elderly, and an end to the pensioners’ winter fuel allowance. And that went on to turn Teresa May’s repeated mantra of ‘strong and stable’ government into hubris of the first order as she lost her overall majority in Parliament.
But not everything in the manifesto was a disaster. Indeed it contained one excellent policy – on energy. Remarkably – given the long-standing Tory obsession with nuclear power – the word ‘nuclear’ did not appear once in the entire document.
Solar auction
Instead the manifesto insists that a future Tory government would remain utterly indifferent to how electricity is generated, so long as it’s reliable, cheap and low carbon. “Above all, we believe that energy policy should be focused on outcomes rather than the means by which we reach our objectives,” it read.
“So, after we have left the European Union, we will form our energy policy based not on the way energy is generated but on the ends we desire – reliable and affordable energy, seizing the industrial opportunity that new technology presents and meeting our global commitments on climate change …
“We want to make sure that the cost of energy in Britain is internationally competitive, both for businesses and households … Our ambition is that the UK should have the lowest energy costs in Europe, both for households and businesses. So as we upgrade our energy infrastructure, we will do it in an affordable way, consistent with that ambition.”
This sounded good to the green brigade because renewable energy prices, in the UK and elsewhere, have been hitting new lows. In a September 2017 contract auction, two offshore wind projects came in at a record low price of £57.50 / megawatt hour (MWh).
Onshore wind costs even less: contracts awarded in Germany in May went as low as €42.80 / MWh (£38.24) – less than the UK’s wholesale power market price. And in October, Germany’s solar auction delivered bids as low as €42.90 / MWh – just a few pence higher than onshore wind.
Reactor designs
It is also clear that new nuclear plants are an incredibly costly way of generating power. Hinkley C, now under construction at Hinkley Point in Somerset, is set to receive a guaranteed £92.50 / MWh, for 35 years. That’s in 2013 money, so is now worth around £100.
With current wholesale power prices around £40-45 per MWh, that’s one hell of a deal for its developers, France’s EDF and its Chinese partner, CGN. But even at this price, many analysts think EDF should walk away from the project, such are its technical and financial risks.
So now we have power from onshore wind, solar and offshore wind all much cheaper than new nuclear. So we can safely assume that the UK government has seen the writing on the wall and dumped hyper-costly nuclear power in favour of increasingly low-cost renewables, can’t we?
No: its nuclear obsession continues unabated. The Tories’ election manifesto – which some old-fashioned ‘my word is my bond’ types might view as part of a binding covenant between government and electorate – is clearly only so much chip paper to the incumbent technocrats.
Instead, we see a renewed determination to press ahead with massive nuclear power construction no matter what the cost. In addition to the twin EPR’s at Hinkley Point C, the government is pushing ahead with plans to build reactors at Moorside in Cumbria, at Wylfa on Anglesey, at Bradwell on the Essex coast, at Oldfield in Gloucestershire, at Sizewell on the Suffolk coast – employing surprisingly diverse reactor designs.
Design enhancements
These include the Westinghouse’s AP1000, Hitachi’s Advanced Boiling Water Reactor (ABWR), China General Nuclear’s Hualong HPR1000, and South Korean group Kepco’s APR1400.
In total, the government wants to procure 19GW of new nuclear power, much of it to be operational by 2030 as the UK prepares to close some 10 gigawatts (GW = 1,000 MW) of existing nuclear capacity. But that’s not the limit of its nuclear ambitions.
Business Secretary Greg Clarke recently announced that the winner of a competion for a new generation of ‘small modular reactors’ (SMRs), an industrial consortium led by Rolls Royce, will receive an initial £100 million from taxpayers to progress its project to design and manufacture reactors around a tenth the size of the 1.2GW behemoths to be deployed at Hinkley Point.
The idea is that these SMRs will be built by the hundreds on production lines, and installed in urban fringes across the UK, achieving ‘process engineering’ improvements and enormous economies of scale. But the policy suggests the triumph of hope over experience.
The first SMRs were built in the 1950 and hundreds have been installed in nuclear powered submarines and other ships since. If there were huge cost savings available from design enhancements and production-line construction, why have the last 65 years of nuclear engineering enhancements failed to deliver them already?
New nuclear
The truth is that nuclear reactors have got ever bigger for a very simple reason – that it’s cheaper that way, a fact recently confirmed in a July 2016 analysis by Atkins consultants for Clarke’s BEIS Department which revealed that the first SMRs would probably cost 30 percent more to build than existing large nuclear designs.
Only after 5-8 GW – that’s 50 – 80 100 MW units – had been deployed might the price finally be competitive with the large reactor designs that are already way too expensive. “SMRs could become cost competitive against large nuclear after 5-8 GWe of global deployment of a single design”, states the report.
The report goes on to estimate a ‘net present value’ (NPV) of a 2 GW UK SMR programme, compared to large nuclear, of minus £4.8 billion – indicating a likely thumping loss of taxpayers funds. And even that strongly negative assessment depends on generating improbably high SMR exports of 300MW to 750MW per year.
The same volume of offshore wind – even based on 2015/16 prices of around £100 / MWh, almost double the lowest achieved in 2017 – delivered a plus £400 million NPV.
So what’s the likely bill to tax payers and energy users of all this new nuclear power? Assuming an average 2030 wholesale power price (constrained by zero marginal cost wind and solar) at roughly today’s level of £40, an average nuclear power price of £100 (both in today’s money), new nuclear will need a subsidy of £60 / MWh.
Jobs and pensions
Assuming the nuclear plants work flat out for 90% of the time, 19GW will deliver 150 million MWh of power per year, earning £9 billion in support payments. Split over Britain’s 25 million homes, that comes to about £360 extra on energy bills each per year.
Assuming 35 year contracts for nuclear (as at Hinkley C) rather than the 15 year contracts given to most renewables generators, the bill comes to a total £315 billion ‘nuclear tax’ to be paid by British power users. That’s a massive £12,600 per household.
So here’s the key question: how can a government that has declared in its election manifesto its commitment to delivering the lowest cost power in Europe, and its utter impartiality in deciding between any one power generation technology over any other, justify an obsessively pro-nuclear energy policy that could land every household in Britain with a £12,600 ‘nuclear tax’?
No less pertinent a question is: where is the political opposition to this nuclear madness? Despite a stinging critique of Hinkley C from the House of Commons Public Accounts Committee last month, The Labour party and its leader Jeremy Corbyn have been notably silent on the issue, apparently under the influence of the big nuclear sector unions, GMB and Unite.
But at least that’s consistent with its manifesto statement, which states that: “The UK has the world’s oldest nuclear industry, and nuclear will continue to be part of the UK energy supply. We will support further nuclear projects and protect nuclear workers’ jobs and pensions. There are considerable opportunities for nuclear power and decommissioning both internationally and domestically.”
Democratic process
The LibDems, who were strongly against nuclear power until they joined the Tories in coalition government in 2010, were then hugely for it in office. Now it appears the party has turned against it again.
Its manifesto promised to “accept that new nuclear power stations can play a role in electricity supply provided concerns about safety, disposal of waste and cost are adequately addressed, new technology is incorporated, and there is no public subsidy for new build.”
And since the public subsidies are enormous, that means the LibDems should be fiercely opposing the government’s plans. But – with the recent exception of former energy secretary Ed Davey MP, talking good sense this week on Greenpeace’s Unearthed – they too are keeping quiet about the monstrous subsidies the Tories are ready to throw at nuclear power.
This leaves the UK is now suffering something arguably even worse than a disastrously ill-judged energy policy: a total failure of democratic process and governance that will cost us this country dear for half a century or more to come.

Turkey’s Looming Crisis

Conn Hallinan

Viewed one way, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan looks unassailable: He weathered last year’s coup attempt, jailed more than 50,000 opponents, fired more than 100,000 civil servants, beheaded the once powerful Turkish military, eviscerated much of his parliamentary opposition, dismissed almost half of the county’s elected officials, and rammed through a constitutional referendum that will make him an all-powerful executive following the 2019 election. In the meantime, a seemingly never-ending state of emergency allows him to rule by decree.
So why is the man running scared?
Because the very tools that Erdogan has used to make himself into a sort of modern day Ottoman sultan are backfiring. The state of emergency is scaring off foreign investment, which is central to the way the Turkish economy functions. The loss of experienced government workers has put an enormous strain on the functioning of the bureaucracy. And the promises he made to the electorate in order to get his referendum passed are coming due with very little in the till to fulfill them.
Part of the problem is Erdogan himself. In that sense he is a bit like US President Donald Trump, who has also alienated allies with a combination of bombast and cluelessness. The Turkish President is in a war with Washington over a corruption trial, at loggerheads with Germany (and most of the European Union) over his growing authoritarianism and, with the exception of Russia, China, Qatar and Iran, seems to be quarreling with everyone these days. It is certainly a far cry from a decade ago when the foreign policy of Ankara was “Zero problems with the neighbors.” As one Turkish commentator put it, it’s now “No neighbors without problems.”
What has thrown a scare into Erdogan, however, is not so much the country’s growing diplomatic isolation, but the economy and how that might affect the outcome of presidential elections in 2019.
In the run up to the constitutional referendum last year, the government handed out loans and goodies to the average Turk. Growth accelerated, unemployment fell, and the poverty rate was reduced. But the cost of priming that pump has come due at the very moment that international energy prices are on the rise. Turkey imports virtually all of its energy, but when the price of oil was down to a little more than $30 a barrel, the budget could handle it.
The price of oil in December, however, was close to $60 a barrel, and a recent agreement between the two largest producers—Saudi Arabia and Russia—to curb production will drive that price even higher in the future. Rate hikes for gasoline and heating will be up sharply in the coming months
Turkish unemployment is over 13 percent, inflation is close to 12 percent, and the Turkish lira has fallen 12 percent against the dollar. With energy costs rising and currency value declining, Turkey is struggling through an economic double whammy.
Economist Timur Kuran of Duke University says the Turkish economy is in serious trouble. “The AKP (Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party) is doing massive long-term damage to the Turkish economy. Corruption is up, the quality of education has fallen, the courts are massively politicized, and the people are afraid to speak honestly.”  Kuran argues that any growth is based on short-term investments, so–called “hot money,” drawn in by high interest rates. “This is not a sustainable strategy. It makes Turkey highly vulnerable to a shock that might cause an outflow of resources.”
Under Erdogan Corruption does seem to be increasing. In 2013 Transparency International ranked Turkey 53ed out of 175 countries on its Corruption Perception Index. By 2016 the country had risen to 75th out of 176 countries.
Turkey’s economy is highly dependent on foreign money, but the continuing state of emergency and rule by decree is scaring off investors. Figures by the Central Bank show that Turkey is losing $1 billion a week in foreign investments. Britain, a major investor in Turkey, has reduced its investments by 20% since the declaration of the state of emergency.
The uncertainly has spread as well to Turkish citizens, who are putting their money into foreign investments in order to preserve their savings. From the end of 2016 to this November, Turks moved $17.2 billion to foreign firms.
Erdogan is blaming Turkish banks—in particular the Central Bank—for rising interest rates and the downturn in the economy. But Kemel Kilicdaroglu, leader of the centrist and secular opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) argues that “The real reason why foreign investments other than real estate purchases are decreasing is that [foreign investors] feel insecure in a country where law, justice and press freedom are non-existent.”
The state of emergency allows the government to suppress trade union strikes, but it has been less successful in damping down what was once a AKP strong suit: rural farmers.
One of Erdogan’s economic “reforms” was to open Turkish markets to foreign competition, which has resulted in losses for the country’s live stock and agricultural growers. Meat producers are up in arms over an agreement with Serbia to import 5,000 tons of red meat, and tea, grape, tobacco and apricot growers have been hard hit by falling prices and foreign competition. Hazelnut growers were so incensed at the government’s base price for their produce that they organized a large march under the banner of “Justice for Hazelnuts.”
A study found that foreign imports had reduced the number of families involved in growing tobacco from 405,882 families in 2002 to 56,000 in 2015.
It is not so much the marches that worry Erdogan, but the fact that some 20 million rural Turks are up in arms against the government, anger that might translate into votes in 2019. In the April 2017 referendum, rural votes solidly supported the AKP, while urban centers—particularly their youth—voted no. Losing cities like Ankara and Istanbul—the city where Erdogan began his political career—was a shock for the AKP, but losses in rural areas would be a political train wreck.
While Erdogan strains to keep the economic lid on long enough to get through 2019, there are fissures opening within his own party. A wing of the AKP is not happy with Erdogan’s foreign policy disputes and the impact that they are having on the economy.
On his right, former interior minister Meral Aksener has formed the Iyi Parti or “Good Party” and says she plans to challenge Erdogan for the presidency. Aksener appeals to the more nationalist currents in the AKP and hopes to attract support from the extreme right wing National Action Party (MHP). She is currently polling around 16 percent.
Polls indicate that the “Good Party” is cutting into the AKP’s support, which has dropped to 38 percent. Erdogan needs at least 51 percent, the figure that he claims he got in the referendum (outside observers called the election deeply flawed, however). Aksener could split Erdogan’s support within the AKP and the MHP, thus denying him a majority.
Nor has the CHP thrown in the towel, Besides organizing marches by angry rural residents, Party leader Kilicdaroglu pulled off a 25-day, 280-mile “Justice March” last summer that may have involved as many as a million people.
The Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), Turkey’s leftist party closely tied to its Kurdish population, has been decimated by arrests and seizure of its assets, but it is still the third largest party in parliament. “It may appear that injustice has won, but this will not last,” HDP parliament member Meral Danis Bestas told Al-Monitor. “Turkey’s future truly lies in democracy, rights and freedom.”
Erdogan has enormous power and has out muscled and out maneuvered his opponents for the past 20 years. But Turks are growing weary of his rule and, if the economy stumbles, he may be vulnerable.
That’s why he is running scared.

How Inequality Kills

Alan Nasser

The Global March of Neoliberalism: The World Inequality Report 2018
Contrary to the assumptions of left-liberal commentators, neoliberalism is not merely a bad policy adopted by “greedy” elites. It is in fact a fundamental systemic rejection of the post-laissez-faire settlement put in place in just about all of the developed capitalist countries after the Second World War. Out with the legacy of the New Deal and the Great Society and forward with what is essentially a resurrection of 1920s capitalism. Because capitalism is a globally integrated system, if neoliberalism exists on a significant scale anywhere, it must exist everywhere. It is thus a “New World Order,” a phrase deployed by G. H. W. Bush and Adolf Hitler.
Neoliberalism is an eminently rational arrangement for the capitalists and their political cronies who instituted it. The system is called capitalism, not laborism, because it was forged for centuries and is presided over by those whose overarching objective is to maintain a settlement that serves the interests of owners of capital. Adam Smith’s tome is called The Wealth of Nations, not The Income of Nations or The Wages of Nations. The bottom-line priority of those who own society’s most valuable asset, its means of production, is that society be organized around the continuous increase of wealth, especially the wealth and income of its wealthiest. The welfare state foils that project. The evidence is unambiguous: after the Depression and during the great expansion of the Golden Age, we witnessed the unprecedented: the share of national income flowing to the one percent continued to fall by an increasing percentage each decade during the ‘30s, ‘40s, ‘50s, ‘60s and early ‘70s. These were the only years in American history when an essential feature of State policy was to increase social services benefitting the working class and redistribute income from the wealthiest to those who do society’s work. And these were also the only years in the history of the republic that featured ongoing and increasing downward redistribution. This was the result of New Deal and Great Society social legislation, and the power of labor unions. Hence, from the perspective of the enlightened capitalist, the legacy of these policies must be reversed.
The World Inequality Report  2018
The undoing of social democracy must be effected on a global scale. Because one of the principal effects of neoliberalism is the remarkable growth of inequality, Thomas Piketty and associates have produced the World Inequality Report  2018, assessing the growth of worldwide inequality. They conclude that “income inequality has increased in nearly all countries,” and that “rising inequality… can lead to various sorts of political, economic, and social catastrophes.” Inequality is lowest in Europe, where social-democratic economic policy is strongest, and has increased rapidly in North America, where the top 10 percent cop 47 percent of national income. The divergence in inequality levels is particularly extreme between Western Europe, which, as noted, retains significant vestiges of welfare state policy, and the United States, whose social democratic policies are the stingiest among the developed capitalist countries. The share of national income of the top 1 percent in both regions in 1980 was about the same, close to 10 percent. By 2016 it had risen slightly, to 12 percent in Western Europe, while in the United States it soared to 20 percent, while the share of the bottom 50 percent decreased from more than 20 percent in 1980 to 13 percent in 2016. Between 1980 and 2016 the global 1 percent captured twice as much of the growth in income as the bottom 50 percent. What’s more, Credit Suisse reports that as of 2015 the richest global 1 percent had accumulated more wealth than the rest of the world put together. In the same year, a mere 62 individuals had accumulated as much wealth as is held by the bottom 50 percent of humanity.
The World Inequality Report reminds us that  “economic inequality is largely driven by the unequal ownership of capital..,” as we should expect in capitalist countries. Capital can be either privately or publicly owned. With neoliberalism’s idolatry of the private and ongoing decimation of the public, we are not surprised to learn that “since 1980, very large transfers of public to private wealth occurred in nearly all countries… While national wealth has substantially increased, public wealth is now negative or close to zero in rich countries. Arguably this limits the ability of governments to tackle inequality; certainly it has important implications for wealth inequality among individuals.” The situation is graver still if we acknowledge, as the authors of this study apparently do not, that governments in the capitalist countries have no intention to “tackle inequality.” Quite the contrary. What we are witnessing is the bipartisan effort to “starve the beast.” As the study puts it, “Over the past decades, countries have become richer but governments have become poor.” The net public wealth (public assets minus public debts) of the most aggressively neoliberal advanced countries, the United States and the UK, “has even become negative in recent years.” “The balance between private and public wealth is a crucial determinant of the level of inequality.” In their summation, the authors conclude that ‘In a future in which “business as usual” continues, global inequality will further increase’.
The whole picture draws out the implications of Thomas Piketty’s demonstration that it belongs to the nature of capitalism that more and more private wealth tends to concentrate in fewer and fewer hands. The plutocrats pass their booty on to their progeny, so that an increasing portion of total wealth is inherited. Indeed, as of today between 50 and 70 percent of U.S. household wealth is inherited. If this continues, it is a matter of arithmetic that the U.S. is headed for rule by dynasty.
How Neoliberal Austerity Kills
There is decisive evidence that neoliberalism’s widening inequality tends to generate uncommon rates of physical and mental health disorders. A Princeton study found that middle-aged non-Hispanic white Americans suffered a great increase in mortality between 1998 and 2013. This was the first such case in American history. The increase is entirely concentrated among persons with a high school degree or less, a reliable criterion of poverty. Among whites with any college experience, mortality rates have declined during this period. And disease is not the issue. The predominant causes of death are suicide, chronic alcohol abuse and drug overdoses. Paul Krugman has noted that these statistics mirror “the collapse in Russian life expectancy after the fall of communism.” The Princeton study labels these mortalities “deaths of despair.” It is noteworthy that among the population in question, wages have fallen by over 30 percent since 1969. In a detailed study of the health effects of austerity, based on data from the Great Depression, Asian countries during the 1990s Asian Financial Crisis, and European countries suffering austerity policies after the 2008 crisis, researchers found that the more austerity was practiced in a country, the more people became ill and the more people died. 
Homicide and murder are also strongly related to inequality. The World Bank reports that inequality predicts about half of the variance in murder rates between the U.S. and other countries and the FBI notes that of U.S. murders for which the precipitating reason is known over half stem from the agent’s sense that he had been “dissed.” Persons shoot someone who has cut them off in traffic or beat them to a parking spot.
In connection with the high number of homicides associated with dissing, i.e. challenging a person’s sense of self-respect or personal worth, the psychologist and neuroscientist Martin Daly documents the intimate connection between inequality and loss of personal and social status. He shows that inequality predicts homicide rates “better than any other variable.” In America, status is determined by how much a person has, and having is a matter of the standard of material living one enjoys, competitively conceived in terms of how one compares with others. And the admired standard is one’s level of material comfort, determined for the non-wealthy by a good job and the ability to support a family or the ability to enjoy a comfortable and independent standard of living as a single person. These makers of social status and self-respect are unavailable to those at the lower ends of the income hierarchy and the unemployed. Self-respect is one of men’s (and most homicides are male-on-male) most prized goods, and self-respect, as much as income and wealth, is unequally distributed. In a society where there are structurally determined winners and losers, if one is a loser one’s social reputation is all one has, all one can brandish, in order to maintain a sense of self-respect and personal worth. A diss is a blow to both social reputation and self-respect, and if one has nothing else, the threat looms disproportionately large.
While gang murders are not the majority of murders by the poor, they display in stripped-down form the way in which dissing translates to a social put-down and social denigration makes for personal humiliation and devaluation. The disser becomes a deadly rival. The research I cite in this essay shows that this syndrome is by no means limited to gang culture.
Most recently, David Ansell, a physician and social epidemiologist, has demonstrated in an exhaustive study that the acceleration of inequality between high and low socioeconomic groups over the past three decades has resulted in higher mortality rates for the poorest strata of the working class. He concludes that “[I]nequality triggers so many causes of premature death that we need to treat inequality as a disease and eradicate it, just as we seek to halt any epidemic.”Capitalism, in its post-welfare-state form, kills.

World Inequality Report And Inequality In India: Welfarism Declines And Inequality Abounds

Vivek Kumar Srivastava

World Inequality Report 2018 has been released by World Inequality Lab with which Paris based economists Piketty and Chancel are related. The report has analyzed the inequality in India in depth. The first major conclusion of the report is that in India after independence the inequality was not so much prevalent; the major factor was socialist policies but since the 7th Five Year Plan during 1985-1990 the deregulation started to take place and the relaxations in the economy were initiated.
Thereafter since 1991 to 2000 and then during the second generation reforms went quite rapidly and the result was that inequality which was so limited during 1970s was now a lethal reality of the Indian society. By 2014 the inequality was openly in existence and only few were in position to control the huge wealth. The deregulation of the economy allowed emergence of new rich class in major economies and this is true for India too.
The deregulation was a continuous affair as the report highlights the fact that- pro-market reforms were prolonged after 2000, under the 10th and subsequent five-year plans. The plans ended government fixation of petrol, sugar and fertilizer prices and led to further privatizations, in the agricultural sector in particular. Inequality trends continued on an upward trajectory throughout the 2000s and by 2014 the richest 10% of the adult population shared around 56% of the national income. This left the middle 40% with 32% of total income and the bottom 50%, with around half of that, at just over 16%.
Thus shift from socialism to capitalism and neoliberal policies have caused the huge imbalances in the equal distribution of the wealth in the Indian society.
The report also highlights the role of the tax system which in usual terms is progressive taxation in the country that rich will be taxed more than the poor. According to report this system became weakened after some time and after 1980s there were shifts and the taxation burden on the rich were being reduced than before as a consequence the accumulation of wealth was quite faster being transferred in the hands of the capitalist class. After the assumption of the NDA government the corporate taxes have been reduced and rich class is more benefited due to its capacity to diversify its businesses and the capacity to invest in the new sectors. Those who have more wealth have capacity to invest in the equity markets which is ballooned and the wealth of the rich class is continuously on increase.
In order to reduce the inequality it is necessary that effective progressive taxation system be implemented in the countries like India where phase of neoliberal economic policies have placed the burden most on the already starving classes. As after the implementation of the GST several medicines including the Insulin for the Diabetes patients have become costlier usually used by the middle class but what about those ones who abound around 80 crores in the country and are already hungry and living with the malnutrition also-how can these treat themselves for diabetes? They are bound to die.
In this respect not only the progressive tax system but also the provision of social welfare schemes and policies can play a crucial role in allowing the unequal Indians to survive in the cut throat social structure. Unfortunately Indian performance on this policy framework is quite alarming. Though government has implemented several schemes but due to improper implementation, leakages the schemes have not benefited to the target group. It is more saddening that governments never cared in effective manner to make these policies full of success. Take the case of Rashtriya Suraksha Bima Yojana (RSBY) which provide health insurance coverage of 30,000 Rs. To BPL families and other 11 new categories but most people are either unaware or find it hard to go for such social security products. In last nine years it is yet to gain recognition among the target groups.
In the social security areas Indian condition is critical. According to ‘Index Tracking Commitment to Reducing Income Inequality’ India stands at 132 out of 152 countries. Sweden stands at position 1st and Nigeria is located at the lowest position. The index studies the expenditures on the social welfare programmes, wage inequality etc. according to this report India spends less in the social welfare sectors.
In the background of these realities the inequality is likely to take more severe form in the country. As a large amount of the poor is lost in the health maintenance due to out of pocket expenses for which they have to bear health cost themselves due to costly insurance policies and weak government provided health infrastructure. The poor is more burdened when personal income is spent on the health and it becomes more critical and lethal on the existence and survival of this section of society who is already reeling under the unequal economic system.
As long as the inequality is address by more progressive taxation and more social welfare spending by the governments, this evil of the neoliberal economic system will plague the poor and finally will decimate them. The revelations of the World Inequality Report therefore needs to be taken into account along with the Index Tracking Commitment to Reducing Income Inequality for better policy making by the Indian government for the people who are highly distressed due to neoliberal phase of the country.