13 Feb 2018

British judge refuses to overturn Julian Assange’s arrest warrant

Paul Mitchell

Senior District Judge Emma Arbuthnot refused yesterday to accept an appeal to overturn an arrest warrant against WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange in London’s Westminster Magistrate’s Court.
Arbuthnot was ruling on whether the existing UK arrest warrant and a potential future charge of absconding under sections 6 and 7 of the 1976 Bail Act are proportionate and whether it would be in the public interest for the current situation to continue.
Assange now continues to face arrest for violating his former bail conditions, which occurred in 2012, when he sought political asylum in the Ecuadorian embassy in London.
He sought sanctuary to thwart a conspiracy by the United States, British and Swedish governments to have him extradited to Sweden on trumped-up sexual assault accusations. The allegations were part of efforts to legally entrap Assange, providing the basis for his extradition to the US to face possible charges of espionage and treason carrying a potential death penalty. Neither the US nor British governments have publicly denied the existence of a secret application to extradite him to the US.
Lawyers for Assange argued the warrant should be revoked because Sweden dropped its extradition warrant last year and that arresting him was no longer “proportionate” or “in the public interest.”
By closing their investigation, Swedish prosecutors effectively proved that there was never a case against Assange and that he and WikiLeaks were the target of a “dirty tricks” operation.
Assange’s lawyers said that the five and a half years Assange has been confined to the embassy were “adequate, if not severe” punishment for his actions. The maximum penalty for skipping bail is six months in prison. They pointed to the December 2015 United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention report condemning Assange’s detention as “arbitrary, unreasonable, unnecessary, disproportionate.” The UN had called on the Swedish and British governments to immediately end his “deprivation of liberty” and pay him compensation.
Assange’s legal team said their client had repeatedly offered to cooperate with the investigation in Sweden, but prosecutors had refused to talk to Assange until 2016. It has since emerged that Britain’s Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) pressured its Swedish counterparts not to question Assange in Britain. They also encouraged Swedish prosecutors to proceed with extradition proceedings rather than drop them, as they were preparing to do as far back as 2013.
Assange was justified in seeking asylum in the embassy, his lawyers argued, because he had a legitimate fear he would be extradited to the US. Jennifer Robinson, said that the US administration had made clear its intention to bring a prosecution against WikiLeaks. A US grand jury investigation has been ongoing since May 2010, with the purpose of bringing a case against Assange over WikiLeaks’ publications.
“The UK FCO [Foreign and Commonwealth Office] refuses to confirm or deny whether there is an extradition request for Mr Assange,” she said. “In our recent FoI [Freedom of Information] challenge against the CPS ... the CPS refused to disclose certain material because it would ‘tip off’ Mr Assange about a possible US extradition request. It is time to acknowledge what the real issue is and has always been the risk of extradition to the US.”
Arbuthnot’s ruling, dripping with class venom and hypocrisy, serves the deepest interests of the British state.
Judge Arbuthnot—otherwise known as Baroness Arbuthnot of Edrom—is married to Tory politician Lord Arbuthnot, who served as Chairman of Parliament’s Defence Select Committee from July 2005 to May 2014. The committee oversees the Ministry of Defence and has presided over and legitimised the very war crimes Assange has exposed.
In the time-honoured tradition of British imperialism, Arbuthnot treated Assange and his lawyers with contempt, ruthlessness and vindictiveness. According to the learned judge, who is the Chief Magistrate of England and Wales, the man who has exposed crimes against humanity was himself a common criminal. He was expected to doff his cap to his betters, show remorse for stepping out of line and take his punishment.
She admonished Assange for not appearing in court: “Defendants on bail up and down the country, and requested persons facing extradition, come to court to face the consequences of their own choices. He should have the courage to do the same.”
Arbuthnot’s ruling was an affront to democracy. She ridiculed the UN findings that Assange’s incarceration is a “deprivation of liberty.” The ruling did not apply to him, she claimed, because his imprisonment was supposedly a self-imposed life of luxury!
“Firstly, he can leave the embassy whenever he wishes; secondly, he is free to receive, it would seem, an unlimited number of visitors and those visits are not supervised; thirdly, he can choose the food he eats, the time he sleeps and exercises.”
“I do not believe there is no sunlight. He can sit on the balcony (I accept probably observed by the police and his supporters) to take the air. He is not locked in at night. I suspect if one were to ask one of the men incarcerated in Wandsworth prison whether conditions in the Ecuadorian embassy were akin to a remand in custody, the prisoner would dispute the working group’s assertions.”
What would Baroness Arbuthnot know about conditions inside Wandsworth? Her depiction of Assange’s confinement as akin to a hotel on the French Riviera, complete with an open balcony, is contemptible.
Arbuthnot declared that Assange’s belief he would have been extradited to the US from Sweden was “unreasonable.”
Only the previous day, the US Department of Justice (DoJ) confirmed to Reuters that its case against Assange is ongoing. CIA director Mike Pompeo’s has described WikiLeaks as a “hostile intelligence service,” saying that Assange has “no First Amendment rights” and that the CIA is working to “take down” WikiLeaks. Attorney General Jeff Session stated last year that Assange’s arrest was a priority for the Justice Department.
Arbuthnot rejected arguments by Assange’s lawyers that it was not in the public interest to pursue him for bail infringement, saying, “I find arrest is a proportionate response even though Mr Assange has restricted his own freedom for a number of years.”
Turning reality on its head, Arbuthnot described Assange, who has exposed state war crimes, as “a man who wants to impose his own terms on the course of justice, whether the course of justice is in this jurisdiction or Sweden … He appears to consider himself above the normal rules of law and wants justice only if it goes in his favour.”
A victory for Assange would have forced British authorities to disclose any outstanding extradition warrants from the US.
“We must confront the real issue in this case,” said Assange’s lawyer Jennifer Robinson, “… [that] he risks facing extradition to the US to face prosecution for publishing information in the public interest with WikiLeaks.
“Mr Assange remains ready to face British justice … but not at the risk of being forced to face American injustice.”
Gareth Peirce, a prominent human rights lawyer who serves on Assange’s legal team, said it would be possible to appeal against the decision. Speaking outside the court, she said, “The history of the case from start to finish is extraordinary. Each aspect of it becomes puzzling and troubling as it is scrutinised.”
Responding to the ruling, Assange indicated an appeal will be forthcoming: “We are surprised. The judge went outside what the parties presented in court. This seems to have led to significant factual errors. US DoJ confirmed to Reuters again yesterday that its case is ongoing. There are three months to appeal UK ruling.”

Multiple reports confirm US killed Russians in Syrian oilfield airstrikes

Bill Van Auken

Reports emerging from Russia indicate that anywhere from dozens to hundreds of Russian military contractors may have been killed in the US air and artillery assault against a column of fighters loyal to the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in eastern Deir Ezzor province on February 7.
As yet, a handful of names of Russians killed in the one-sided battle have emerged. The right-wing nationalist “Other Russia” group reported that one of its members, Kirill Ananiev, who had gone to Syria a year ago, was among the dead. A spokesman for the group said there had been “substantial losses” inflicted upon “paramilitary structures with ties to Russia.”
A paramilitary organization calling itself the Baltic Cossak Union posted a statement online reporting that one of its members, Vladimir Loginov, had died in the US bombardment in Deir Ezzor.
The Conflict Intelligence Team, a Russian opposition group that has monitored developments in Syria, provided three other names: Alexi Ladigin of Ryazan and Stanislav Matviev and Igor Kostorov of Kaliningrad.
The Pentagon initially said it had killed 100 fighters in its February 7 attack, which took place on the western bank of the Euphrates River. It claimed it had responded to an advance by as many as 500 fighters, backed by tanks and artillery, on a headquarters of the so-called Syrian Democratic Forces, the US proxy ground force that consists overwhelmingly of the Syrian Kurdish YPG militia. US special forces troops directing the YPG’s operations in the area were reportedly at the site.
The US troops called in a withering assault by Apache attack helicopters, an AC-130 Specter gunship and F-15 fighter jets, as well artillery batteries.
The Syrian government denounced the US firestorm as a “massacre” and a “war crime,” insisting that its fighters had been targeting remnants of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
Meanwhile, the Pentagon has reported that it mounted another attack in the same area on Saturday, calling in a strike against a Russian-made T-72 tank, which it claimed had been “maneuvering” into firing range of an SDF “defensive position.”
In both cases, US military spokesmen asserted that American forces used “deconfliction lines” to inform the Russian military about the strikes before and during their execution.
The location of the two attacks reveals the real motives underlying the military confrontations. Both took place near the Omar oil field, the Hashim gas field and the former Conoco gas refinery.
Deir Ezzor is the center of Syria’s gas and oil industry, which ISIS captured and exploited to finance its operations. The US military was so determined to lay claim to these strategic resources that it negotiated a surrender of the Syrian city of Raqqa last October in exchange for the evacuation of some 4,000 ISIS fighters to Deir Ezzor, where they were redeployed to impede the advance of Syrian government forces. Washington’s ground proxies in the YPG-dominated SDF were then rushed to the area to seize control of the oil and gas fields.
Washington’s aim is to deny these resources to the Assad government in order to impede its consolidation of control and the beginning of the shattered country’s reconstruction.
Russian military expert Viktor Murakhovsky told the daily Kommersant: “For the Arab Republic, these are serious resources… Actually, control over such resources in many ways was the source of the civil war in Syria.”
The Russian government of President Vladimir Putin, while denouncing US machinations in Syria, has remained tight-lipped about the reported Russian casualties in Deir-Ezzor.
Reuters cited sources in Russia who said that “dozens” of Russians were killed on February 7. Bloomberg wrote Tuesday that two Russian sources had reported more than 200 soldiers, “mostly Russians,” had died in the US attack.
Grigory Yavlinsky, the leader of the pro-Western, free-market Yabloko party and one of the original architects of capitalist restoration, issued a statement demanding that the Putin government make public what happened in Deir Ezzor.
“If there have been mass deaths of Russian citizens in Syria, then the relevant authorities, including the general staff of the Russian armed forces, have a duty to inform the country about this and decide who bears responsibility,” Yavlinsky said on Twitter. He is running against Putin in next month’s presidential election.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters Tuesday that the account of Russian dead in Deir Ezzor was only “information published in the media,” adding that he did not believe Yavlinsky had “more reliable sources of information.”
Russia’s Defense Ministry, meanwhile, has stated only that no members of the Russian military were in the area at the time of the attack. Other sources close to the Russian government have described reports of mass casualties as Western-driven “information warfare.”
Vitaly Naumkin, a leading expert on the Middle East who has collaborated closely with Russia’s Foreign Ministry on Syria, was somewhat more frank. He told Bloomberg: “No one wants to start a world war over a volunteer or mercenary who wasn’t sent by the state and was hit by the Americans.”
The Russians killed in the US attack, whatever their actual number, are believed to have been military contractors employed by the Wagner Group, an outfit that has been described as Russia’s equivalent to America’s Blackwater. Contractors from the group have been used to guard key facilities in Syria, including the Russian naval base at Tartus and the airbase at Hmeimim, as well as oil and gas installations. They have also been imbedded with Syrian troops, participating in heavy combat.
It strains credulity to accept that these contractors are operating in Syria with tanks and artillery without the approval and close collaboration of the Russian government. While Putin announced during a visit to Syria last December that Russian armed forces had achieved victory over ISIS and were being withdrawn from the country, the fighting continues, and Russian military contractors are apparently heavily involved.
The use of such forces, which allows the Kremlin to deny responsibility for military clashes and conceal from public scrutiny the casualties in Syria, has obvious attractions for the Putin government.
It has also been reported that Wagner is involved in deals with the Syrian government that guarantee Russian capitalist interests up to 25 percent of revenues from oil and gas fields that its fighters retake.
On Tuesday, Russian Minister of Energy Alexander Novak announced that Moscow had signed a “roadmap” agreement with the Syrian government for the recovery and development of oil and gas fields. It is highly probable that whoever died in the US bombardment in Deir Ezzor on February 7 was acting in furtherance of this agreement.
Russia’s military intervention in Syria, launched in 2015, has been directed at propping up Moscow’s principal ally in the Middle East and impeding the US-backed attempt to carry out regime-change through the arming and support of Al Qaeda-linked militias.
In part, Russian motives were bound up with the interests of Russia’s ruling oligarchs and Gazprom, the country’s largest corporation, which faced the prospect of Qatar gaining access to Syrian territory for a gas pipeline directed toward Western Europe, undermining Russian profit interests. Moscow also justifiably feared Syria becoming a base for Al Qaeda-linked Islamist fighters drawn from Russia’s Caucasus region to launch a campaign, backed by the CIA, to destabilize and ultimately dismember the Russian Federation.
Despite this defensive element in Moscow’s intervention in Syria, there is nothing progressive about the motives of the Russian government, which represents the interests of a thoroughly reactionary and criminal capitalist oligarchy. It has, in recent weeks, provided tacit approval for the Turkish assault on the Kurdish enclave of Afrin, as well as for the Israeli bombing of Syrian and Iranian forces.
Whatever the attempts of the Putin government to smooth over the latest military confrontation in Deir Ezzor, the objective geo-strategic conflicts underlying the fighting in Syria are pushing the world to the brink of a war between the world’s two major nuclear powers.
Reflecting the increasingly belligerent posture adopted by the US military and intelligence apparatus, along with decisive layers of the American ruling establishment, the Washington Post on Tuesday published an editorial calling for a further escalation in Syria.
“Far from winding down, Syria's civil war is threatening to trigger direct conflicts between the United States and Turkey, Israel and Iran, and even the United States and Russia. These threats can be defused only by high-level diplomacy backed by the credible threat of force. So far, the Trump administration’s response looks underpowered,” the Post warned.
The editorial insisted that Washington can block Russia from becoming “the dominant power in Syria and, by extension, a major player in the Middle East” only by means of a major military escalation.

Pakistan Senate Elections: New Alliances in the Offing?

Sarral Sharma


Elections for 52 of 104 seats in Pakistan's Senate (Upper House) will take place on 3 March. There were apprehensions that certain 'powers' would either try to delay or stop the polls. Prevailing political uncertainty following the recent spate of protests, the delicate civil-military relations, allegations of corruption against parliamentarians etc make the Senate elections more crucial for all mainstream parties. More importantly, the National Assembly (Lower House) polls are due to take place later this year. Therefore, political parties may attempt to forge new alliances or revive old ones, possibly by indulging in 'horse-trading' with small yet crucial players to win majority seats in the Upper House. Chances are, new political alliances might emerge and there might be a change in the overall standing of the main parties in both houses. 

Current Senate Standings
52 of the total 104 members of the Pakistani Senate are retiring in March: 12 each from Balochistan and Sindh; 11 each from Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP); four from Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA); and two from Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT). Those retiring in March include nine of the total 26 Senators from Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N); 18 of 27 Senators from the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP); and only one of seven Senators from Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) is retiring in the coming month. Additionally, four out of eight Senators from the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) and all four Senators from the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q) are set to retire.

Political Calculations of Major Parties 
PML-N is expected to gain seats despite the recent political upheaval in Balochistan in which PML-Q's legislator Abdul Quddus Bizenjo, along with dissident members of the ruling party, ousted Balochistan's Chief Minister, PML-N's Sanaullah Zehri.

Former Prime Minister (PM) Nawaz Sharif has been addressing political rallies across the country to expand, revive and retain the party's support base. For PML-N, winning the Senate is important for the following reasons: first, PML-N would be able to pass laws in the parliament with relatively lesser obstruction from the opposition parties. Second, it will be a personal victory for Sharif who has been under immense pressure from the judiciary and, allegedly, the security establishment.

Third, PML-N is keen to perform better in other provinces—Balochistan, Sindh and KP—to increase its chances of winning extra seats. To achieve this goal, the party will attempt a two-pronged strategy, i.e. to pursue legislators from opposition parties, and to prevent possible defections in Punjab. Lastly, the win will boost the morale of the party workers—who have been under pressure since the Panama Leaks episode—and to start preparations afresh for the general elections. 

Imran Khan's PTI is looking to nearly double its representation in the Senate. Due to the party's limited electoral influence in provinces other than KP, Khan may likely approach regional parties and dissident PML-N and PPP parliamentarians in Punjab and Sindh respectively to seek their support. In a new development, PTI and PML-Q have already announced to contest Senate polls together.

The PTI is riding on a high since its successful anti-corruption campaign against the ruling PML-N in the Panama Leaks case. Consequently, the party is confident of performing better in both the upcoming elections. The Senate polls can be viewed as a semi-final for Khan's PTI before the general elections that might take place in August. Nonetheless, PTI's main rivals, PML-N and PPP, may approach dissident legislators and opposition parties such as Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazlullah (JUI-F) or Quami Watan Party (QWP) to make an electoral dent in KP.

In Sindh, the ruling PPP's leader, Asif Ali Zardari, seems confident after the Balochistan episode as he boasted at a recent rally in Lahore, saying "remember whenever I have made a claim I have completed it. I told you I can end their government and it has happened." Indirectly, he is targeting PML-N which was left embarrassed after its elected government in the restive province was thrown out last month. The PPP clearly played an important role in the whole incident in addition to the security establishment's alleged involvement in toppling the PML-N government.

(In)famous for alleged horse-trading, Zardari may attempt to woo regional parties and dissident lawmakers in Punjab and KP assemblies to win seats as the maximum number of retiring Senators are from PPP. Although, numerically, PPP might be unable to make it to the top slot in the Senate, with the focus on the general elections, the party may attempt to forge political alliances outside Sindh such as with PML-Q in Balochistan and Pashtun parties in KP to outperform PML-N.

Looking Ahead
With this Senate election scheduled merely months ahead of the National Assembly polls, there are rising concerns among political parties of large scale defections. It is possible that some sitting state assembly members may shift party allegiances for monetary gains. Major parties have cautiously reviewed ground realities, charted their poll strategy, and have tasked provincial leaders to keep their parliamentarians in the loop to avoid defections. Buying and selling of political representatives is a possibility. However, the extent to which these parties may go to dominate the Upper House is yet to be seen.

Sri Lanka: The New Regime and the Revolution

Asanga Abeyagoonasekera


At a meeting in Davos in 2017, Chinese President Xi Jinping made a speech supporting the agenda on globalisation. Meanwhile, back in the US, President Trump was highlighting the importance of the US confining its national boundaries. “America only does not mean America alone,” said Trump in Davos. The president received a standing ovation for a speech that resonated the importance of collective action to build a better world. However, global reality, with its increasing political fractures, tells a different story.
Sri Lanka too is witness to political bipolarity at a critical moment in the island's political narrative. For a closer examination of the developments underway in Sri Lanka, a study of the 'Silent Revolution' of 2015 against the monumental French Revolution provides illuminating points for analysis. Alexis de Tocqueville ideas on the French Revolution state that the “chief permanent achievement of the French revolution was the suppression of those political institutions, commonly described as feudal, which for many centuries had held unquestioned sway in most European countries. The revolution set out to replace them with a new social and political order, at once simple and more uniform, based on the concept of equality of all men.”
In comparison, what did the Sri Lanka’s Silent Revolution achieve? Did the present government take precautions to make sure of importing nothing from the past into the new regime? What kind of process did the new regime follow? And what restrictions were set to differentiate themselves in every possible way? Was the word revolution used simply to fulfill a political aspiration?
Messages from the leadership are loud but inconsistent. Sufficiently exposed to bipolar political promises, public absorption of rhetoric has reached exhaustion. This is a poor note to send the electorate after casting their franchise at the local elections in Sri Lanka. Looking at this bipolarity from the top, one could design a “political bipolar index (PBI)” to assess local leaders' (lack of) responsibility.
For politicians, political power remains the raison d’être. The struggle toward electoral victory, subsequent power struggles, and influence over public policy is visible across societies. In certain dignified societies, persuasion remains an acceptable choice over coercion. However, in some societies, politicians prefer the baton, tear gas, and machine guns. In an orderly society, coercion and conflict are transferred from the battleground to councils of law.
Some regimes have the muscle to ward off a revolution while others fail. Sri Lanka’s Rajapaksa regime failed to ward off the Silent Revolution in 2015. It was a peaceful revolution by ballot. To apply de Tocqueville’s words, “The regime which is destroyed by a revolution is almost always an improvement on its immediate predecessor, and experience teaches that the most critical moment for bad governments is the one which witnesses their first steps toward reform.” Today, the Sri Lankan government is experiencing what Tocqueville wrote in 1856, in his book on the French Revolution.
The local government election results revealed the mood of the polity. Local elections remain a perfect barometer to identify political cyclones on the horizon. Then one could also name the next revolution 'Silent Revolution 2.0' in 2020. An actual revolutionary scenario will offer new faces and fresh voices. However, such a reality remains doubtful.
Sri Lanka celebrated 70 years of independence on 4 February this year. The country displayed its achievements since independence in the print and electronic media. Alongside its achievements, the country has also faced nearly a thirty-year war with two youth insurrections in 1971 and 1989. The revolt was against the political system of that time which failed to create better economic conditions particularly in the field of employment. The situation has not improved. The economic condition worsens with high borrowings and debt. This was clearly indicated by the latest Moody’s Asia Pacific rating. Sri Lanka did not rank favourably, especially when compared to with 24 Asia Pacific countries. Earlier, the World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Index report reflected the same dismal ratings.
Since independence, successive governments have failed to make Sri Lanka a developed nation. A toxic mix of high-level corruption and bad governance remain at the heart of the problem. According to senior journalist, Malinda Senevirathne, “a system of government run by the worst, least qualified or most unscrupulous citizens” and an absence of technocrats with the right skill set to deliver could be the cause of this situation.
President Sirisena’s findings from the Central Bank Bond Commission and the revelation of malpractice to the public should be appreciated. His actions reflected transparency at the highest level. In a country like Sri Lanka where the appearance of civil power is little more than a wispy gauze veiling the reality of political power, disclosures from the Bond Commission are grist for the mill of politics-as-usual and not a force disrupting the status quo. Only if appropriate action is taken following the revelations contained in the report and the funds recovered to the public can progress be measured in terms of restoring civil power over political power.
In this revolutionary political moment that began in 2015, revolutions within revolutions are needed to harness the scattered and disgruntled polity. The ballot in hand has proven that the results will be a clear epiphany.

Australia Awards John Allwright Fellowship for Developing Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 30th April 2018.

Eligible Countries: Developing Countries

To be Taken at (country): Australia

About the Award: The Australia Awards John Allwright Fellowship is a scholarship offered by the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR) and co-funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. John Allwright Fellowships are awarded to partner-country scientists involved in ACIAR supported collaborative research projects to undertake postgraduate training at Australian universities.
The primary aim of the John Allwright Fellowship is to enhance research capacity in ACIAR’s partner country  institutions. Whilst individual awardees will benefit from the Scheme, it is important to note that partner country institutions are the key targets.
The study and research opportunities provided by Australia Awards Scholarships develop skills and knowledge of individuals to drive change and contribute to the development outcomes of their own country .


Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: Applicants must be citizens of the country in which they are working.
To be eligible for selection, a candidate must:
  • at the time of applying, hold qualifications that would be assessed to be equivalent to at least an Australian bachelor’s degree in a discipline that is relevant to the proposed area of postgraduate study;
  • be a scientist or economist from the developing country partner, who is actively involved in a collaborative research project supported by ACIAR at the time of application (in some cases, ACIAR will consider supporting researchers from “advanced pipeline” projects, i.e. in cases where a full project proposal has been approved by ACIAR);
  • be jointly supported in the application by the Australian and partner country Project Leaders;
  • obtain approval from the employing institution who must agree to the absence of the candidate should he/she receive a Fellowship for the period involved in obtaining the postgraduate qualification; and
  • demonstrate that he/she is employed on a permanent rather than short-term contract basis.
Within the Fellowship Scheme, ACIAR strives to meet the Australian government policy on gender equity, and reflect ACIAR’s training policies and strategies.

Value of Award: The following benefits generally apply:
  • Full tuition fees
  • Return air travel—payment of a single return, economy class airfare to and from Australia, via the most direct route
  • Establishment allowance—a once only payment of A$5,000 as a contribution towards accommodation expenses, text books, study materials
  • Contribution to Living Expenses (CLE) is a fortnightly contribution to basic living expenses paid at a rate determined by the department. From 1 January 2013, CLE payable to Scholars studying under an Australia Awards John Allwright Fellowship is A$30,000 per year.
  • Introductory Academic Program (IAP)—a compulsory 4-6 week program prior to the commencement of formal academic studies covering information on life and study in Australia
  • Overseas Student Health Cover (OSHC) for the duration of the award (for award holder only)—provided to cover the student’s basic medical costs (with the exception of pre-existing conditions)
  • Pre-course English (PCE) fees—if deemed necessary PCE may be available for students for in-country and/or in-Australia training
  • Supplementary Academic Support may be available to ensure a Scholar’s academic success or enhance their academic experience
  • Fieldwork (for research students only)—may be available for eligible research students for up to two return economy class airfares for a Masters student or up to three for a PhD student, via the most direct route to their country of citizenship
Duration of Program: The Awards are offered for the minimum period necessary for the individual to complete the academic program specified by the Australian higher education institution, including any preparatory training.

How to Apply: 
  • Go to the Online Australia Scholarships Information System (OASIS) here. The first step is to register in OASIS as this will enable you to logon, create and complete an application.
  • For instructions on how to register and create an application in OASIS please see the OASIS Applicant User guide here.
  • It is important to go through the Application and eligibility requirements before applying.
Visit Program Webpage for Details

TWAS-Siwei Cheng Prize in Economic Sciences for Developing Countries 2018

Application Deadline: 15th March 2018

Eligible Countries: Developing and other Countries

To be taken at (country): The prize will be presented on a special occasion, often coinciding with the General Meeting of TWAS.

About the Award: The prize reflects the Chinese Academy of Sciences’ strong support to TWAS and, more generally, seeks to build scientific capacity in the developing world. Bai Chunli, president of both the Chinese Academy and TWAS, played a central role in the creation of the TWAS-Siwei Cheng Prize.
The TWAS-Siwei Cheng Prize is named after the renowned Chinese economist Siwei Cheng (1935-2015), an economist, chemical engineer, and major political figure. He is most well-known for his work in modern Chinese economic development as a driving force behind the establishment of ChiNext, a stock exchange designed to provide venture capital in technology companies. His work has had a profound impact on both the Chinese and global economy.

Field of Study: Economic Sciences

Type:  Awards

Eligibility: Candidates for the TWAS-Siwei Cheng Prize in Economic Sciences must be economic scientists who have been living and working in a developing country for at least ten years immediately before their nomination. They must meet at least one of the following qualifications:
  • Scientific research achievement in economic sciences of outstanding significance for the development of scientific thought.
  • Outstanding contribution to the application of economic sciences to sustainable development.
Members of TWAS and candidates for TWAS membership are not eligible for the prize.
Self-nominations will not be considered.

Nominations
  • TWAS is inviting nominations from all its members as well as science academies, national research councils, universities and scientific institutions in developing and developed countries.
  • Nominations can only be submitted electronically through the on-line nomination platform and clearly state the candidate’s contribution to understanding and addressing economic sciences.
  • Nominations of women social scientists and candidates from scientifically lagging countries are particularly encouraged.
Selection Criteria: Selection of the awardees is made on merit and on the recommendations of the selection committees composed of TWAS members.

Value of Award: 
  • From 2017 and for five years total, an annual prize of US$10,000 will be awarded in the field of Economic Sciences.
  • The prize is accompanied by a medal.
How to Apply: The TWAS-Siwei Cheng Prize in Economic Sciences’ nominations can only be submitted electronically through the on-line platform by clicking on the “Nominate Now” link at the bottom of this page.

Visit Award Webpage for details

Award Provider: The World Academy of Sciences with funding from the Siwei Cheng Foundation.

University of Sheffield Southern Africa Student Scholarship Fund (SUSASSF) 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 4th May 2018

Eligible Countries: Botswana,Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa,Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

To be taken at (country): UK

Type: Masters

Eligibility: You must have applied to study on one of the following courses to study at the University of Sheffield, starting in 2018:
  • MA International Development
  • MSc Environmental Change and International Development
  • MPH International Development
2. You must be classified as overseas for tuition fee purposes.
3. You must be self-funded to receive this award, i.e. not funded by a research council, government, private enterprise, charity or any similar organisation.
4. This scholarship cannot be awarded in conjunction with any other funding awards, either from the University of Sheffield or external sources.
5. Your mode of attendance must be full time.
6. Receipt of the scholarship is subject to successfully meeting any condition(s) attached to your offer before the deadline provided by the Admissions Service.
7. Receipt of the scholarship is subject to successfully receiving a visa to study at the University in September 2017.
8. You must be a national of and permanently domiciled, in Botswana,Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.


Selection Criteria and Procedure: This is a competitive process and not all applications will be successful; a panel of senior members of staff will select the strongest application.
The panel will be looking to see in particular if you have:
  • provided a clear rationale for applying for a postgraduate course at the University of Sheffield,
  • outlined challenges to academic progress and detailed how these barriers have been overcome successfully,
  • outlined examples of work experience in the field of International Development,
  • clearly articulated future ambitions; these goals relate to the postgraduate degree you have applied for, and how your learning will benefit others from your country.
Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Scholarship: The scholarship offers the following support:
  • A full tuition fee waiver
  • Maintenance for University accommodation and a monthly stipend
Apply Here 

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Award Provider: University of Sheffield

Important Notes: The outcome of your application will be announced, via email, before 8 June 2018.

African Studies Centre Leiden-International Institute for Asian Studies (ASCL-IIAS) Joint Fellowship Programme for Research Study in The Netherlands 2018

Application Deadline: 
  • 15th March 2018
  • 15th September 2018
Offered annually? Yes

About the Award:  We are particularly interested in receiving fellowship proposals that go beyond a mere analysis of current issues associated with African-Asian comparative economic developments or Chinese investments in Africa — although none of these themes, if appraised critically and for their societal consequences, will of course be excluded. Our definition of Asia and Africa is broad and inclusive, Asia ranging from the Middle-East to the Pacific Coast, and Africa from North-Africa to the southern tip of the continent.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: 
  • Applications include a work plan of 1000 words maximum and a CV
  • Candidates should have a PhD
Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Fellowship: Fellows will receive a monthly grant to cover the cost of living and housing

Duration of Fellowship: Fellowship has a maximum period of 6 months

How to Apply: Interested applicants are invited to email/post their applications, consisting of:
  • Application form  download here (Word)
  • Curriculum Vitae
  • Two letters of reference
    Please ensure that a minimum of two letters of reference are sent to us in confidence via email or post, commenting on the applicant’s academic abilities and the value of  the applicant’s research project.
Address for submission of applications, reference letters and/or queries:
(1) Email: iiasfellowships@iias.nl 

OR
(2) IIAS-ASC Fellowship Programme
c/o Ms. Sandra van der Horst
International Institute for Asian Studies
Rapenburg 59
2311 GJ Leiden
The Netherlands


Visit Fellowship Webpage for details

Award Provider: The International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS)

HEC Paris/Eiffel MBA Scholarships for Developing Countries 2018/2019 – France

Application Deadline: Within 1 week of admission. No essay required
  • For those admitted and confirmed before 1/01/18: March 2018
  • For those admitted and confirmed after 1/01/18: March 2019
Eligible Countries: EIFFEL is offered for candidates working in emerging countries

To be taken at (country): HEC – Paris

About Scholarship: Launched in January 1999 by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ministère des Affaires Etrangères), the Eiffel Scholarship is designed to bolster international recruiting by French schools of higher education, at a time when competition to attract top foreign students is growing among developed countries. HEC reserves the right to submit only those candidates it feels best qualify for the Eiffel Scholarship as the award is particularly competitive and prestigious. Note that applications from students currently studying outside France will be given priority over those from students already studying in France.

Offered annually? Yes

Type: MBA

Selection Criteria and Eligibility: The HEC MBA Program applies on behalf of admitted eligible students. In order to be eligible the candidate must:
  • Be aged 30 years old or less in the selection year.
  • Only admitted candidates can apply for this scholarship.
  • Have a single nationality from a developing country deemed an ’emerging country’ by the French state department, especially those in Asia and Latin America, for example, currently under-represented among the student population in France.
Number of Scholarships: Not specified

Value of Scholarship: The Eiffel Scholarship provides participants with a monthly allowance of approximately €1,100, and covers additional expenses including travel, health insurance and cultural activities. Tuition fees are not covered by the scholarship.

Duration of Scholarship: for the period of study

How to Apply: Interested candidates should first apply for admission into the HEC Paris MBA programme in order to get this scholarship.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for Details

Sponsors: French Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Merkel’s “Grosse” Coalition

Victor Grossman

Thanks be to God! – Gottseidank! That, on Wednesday, was surely the reaction of millions of even nonbelieving Germans! After four and a half months of haggling and recrimination and, four days past the deadline, an all-night session, the three parties had finally settled on a coalition government program – 179 pages long. With a collective sigh of relief there could now be a return to normality. Neighboring premiers and presidents elsewhere thought also, happily or fearfully: Angela’s Germany can take the lead again in trying to settle Europe’s many problems.
But as that late great thinker and baseball player Yogi Berra once cautioned: “It ain’t over till it’s over”! And that fits the coalition deal. It’s still up in the air, like a long Yankee fly ball! Till now it was more like a traffic gridlock, with each party blocking the other two.
All three took heavy losses in last September’s national elections. The Christian Social Union (CSU), the further-right, only Bavarian sister of Angela Merkel’s conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU), which has held sway in its Alpine and Danubian domain since 1949, unexpectedly lost ten percent of its voters to the near-fascist Alternative for Germany (AfD). Facing state elections in October, it fears losing even more. Horst Seehofer, its long-time leader, no longer maintaining his usual self-confident, sardonic smile but often with creased brow, is fighting for his political life within his own wounded party. After losing his job as chairman he simply had to oppose every concession to the Social Democratic Party which seemed even vaguely “leftist” to his hardline lederhosen-dirndl voters. And he had to win at least some key cabinet ministry for himself in the planned government!
The worries of the Social Democrats (SPD) were greater still! Their electoral beating last September was even more injurious; though still in second place, their position in the polls has plunged to a dangerously abysmal 18 %. The current chairman, Martin Schulz, blustered in September that neither he nor his SPD would remain a month longer in a coalition with the two Christian “Union” parties which already, in four years, had caused such a giant loss in popularity. But then, allegedly to save the nation, he ate crow and joined in the long coalition negotiations which, on Wednesday, finally came to a conclusion. Or did they?
A large minority of SPD Social Democrats had opposed this humiliating about-face. It meant suicide, they insisted, and waved No GroKo posters, for No Grosse Koalition (grosse means grand in German). To overcome this uppity rebellion the party leaders made all kinds of promises about the left-wing demands they would keep pushing. They warned: if too few of these demands were included in the final program deal it might well be rejected by the party membership, now standing at 463,000 (down from almost a million in 1990). Only the SPD had decided to put it to a vote, a mail-in referendum, to be conducted from February 20 to March 2. Twenty-five thousand had joined the party recently, its first big increase, but most of them expressly to vote “No”! If over half of those mailing in ballots reject the deal, Germany’s political maneuvering will be back at Square One!
Of course, these more progressive demands were exactly the ones which angered the conservative Bavarians the most, and many in Merkel’s CDU as well, who had also suffered severe losses in the September vote – also to the far-right AfD racists, who denounced Merkel’s welcome to refugees in 2015 as a blot on our pure “German culture”. She and her party have backtracked sharply since then, but that friendly smile and matter-of-fact way of speaking – as honored “mommy of the nation” – have lost too much of their appeal. For her, to keep her footing within her own party – with that right foot forward – and win herself a fourth term, some successful deal was imperative! So it was she who tried hardest to tie one up, even through the last night right until breakfast time!
And somehow, several days after putting off the deadline, they finally reached an agreement, with enough small gains and vaguely promised bigger ones to allay Social Democratic fears about losing their referendum yet without overly repelling the Bavarians or other rightist “Christians”.
Among the promises were increases in spending for education and child care, pensions and housing. With Germany’s current well-balanced budget these can easily be afforded. A few protections for people renting apartments from greedy owners were also included.
Some union leaders were more or less satisfied. Opposition parties were not, of course. Leaders of the LINKE (Left) asserted that the huge, escalating gap between the super-wealthy and poor would hardly be diminished, that the 20% child poverty rate (almost 25% in eastern Germany) would be alleviated only slightly, while individual, corporate and inheritance taxes on the extremely wealthy were to remain untouched – and low. Even the benefits offered were only goals or promises, and might well be diluted or forgotten as so often in the past.
Weapons export, in which Germany vies with France for fourth place, would be more controlled – sort of in a way – with no more weapons going to countries “directly” involved in the war in Yemen. The use of drones would be investigated, with no armed drones bought, at least for now. The question of an American drone guiding center and US atomic missiles on German soil – actually illegal – went unmentioned, and foreign policy questions were largely avoided.
Not completely: there would be some more millions for dubious development aid in hard-hit countries, matched by some very definite billions for the military. German armament build-up would conform to US demands. It would further modernize, not in manpower but in its ability to bomb and land anywhere in the world, to engage in battle, even street battle, and otherwise pursue asserted German needs for security and raw materials in Central Asia, sub-Saharan Africa or wherever.
The always charming, always pugnacious Minister for Defense, Ursula von der Leyen, was one of only two cabinet ministers – aside from Chancellor Angela Merkel – to retain their jobs. It was the problem of assigning Cabinet posts which almost stymied the agreement. There were reports, or rumors – that the negotiators spent much of that final all-night session shouting at each other or even sitting at length in angry silence before Merkel in the chair could calm the waves – or the breakers!
What made the deal finally possible was the willingness to cede to the Social Democrats six ministries, one more than before and more than their voting strength deserved, including the mighty Finance Ministry, an unexpected gain, and the prestigious Foreign Ministry. The little Bavarian CSU was recompensed for its final OK by getting the powerful Interior Ministry, responsible for the rapid increase in surveillance and check on terrorists “of the Left and the Right” for its beleaguered Bavarian leader, Seehofer. The CDU took the remaining five and of course Angela’s rule as chancellor.
But despite all the sweat, almost blood and possible tears which were invested, those NO GROKO rebels are still not satisfied and are still hoping not just to rock the boat but to swamp it. Their first target was party chairman Martin Schulz, who had made sure to grab that lofty job as Foreign Minister, while dropping claims to the party chairmanship. But it seems that no-one still loves this unlucky  one-time Sir Galahad-type savior of the party. The protests at his self-appointment were so quick and widespread that, with the ink hardly dry, he stepped down – “in the interests of the party”. It looks as if Sigmar Gabriel, the man he got thrown out as party leader and now wanted to throw out as Foreign Minister, will get his revenge, while ambitious Manfred Schultz may land in some lesser job – or be put out to pasture. But even if the SPD leaders, with or without him, do win the referendum and remain part of the government, a century of past history has proved that election-time SPD promises of big future improvements must be taken with a hefty grain of salt, while its participation in German economic and military expansion will not be altered an iota.
Ring Around the Rosie can be a swell game for toddlers. But skulking in the shadows when politician circles jump up or fall down are now the grim figures of the AfD – Alternative for Germany. No, false; they are no longer in the shadows but have 92 seats in the Bundestag. If the coming referendum puts the SPD in a coalition government, the AfD will be the leading opposition party, with the right to make long rebuttal speeches to government statements in the Bundestag, get even more TV time than it has in recent years,  and enjoy privileges hitherto held by the LINKE as biggest opposition party. Now, despite slight gains in the election, the LINKE will drop to last or second-to-last place in the seven-party ranking. That is the rock. And the hard place? It might still be a new election, when the AfD might win even more seats from voters angry at the month-long quarrels. And with neighboring Austria now headed by a coalition including just such a foreigner-hating near-fascist party, and similar dangers threatening in almost every other country in Europe (not to even mention the man in Washington), it makes some people like me think of that other great Yogi Berra line – “It’s like déjà vu all over again” – with none of the original laughs or smiles.
Above all, there is a desperate need for militant, active resistance by the working people of Germany, and elsewhere. Sadly, many in the LINKE party have been concerned, hardly less than in the CSU, CDU, Greens and SPD, with internal bickering and rivalry. Perhaps its congress in June can move past this and regain more of its proper, so urgently needed role as a fighting party.

Italy’s New Fascism

Nicola Perugini

Fascism is still alive and kicking in Italy. On February 3, 28-year-old Luca Traini entered the center of the town of Macerata with his car, shooting tens of bullets and wounding several migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa. After the shooting, the man, wrapped in the Italian flag, made the fascist salute when he was arrested.
The attack took place days after the arrest of a Nigerian man in relation to the death of the teenager Pamela Mastropietro, “whose dismembered body was discovered hidden in two suitcases near Macerata.” According to the investigating judge, the Nigerian man was part of the crime but did not kill the young woman. When interrogated by the investigators about the shooting, Traini claimed that his act was a revenge for the killing of Pamela Mastropietro.
Traini’s racist drive-by attack should be understood as part of a worrying trend of systematic neofascist physical assaults—some of which lethal—against migrants. Given the rise in these attacks in the recent years, the Bologna based anti-fascist collective Infoantifa Ecn has recently released an interactive map that documents more than 140 neofascist aggressions since 2014. As correctly pointed out by journalist Annalisa Camilli, fascism is (again) a national emergency in Italy.
Mainstream right-wing parties reacted to the Macerata shooting with different degrees of ambiguity. Silvio Berlusconi, the candidate for the centre-right coalition at the forthcoming March 2018 national elections, tried to depoliticize the armed aggression and defined it as the act of a “mentally unstable” man with no racist or fascist motive. In addition, he tried to instrumentalize the shooting and argued that migrants are a “social bomb,” promising the expulsion of 600.000 of them in case he will be elected.
Along similar lines, Matteo Salvini, the leader of the Northern League, the party for which the shooter was a candidate at the 2017 local elections in the province of Macerata, claimed that “uncontrolled migrations will lead [Italy] to social war. Building on Berlusconi’s and Salvini’s comments, other candidates of the centre-right coalition blamed the shooting on the centre-left coalition and their “benevolent” migration policies during the recent years, while the Five Star Movement’s candidate remained silent and did not release any official statement on the attack.
On the left, the Democratic Party’s Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni stated that “hate and violence will not divide us” and that “criminal acts cannot have an ideological component.” The Democratic Party’s candidate for the March 2018 elections, Matteo Renzi, defined Luca Traini as a “crazy man” and invited his colleagues not to instrumentalize the shooting. While the PM and Renzi, not unlike Berlusconi, downplayed the ideological component of the shooting, ex-President of the Chamber of Deputies and candidate with the Liberi e Uguali [Free and Equals] Party, Laura Boldrini, defined the shooting a “terrorist attack” carried out by an “armed fascist,” and rebuked the Northern League for “teaching hate.”
Underscoring that the Macerata attack is part of an alarming chain of neofascist aggressions, the newly created leftist party Potere al Popolo [Power to the People] asked the Democratic Party’s Minister of Interior Marco Minniti to shut down all the political organizations inspired by fascism. However, Minniti does not seem to be ready to take such a “radical” decision—which actually would merely apply the Italian Constitution and its prohibition of the “promotion of any association that pursues the aims of the Fascist party or anyone who exalts its principles.”
Instead, the Minister of the Interior and his centre-left government are proud supporters of the hard line against migrants. Last year, the Minister threatened to close the Italian ports to migrants arriving from the South of the Mediterrenean and promoted a revision of the EU asylum policies. Instead of shutting down fascist organizations, Minniti and some of his governmental allies seem more busy trying to shut down ports—an open violation of international law and the principle of non-refoulement, since many refugees dock in Italy—, striking deals with Libyan smuggling gangs, and preventing NGOs that rescue migrant boats in the Mediterranean from doing their job.
Few days after the Macerata shooting, Minniti proudly claimed that he is trying to stop migrants from entering Italy because he “forecasted Traini [’s drive-by attack].” His statement aligns with the dominant racist discourse in Italy, and is a perfect picture of why the country is facing again a fascist national emergency.
Anti-migrant sentiments are fueled transversally across the whole parliamentary arch, with very few exceptions. Mainstream left-wing forces like the Democratic Party are complicit with right-wing parties in creating this political environment of fear against migrants in which neofascist violence is growing.
The new fascism is neither a marginal phenomenon, nor a question of a bunch of “mentally unstable” and “crazy men.” Instead, it is a plague proliferating also within Italy’s democratic institutions, like the fascism of old.