6 Mar 2019

Warnings of further housing plunge and job losses in Australia

Mike Head 

Dire reports are appearing in Australia’s financial media, away from the view of most of the population, about the state of the economy and its implications, especially for property prices, jobs and the agenda of the next government.
House values could fall by as much as another 25 percent this year, and more than 50,000 construction and retail jobs could be eliminated, according to forecasters. New lending for housing has fallen almost 15 percent since mid-2018.
These fears are interlaced with concerns over the impact of the US-China conflict, the Brexit crisis and global financial volatility.
With a federal election due in May, the corporate elite is denouncing both the fracturing Liberal-National government and the Labor Party opposition for making populist promises in order to buy votes. It is insisting that austerity measures be imposed.
The Australian Financial Review this week highlighted a report by housing market analyst LF Economics, entitled “Let the Bloodbath Begin.” It predicts a worse phase ahead in the bursting of the debt-financed real estate bubble that kept much of Australian capitalism afloat when the mining boom finally imploded in 2012, four years after the global financial crisis.
LF’s baseline prediction is a 15-20 percent average fall in house prices nationally during 2019, although 25 percent is possible, accelerating the 6 percent drop since the 2017 peak. The report lists 18 factors putting pressure on the markets, especially in Sydney and Melbourne, the country’s two largest cities.
One factor is $120 billion worth of interest-only loans, promoted by the predatory banks during the boom, now transitioning to full principal and interest loans by 2021. Heavily-indebted households and over-committed investors face increases of 20 to 50 percent in their mortgage repayments, combined with falling property values, heightening the risks of “considerable financial stress.”
The next five factors relate to a growing credit crunch and changes in the way banks operate following a financial services royal commission into rapacious lending practices and other abuses. The changes include tougher criteria and expense verification on loan applications, producing a rising rate of mortgage rejections.
LF’s other factors include “foreign buyer exodus,” “class action lawsuits” over shoddy construction, “criminal prosecutions” for unsafe buildings, and Labor’s proposed cuts to investors’ tax subsidies.
Along with falling rental income, particularly in Sydney, and construction defects in “off the plan” apartment blocks such as Sydney’s Opal Tower, the market is moving into the “third stage” of a five-stage bubble-bursting process, LF said.
The first two stages surround price falls and cancelled projects while the third stage refers to a deflation of property prices falling past “thresholds that owners are comfortable with.”
Stage four is when a recession starts. Banks suffer a profit “wipe-out,” residential construction comes to a “grinding halt,” properties go unsold as mortgage defaults and unemployment rise. The mindset is “we’re doomed.”
The final stage is when the property market finds its “floor.” Banks have been bailed out or nationalised but credit availability is still limited. Cashed-up buyers or private funds buy distressed debt and dwellings at discounted rates.
Not all corporate analysts agree with this doomsday scenario, but most forecast a further house price fall this year of at least 8 percent, taking the total drop to around 14 percent.
This is a sharp reversal from the 50 to 70 percent rise from 2012 to 2017 that enabled households, hit by falling real wages, to borrow money on the back of higher property values, sending their average debt levels to almost double their income.
In some parts of Australia, house prices have dropped further already. Prices in Perth, the capital of Western Australia, a mining boom state, have fallen 17.8 percent since they peaked four years ago.
The dramatic fall off in foreign buying of housing was confirmed by Foreign Investment Review Board figures showing offshore demand has all but disappeared. UBS analysts said the market had gone from a “super boom,” capped by a record $72 billion in 2015-16, to approvals collapsing by 83 percent over two years to $12.5 billion in 2017-18.
This is another indicator of Australian capitalism’s vulnerability to global turmoil, on top of the feared fallout from the Trump administration’s trade and economic war against China, Australia’s largest single export market.
With total construction work already down in the last quarter of 2018 by 2.6 percent from the same period in 2017, UBS is predicting that 50,000 jobs will be lost in the building industry over the next six months. Analysts are also warning of further retail jobs to go, amid a growing list of retail chain bankruptcies and store closures, sending the official jobless rate up from 5.0 to 5.5 percent by the end of the year.
Such a rise would mean another 67,350 jobless, taking the total above 740,000, even on the seriously understated Australian Bureau of Statistics estimates. “Underemployment,” currently at 8.1 percent, would likely rise as well as more workers are forced into lower-paid temporary, casual and part-time employment.
These conditions are generating ruling class demands for further measures to slash social spending and boost corporate profits.
Treasury Secretary Philip Gaetjens this week told a Senate Estimates committee that falling housing prices could further impact stagnating consumer spending, exacerbating the risks facing the Australian economy as global economic momentum faltered amid a US-China trade conflict.
Gaetjens declared that with “new downside economic risks emerging” both locally and abroad, it was “vital” for the government that “fiscal discipline be maintained to ensure Australia has budget headroom to be adequately prepared for any adverse surprises.”
A series of Australian Financial Review editorials this week focused on an International Monetary Fund (IMF) projection of continued stagnation in real incomes per person and falling living standards for the next six years, on top of a six-year decline since 2012.
According to the IMF, incomes adjusted for inflation would average just 0.3 percent growth a year through to 2024, well below the long-term average of 1.8 percent since the 1960s. But even this figure grossly underestimates the impact on working class households, because it is an average that includes company profits and dividends.
Mining export prices have recovered somewhat since 2016, and company profits have soared, but wages have remained suppressed, with the trade unions keeping workers straitjacketed via union-employer workplace agreements.
On February 25, the financial newspaper featured a column by Craig Emerson, a cabinet minister in the last Labor government of 2007 to 2013, insisting: “The party that wins the coming election will have its work cut out for it if the IMF’s projections about material living standards are any guide.
“Shirking hard decisions in favour of populism will, ironically, fail to gain popular support, as workers continue to struggle on flat wages in a slowing domestic and global economy.”
This is a warning that a Labor Party-led government will be committed to implementing the dictates of the financial markets, regardless of Labor’s pre-election rhetoric of “fairness.”
A February 26 Australian Financial Review editorial issued seven demands of an incoming government, supposedly to reboot “the hard-won productivity reforms of the 1980s and 1990s”—a reference to the pro-market restructuring enforced by the Hawke and Keating Labor governments and their trade union partners.
The demands included slashing company and income taxes to “globally uncompetitive” rates, and “shifting the tax base” to the Goods and Services Tax, which hits working class households the most.
Also on the list were measures to prevent industry-wide wage rises and “excessive minimum wage or penalty rates” and an avoidance of a regulatory “overreaction” to the financial services royal commission. Such a “lapse into anti-business populism” would “heedlessly damage companies and wealth creators.”
The editorial concluded by calling for a return to the “resolve” displayed by the Hawke and Keating Labor governments. These comments reveal the anxiety haunting the capitalist class—that falling living conditions and deepening inequality will fuel a working class rebellion that the Labor and union bureaucracy cannot contain.

UK: The human cost of the right-to-buy housing crisis

Charles Hixson

Former Conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s right-to-buy scheme for council house tenants was first launched in 1980. It continues to exercise destructive affects in England’s housing market, according to an analysis of Freedom of Information data.
After requests were sent by Inside Housing magazine to 111 English councils, it emerged that over 40 percent of council houses once sold under right-to-buy terms to their tenants are now being privately rented out.
In some cases, councils have been forced to buy back their own properties at more than six times the price for which they previously sold them, severely damaging their ability to help those who most need housing. Local authorities now pay private landlords to house homeless families in 2,333 right-to-buy properties and have spent £22 million yearly simply renting back the buildings they had once owned as temporary housing.
Some 466 companies or individuals now have leaseholds for at least five former council homes.
The media is full of reports on the devastation wrought by right-to buy, observing that rents take up half of tenants’ income, that the scheme benefits only the wealthiest of tenants, and that it has facilitated an enormous transfer of wealth from the public to private sector.
Homes lost under the scheme have not been replaced in any adequate number. The Resolution Foundation reports that English local authorities and housing associations have built only one home for every two sold under the scheme.
Following the Conservative election victory in 2010, the government stepped up sales of council houses, and by 2013 then Chancellor George Osborne raised the maximum discount available for renting a London Council house to £100,000.
Financial information group Moneyfacts found that the average rate on a two-year buy-to-let loan at a fixed rate had fallen from 5.23 percent in 2010 to 3.26 percent by 2015. Simultaneously, the number of fee-free deals available to landlords saw a huge rise. These policies have been labelled as “asset stripping” and “vote buying.”
By the end of 2017, seven local councils—Milton Keynes, Bolsover, Brighton and Hove, Canterbury, Chester West and Chester, Stevenage, and Nuneaton and Bedworth—actually had letting levels of more than 50 percent of their own former council homes.
In London, where the crisis is worst, 2.3 million people by late 2017 (27 percent of all residents) lived in poverty—most of them from working families. The homeless population reached 170,000, more than double that of just five years before.
In a report published in January by Labour London Assembly member Tom Copley—calling for the abolition of right-to-buy but only in London—he revealed that 54,540 households were living in temporary accommodation, including 87,310 children. Some 38 percent of this property is now being leased from the private sector.
Labour-run Ealing Council has bought back 516 properties they originally sold for a total of £16,230,470. They have spent £107,071,333 repurchasing them—more than six times the original selling price. Since 1998-99, 102,480 London council properties have been sold, but only 3,000 new ones built.
Local authorities which provided 30 percent of the total housing stock in 1980 now only furnish 8 percent. London council rents average £108 weekly, while private rents cost a whopping £359.
According to PwC (PricewaterhouseCoopers), the next few years will see further pressure on the rental market. Nearly 60 percent of 20- to 39-year-olds in England will rent homes by 2025, while only 26 percent will gain an initial foothold in housing ownership, down from 38 percent in 2013. The biggest change will be among the 25-34 age group, with two-thirds of all households in private rental accommodation by 2025, compared with 48 percent in 2013.
A third of all 35- to 44-year-olds will still be renting in 10 years, up from 24 percent in 2013. Many would-be home buyers will find it impossible to keep up with mortgage payments during a period where food and fuel prices surpass wage packets.
As well as being deprived of housing stock, councils are financially penalised by right-to-buy. Under council housing schemes, rent collected covers building costs in the long-term, eventually allowing for a profit by the local authority which can in turn reinvest. Under right-to-buy regulations, councils must remit part of the receipts of those sales to the government.
A Local Government Association report drawn up by Savills last year concluded that two-thirds of England’s councils will be unable to replace the same number of homes sold off under right-to-buy in five years’ time without “significant” restructuring of the scheme. Sales had peaked between 2015-17, reducing volumes, which was “particularly true in London.”
Prime Minister Theresa May’s government announced last August that it would press ahead on a new £200 million right-to-buy pilot scheme in the West Midlands. And despite Copley’s belated call for right-to-buy’s abolition in London, the Labour Party—who control all the main urban local authorities in Britain—has been at the forefront of the social cleansing of working-class residents throughout the UK.
Campaigning for the Labour leadership in 2015, Jeremy Corbyn argued that the right-to-buy should be extended to include people living in privately rented properties. “So why not go with right-to-buy”, he suggested, adding, “we need to go further and think of new ways to get more people into secure housing.”
Corbyn dare not call for a massive programme of public house building because he wants to prove that Labour will be “fiscally prudent.” The housing charity Shelter says 3.1 million homes will have to be built by 2040 to meet shortfalls.
Corbyn’s suggestion was taken up the following year by Civitas, the pro-free-market think tank. They proposed that tenants be allowed discounts, but they “should never be so high as to impose losses on the landlord” and suggested that discounts be capped and landlords be protected by a capital gains tax concession.
With the total failure of right-to-buy, Labour now promises that it “will suspend the right-to-buy policy to protect affordable homes for local people …”
The party refuses to abolish the scheme, adding the caveat that councils will be “able to resume sales if they can prove they have a plan to replace homes sold like-for-like.”
After so many decades where this pipe dream has never occurred, there is no reason to believe that the intended replacements will ever see the light of day.
London Mayor Sadiq Khan, who has presided over the sell-off of thousands of council properties, has failed to build replacement social housing. Last May, Khan, who is making housing the central plank of his re-election campaign, promised a woefully inadequate 10,000 new council homes in the next four years.
Such has been Khan’s shoddy record on social housing provision, as he has developed cosy relations with private property developers, that his likely Tory challenger, Shaun Bailey, was able to state, “The Mayor came into office saying he’d sort out London’s housing market; instead what he’s overseen is an eye-watering drop of 20 percent in new build starts.”
Access to decent affordable housing is a basic human right, but under capitalism it is increasingly unavailable. Only a socialist reorganisation of society can satisfy the desperate and growing need for decent housing for all. The never-ending austerity programme, which has plunged millions into poverty over the last decade, exacerbating the housing crisis, must be reversed and billions spent to provide decent-paying jobs, free and high-quality health care, housing, education and social services for all. The necessary wealth for this must be taken from the billionaires and used to meet essential social needs.

Spain holds political show trial of Catalan nationalist defendants

Alejandro López & Alex Lantier

Over the last two weeks, Madrid has launched a judicial frame-up of Catalan nationalist politicians and leaders in a public show trial. Their prosecution on charges of rebellion, sedition and misuse of public funds for organising the 2017 independence referendum is groundless and reactionary.
Defendants include former Catalan regional ministers, the former speaker of the Catalan parliament and leaders of two pro-independence groups, the Catalan National Assembly (ANC) and Òmnium Cultural. Nine of them have been in preventive custody for over 500 days and face up to 25 years in jail for organising a peaceful referendum on Catalan independence from Spain. The most serious charge they face is rebellion, i.e., “violently and publicly” trying to “abrogate, suspend or modify the Constitution, either totally or partially.”
The International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI) opposed the Catalan referendum, calling for a “no” vote on a proposal that would have divided workers in the Iberian peninsula by forming a Catalan state oriented to the reactionary European Union (EU). But Madrid’s charges against the defendants are lies. The Catalan separatists sought to obtain independence via a peaceful referendum and negotiations with Madrid, who cracked down brutally on pro-independence voters.
Now, the Spanish media and political establishment are whipping up a nationalist frenzy around distorted accounts of various events. One was the September 20, 2017 protest in Barcelona, 10 days before the referendum and the police crackdown that left over 1,000 people injured.
On September 20, paramilitary Civil Guards arrested top Catalan officials and searched state offices for evidence that the referendum had been illegally organized. The ANC and Òmnium called rallies outside the offices. Later that night, as tensions rose, ANC leader Jordi Sánchez and Òmnium President Jordi Cuixart tried to disperse the crowd. Two Civil Guards vehicles were vandalized, but no one was injured.
Last Thursday, Cuixart testified about these events. Under questioning by public prosecutors and the state’s attorney—named by the Socialist Party (PSOE) government—he rejected claims that minor clashes constituted “a continued assault” on searches by the Civil Guards and a judicial team. Cuixart stated it was a legal protest. He also stated that he talked with the Civil Guards in charge of the operation, as shown on video, as well as Catalan interior security official Joaquim Forn (also accused of rebellion), and the head of the regional police force, the Mossos dEsquadra.
Despite trolling through Cuixart’s emails and Tweets, prosecutors failed to show that he instigated violence.
Sánchez said the authorities requested help to open up a corridor through which the judicial team could pass, which was done: “That this was a public order issue and it wasn’t my responsibility.” He said that at no point did he encourage “a riotous uprising by ordinary people.”
Charges that Catalan officials were guilty of “misuse of public funds” are also groundless. Former Spanish Finance Minister Cristobal Montoro, who imposed a draconian auditing regime on the Catalan government before the referendum to keep public funds from being used to hold it, testified that “the Catalan government ... had no possibility to call the referendum using public money.” In this, Montoro was repeating his public statements to the Spanish parliament.
Trying to maintain the credibility of the trial without perjuring himself, Montoro added a vague statement that “we cannot exclude that there were fraudulent actions to organize the referendum.”
The Spanish bourgeoisie is using the trial to legitimise its bloody crackdown on the referendum and move towards a fascistic dictatorship by rehabilitating the 20th century fascist regime of Francisco Franco. This is shown by the court’s extraordinary handling of the new, pro-Francoite VOX party.
VOX’s officials have publicly hailed Franco’s army in the 1936-1939 Civil War, which started when he launched a coup against an elected government and ended in a fascist victory and mass slaughter of hundreds of thousands of left-wing workers and youth.
VOX was also authorized to constitute itself as a plaintiff in the Catalan trial. When it demanded testimony from Candidatures of Popular Unity (CUP) party members Antonio Baños and Eulàlia Reguant, they refused. Baños said, “I won’t respond due to democratic dignity and anti-fascism.”
Remarkably, both were fined €2,500 for taking this position.
Last week, the three top officials of the right-wing Popular Party (PP) government that was in power during the referendum crisis all defended the crackdown on voters. Former Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, Deputy Prime Minister Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría and Interior Minister Juan Ignacio Zoido all testified. They accused the Catalan nationalists of systematic violence in the autumn of 2017 and of using civilians as “human shields” to keep police away from voting stations. They also all denied they were in charge of the police crackdown.
VOX took this occasion to attack Rajoy for not using the referendum to impose martial law. Its general secretary, Javier Ortega Smith, asked Rajoy why he had not used Article 116 of the constitution—the state of alarm, exception and siege, involving the use of the military—but simply suspended Catalan self-rule, using Article 155 of the Constitution.
Rajoy, the chief architect of a battery of police state laws during his seven-year rule, cynically replied that he “did not want to interfere with the individual liberties of the people.”
The trial has also exposed the bankruptcy and impotence of the Catalan nationalists. Their plan throughout the crisis never went any further than striking a deal with Madrid involving the granting of increased Catalan regional powers. But Madrid offered them no such deal, instead taking their secessionist bluster as an opportunity to crush them and shift official politics far to the right.
Basque regional premier Íñigo Urkullu, who during the crisis acted as an intermediary between Rajoy and Catalan regional premier Carles Puigdemont, told the Supreme Court that “Puigdemont had no intention of declaring independence.” Puigdemont implicitly threatened to do so when Rajoy refused to guarantee that he would not impose Article 155 if new elections were called.
Former parliamentary speaker Carme Forcadell said former regional premier Carles Puigdemont’s October 27 independence declaration, which he immediately suspended, was purely symbolic. She said they hoped for support from the EU, which backed Rajoy’s crackdown: “Our movement has always been pro-European and we believe that self-determination is our right. The EU should support us, not for independence but for exercising our rights.”
Former Catalan regional minister for business Santi Vila declared that “It wasn’t a referendum,” but “It was a major political mobilization.”
These events constitute an urgent warning on the state of Spanish and European democracy. That such a blatant show trial can proceed without provoking the organisation of mass protests and universal condemnation is an indictment of the political system. It is yet another exposure of the impotence of Spain’s pseudo-left Podemos party: despite having won 5 million votes in the 2016 elections, it has organised no meaningful opposition.
The only force that can defend democratic rights is the working class, mobilised independently of and against the entire ruling class.

India-Pakistan war tensions escalate

Deepal Jayasekera 

War tensions between India and Pakistan continue to escalate, posing the danger of an all-out military conflict involving nuclear weapons.
At least six civilians and two Pakistani soldiers were killed on Friday and Saturday as a result of cross-border shelling from both sides along the Line of Control (LoC), which separates the two parts of Kashmir ruled by India and Pakistan. Indian and Pakistani troops have attacked each other’s military posts and villages.
The Pakistani military said that two of its soldiers were killed by Indian firing over the LoC on Friday. The next day, two civilians were killed and two others injured by the resumption of shelling from the Indian side.
Umar Azam, a Pakistani government official, accused Indian troops of “indiscriminately targeting border villagers” using heavy weaponry along the LoC. Indian police said that Pakistani shelling on Friday killed a mother and two children, and critically wounded the father, in the Poonch region near the LoC.
Thousands of villagers on both sides of the LoC have fled to government-run shelters or relatives’ homes. Denouncing the cross-border fighting between the Pakistani and Indian militaries, a resident from Mendhar in Indian Kashmir told the media: “These battles are being fought on our bodies, in our homes and fields, and we still don’t have anything in our hands.”
The current fighting erupted after 40 Indian soldiers were killed in a suicide attack by Kashmir separatists on February 14. The Indian government immediately seized on the attack, which was carried out by the Pakistani-based Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), to launch a war-mongering campaign against Pakistan. Islamabad insisted it had no hand in the incident.
Last Tuesday morning Indian war planes launched a bombing raid deep inside Pakistan, the first such attack since the end of the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war. New Delhi claimed the raid destroyed a major JeM camp, killing hundreds of “terrorists.” Islamabad, however, declared that its air force had chased away the Indian planes, which dropped explosives in a forest area, and that there were no casualties.
On Wednesday, Pakistan retaliated sending its warplanes into airspace over the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. In the resulting dogfight the Pakistan air force shot down at least one Indian plane, which fell inside Pakistan territory. The pilot was captured.
On Friday night, Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan released the Indian pilot as a “peace gesture” and called for talks with India. The Indian government declared that there would not be any talks with Pakistan until it ended all support for Kashmir separatists. Having dismissed Islamabad’s show of good will, it proceeded to parade the pilot as a national hero.
Indian Air Marshal C. Hari Kumar, who oversaw last Tuesday’s air strike against Pakistan, told the Hindu on Saturday: “Nobody wants war [but] … We cannot tolerate cross border terrorism. The message has to be sent that we cannot lose citizens, in uniform or otherwise. Our IAF [Indian Air Force] has the capability to hit anywhere.”
Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi told the BBC on Saturday that although Islamabad never wanted a crisis it was ready to cooperate with India, but insisted, “We are on high alert.”
The seven-decade geo-political rivalry between India and Pakistan and the conflict over Kashmir is a product of the 1947 communal partition of British India into a Muslim Pakistan and a Hindu-dominated India. Both India and Pakistan claim the whole of Kashmir. The competing claims provoked a conflict shortly after partition that led to a divided state and continuing tensions that have repeatedly flared.
Both ruling elites use national chauvinism as a means of dividing the working class and oppressed masses between and within their countries. India has maintained its rule over Jammu and Kashmir through a brutal military occupation, which has led to the formation of various armed separatist groups.
While suppressing the basic democratic rights of the masses in the part of Kashmir that it rules, Islamabad cynically uses the Indian military repression in Jammu and Kashmir to promote separatism in Indian Kashmir and pursue its own reactionary geo-political interests in the region.
The decades-long rivalry between India and Pakistan, however, is now being intensified and fuelled by global geo-political tensions between the US and China.
Washington’s support for India as a key partner of its military-strategic offensive against China has encouraged New Delhi to adopt a more hawkish posture against Islamabad. India’s air strike inside Pakistan territory was given the green light by Washington, when it said that New Delhi had “the right to self-defence.”
Last Thursday US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told reporters that he had been talking to his Indian counterpart Sushma Swaraj, Indian National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, and Pakistani Foreign Minister Qureshi to “encourage each country not to take any action that would escalate and create increased risk.”
Washington’s claims that it wants to prevent an all-out war between India and Pakistan is not out of concern for the fate of millions of people, the victims of such a military conflict on the subcontinent, but flows from its geo-political and military agenda.
The US values its growing military-strategic partnership with India as a major component of its war drive against China. At the same time, it has enlisted Pakistan to pursue its strategic interests in Afghanistan, particularly to broker a negotiated settlement with the Taliban.
The US is therefore concerned that an open military conflict between India and Pakistan will cut across its geo-strategic interests. Irrespective of its intentions, US aggression in Asia against China have added further fuel to decades-long rivalry between India and Pakistan.

2 Mar 2019

Injini Edtech Incubator for African Education Startups (Fully-funded to South Africa) 2019

Application Deadline: 17th March 2019

To Be Taken At (Country): South Africa


About the Award: Injini is the first EdTech dedicated incubator programme on the African continent. It is the only opportunity for EdTech entrepreneurs based anywhere in Africa to get industry specialist mentoring, support, scale up and funding introductions, and early stage funding.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: The programme is open to anyone from, based in or focused on any African country.
  • Profit businesses, focused on Africa and on as broad a section of the population as possible (especially low income), that address learning from early years to adults using technology.
  • Innovative but effective approaches that can scale quickly.
  • Tested tech because evidence shows it can improve the quality of or extend access to education, not for the sake of using tech.
Number of Awards: 20

Value of Award: 
  • Everyone in the program will be covered for flights to and from Cape Town, for accommodation , and receive a small allowance for extra living costs incurred while in Cape Town.
  •  As part of this revised programme, each start-up will be eligible for a ZAR 100k grant (ca. $7.5k), after which the cohort will compete for follow-on equity investment of up to $75k per startup.
How to Apply: Apply here
  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage (see link below) before applying
Visit the Program Webpage for Details 

Global Investigative Journalism Conference (GIJC) 2019 for Journalists in Developing countries (Fully-funded to Hamburg, Germany)

Application Deadline: 5th May 2019

Eligible Countries: Developing countries


To Be Taken At (Country): Johannesburg, South Africa

About the Award: The Global Investigative Journalism Conference (GIJC) is the premier international gathering of investigative and data journalists, held once every two years. This year, the 11th global conference will be held in Hamburg, Germany from September 26 to 29, and is being co-hosted by the Global Investigative Journalism Network, Netzwerk Recherche and Interlink Academy.
With the support of our sponsors, we are offering travel fellowships to both established and young promising journalists in developing and transitioning countries, as well as to members of particular communities. Competition is keen so you need to convince us that you’ll make great use of the training GIJC19 offers.
Winners will be notified via email by June 30, 2019.

Type: Workshop/Conference

Eligibility:
  • Open to full-time print, online, television, video, radio, documentary and multimedia journalists in developing or transitioning countries;
  • Experience in investigative or data journalism a plus;
  • Special categories for journalists from LGBTQ communities, indigenous peoples, citizen investigators, and journalists exiled from their homelands;
  • Sorry, Western journalists based overseas are not eligible.
Number of Awards: over 200

Value of Award:
+ Round-trip airfare to Hamburg, Germany
+ Hotel room for four nights
+ Transport between Hamburg airport and the conference hotel
+ Breakfast and lunch on conference days
+ Award ceremony banquet dinner
+ Conference fee


The fellowship does not include a per diem, visa fees, or transport to and from your home country airport. This is a training conference, and fellows are expected to pay for these costs.
Following the conference, fellows are required to either produce a story directly related to #GIJC19 or give a presentation of the knowledge you have gained at #GIJC19 in your home country to other colleagues or the journalism community at-large.

Duration of Program: September 26 to 29 2019

How to Apply: To apply for a place, fill in the application form in the link below


Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Kistefos Young Talented Leader Scholarships Program 2019/2020 for African and Norwegian Students

Application Deadline: Ongoing

Eligible Countries: Norway, South Africa, Liberia, and Ethiopia. 


To be taken at (country): Norway

About the Award: Over four years, the program will grant a total of 46 scholarships to candidates in Norway, South Africa, Liberia, and Ethiopia.  The Fellowships for Leading Norwegian Talent will include two scholarships for undergraduate studies and 20 scholarships for pre-experience masters and the Fellowships for Leading Africa Talent will include 24 scholarships for pre-experience masters for candidates. 

Type: Masters

Eligibility: Scholarship candidates must demonstrate academic and personal excellence, strong leadership capabilities, an entrepreneurial mindset, and a commitment to impacting their home countries upon graduation.

Number of Awards: 24

Value of Award: All scholarships will cover up to 100% of tuition fees including living expenses and travel arrangements for the master programs.

Duration of Programme: 2 years

How to Apply: 
  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage (see link below) before applying
Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Alibaba eFounders Fellowship (Class 5) 2019 for African Entrepreneurs

Application Deadline: 17th March 2019

Eligible Countries: African countries


To Be Taken At (Country): Alibaba Xixi Campus – Hangzhou, China

About the Award: The eFounders Fellowship is a two-week course for entrepreneurs in developing countries who are operating open, platform-based businesses in the ecommerce, logistics, big data, and tourism spaces. The program will provide first-hand exposure to and learning about ecommerce innovations from China and around the world that enabled growth and a more inclusive development model for all.
The eFounders Fellowship program provides first-hand exposure to ecommerce and digital innovations, access to business leaders across Alibaba and China, as well as an opportunity to connect with like-minded, leading entrepreneurs in your region. The fellowship is a community of passionate and successful “Champions for the New Economy” looking to inspire and create a more inclusive development model for all.
The eFounders Fellowship program is jointly organized by Alibaba Business School and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), who are implementing the Sustainable Development Goals for 2030.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: 
  • You MUST be a founder or co-founder of an officially registered digital venture that has been in operation for at least 2 years.
  • Your venture MUST be headquartered, located in or operates in one of the following countries: Botswana, Cameroon, Chad, Kenya, Rwanda, or Uganda.
  • You MUST provide at least 1 referral in your application (referrals from a partner/organizer/eFounders Fellow are preferred).
  • You MUST provide your official business license when requested during the application process.
  • Entrepreneurs below 40 years old, female entrepreneurs, and target country locals are strongly encouraged to apply.
Selection Criteria: Class 5 welcomes entrepreneurs who are:
  • Authentic, open-minded and altruistic leaders of the ‘new economy’.
  • Building enterprises for long-term success, not for short-term profit.
  • Mission-driven and have a strong sense of purpose, integrity, vision and drive.
  • Willing to learn and share their experiences and ideas.
Number of Awards: There will be 40 places available

Value of Award: 
Covered:
• Hotel accommodation (shared room).
• Daily meal allowance for breakfast (included in the hotel), lunch and dinner.
• Field trip and site visit transportation costs
Not covered (costs you must personally cover):
• Air tickets and transportation/pick-up services to and from Hangzhou, China.
• Single hotel room requests (if you would like to stay in a single room you will be required to cover the full cost yourself).
• Additional food or personal expenses.

Duration of Program: May 11 – 22, 2019


How to Apply: Apply Here


Visit the Program Webpage for Details

SAR Campbell Advanced Seminar 2019 for Women from Developing Countries

Application Deadline: 30th April 2019

Eligible Countries: Developing Countries


Type: Conference

Eligibility: Several of the seminar participants must be women scholars or scholars/practitioners from the developing world since one of the goals of the seminar is to foster professional linkages and the sharing of relevant experiences.  Proposals may address global problems or focus on specific regional questions.  Above all, the participants should be committed to producing practical improvements in the lives of women and workable proposals likely to achieve that end.  Seminars focused on broad policy issues will be judged according to whether practical implementation measures are included in the discussion.
The Women and Development Seminar will consist of 10 scholars — including one or two who serve as chair/s — who meet at SAR’s Santa Fe campus for five days of intense discussion. Participants appraise ongoing research, assess recent innovations in theory and methods, and share data relevant to broad anthropological problems.
Seminar papers are circulated among participants at least one month prior to the seminar and are discussed during the sessions. These discussions are followed by a consideration of crosscutting issues and a synthesis of ideas. Following the seminar, the chair is required to submit a 1,500-word summary for use on the School’s web site and in the annual report. Work that results from the seminar may be considered for submission to SAR Press for publication in its Advanced Seminar Series.

Selection Criteria: Seminars are awarded competitively based on evaluations by a specially convened panel of reviewers who represent a broad spectrum of intellectual expertise.

Applications are evaluated by the following criteria:
  • Proposal Presentation: Proposals should explain the research topic, key questions to be addressed, and methodologies in a clear and organized manner. Competitive proposals are jargon free.
  • Significance of Seminar: Proposals should make a strong case for the intellectual significance of the seminar. How is the research exciting, innovative, and important in a broad anthropological and humanistic perspective?
  • Appropriateness for SAR: The proposed seminar should clearly align with SAR’s Mission.
  • Quality of Research: Research questions and goals should clearly align with the project’s methodologies and stated outcomes. Expected results should be realistic and achievable and the project should be professionally responsible.
  • Timeliness of Seminar: The proposal should make a strong case for why a seminar is necessary to address the topic and why the seminar is needed now.
  • Ability of Organizer(s): The CVs of the organizer(s) should demonstrate proven experience in organizing academic events (e.g., chairing conference panel sessions, co-editing book volumes or special journal issues). Their publication records should be strong relative to their discipline and career stage.
  • Appropriateness of Participant List: The participants’ research expertise and professional experience should clearly align with the seminar’s research topic and key questions to be addressed. Each participant’s anticipated contribution to the seminar should be stated.
Number of Awards: 10

Value of Award:
  • Seminars are held in the School’s comfortable and fully staffed seminar house, which has a meeting room, dining room, kitchen, private bedrooms for participants, and a pleasant courtyard. Every effort is made to create an atmosphere in which participants can meet without interruption or distraction.
  • The School provides round-trip coach airfare, lodging, visa expenses, and all meals for up to ten participants. Travel costs are reimbursed at a rate of $500 per participant for domestic travel. SAR will reimburse travel costs for five international participants at a rate of $1,700 each.
Duration of Programme: TBC

How to Apply: All application materials must be submitted by email to spray@sarsf.org. Only fully completed applications that adhere to SAR’s guidelines and deadlines will be considered. The completed application must be submitted by April 30, 2019.
  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage (see link below) before applying
Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Swiss Sub-saharan Africa Migration Network 2019 Call for Projects

Application Deadline: 15th April 2019

Eligible Countries: Sub-saharan African countries. Key countries are: Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda, as well as Côte d’Ivoire, South Africa, and Tanzania.


About the Award:  The objective of the Swiss Subsaharan Africa Migration (S-SAM) network is to build and strengthen long-term partnerships between migration researchers in Subsaharan Africa and Switzerland.
Within the large field of human migration, we focus on aspects of migration to Europe before migrants reach their destination. This includes the following topics:

– Reasons and motivations to migrate. Here we seek novel research on aspirations and abilities to migrate, on the nature of different ‘pull’ effects and the choice of destination country, or on the role of information in decisions to migrate. Research may focus on questions of preparations, anticipation of problems ‘en route’ and in the country of destination (e.g. discrimination), or on similarities and differences between South-South and South-North migration.

– Student migration. Here we seek novel research on student migration from Subsaharan Africa to Switzerland and Europe, as a specific motivation to migrate.

– Migration and health. Here we seek novel research on the situation ‘en route’ to Europe, how health affects decisions to migrate (or stay put), how the migration experience itself affects the mental and physical health of migrants, or the migration trajectories of health workers.
Methodologically and with regards to academic discipline, S-SAM is open, but innovative and experimental research is encouraged, as is a focus on social mechanisms.

Type: Grants

Eligibility: You are at the transition from PhD to established researcher: either a late PhD (typically last year), or early postdoctoral researcher (typically first or second year). You are embedded in a university in a Subsaharan African country or in Switzerland, and study human migration. You have an excellent track record, an innovative idea, and are interested in academic exchange and working towards a joint project.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: You can apply for a small pilot study, an exchange, or the combination of the two.

Pilot studies: give you the opportunity to carry out your own research with independent funding. We call them ‘pilot studies’ because we want to encourage studies that can eventually expand. The aim of a pilot study should be to obtain sufficient empirical material for a research paper. The indicative budget of a pilot study is CHF 1,000 to 5,000.

Exchanges: For exchanges to Switzerland, the University of Neuchâtel figures as the hub for migration research in Switzerland. You will submit a clear project to be completed during your exchange. The exchange will take place in a bilateral frame between Switzerland and a Subsaharan African country — in either direction. Key countries are: Cameroon, Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda, as well as Côte d’Ivoire, South Africa, and Tanzania. Remuneration for travel and living expenses is according to the guidelines by the Swiss National Science Foundation. The combination with other exchanges is not excluded. The indicative budget of an exchange is CHF 5,000 to 10,000. All applicants are encouraged to bring external funding (e.g. matching funds), but this is not a requirement.

How to Apply: Submit your application online as indicated at the end of the call
  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage (see link below) before applying

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Poisoning the Public: Toxic Agrochemicals and Regulators’ Collusion with Industry

Colin Todhunter

In January 2019, campaigner Dr Rosemary Mason lodged a complaint with the European Ombudsman accusing European regulatory agencies of collusion with the agrochemicals industry. This was in the wake of an important paper by Charles Benbrook on the genotoxicity of glyphosate-based herbicides that appeared in the journal ‘Environmental Sciences Europe’.
In an unusual step, the editor-in-chief of that journal, Prof Henner Hollert, and his co-author, Prof Thomas Backhaus, issued a strong statement in support of the acceptance of Dr Benbrook’s article for publication. In a commentary published in the same issue of the journal, they write:
“We are convinced that the article provides new insights on why different conclusions regarding the carcinogenicity of glyphosate and GBHs [glyphosate-based herbicides] were reached by the US EPA and IARC. It is an important contribution to the discussion on the genotoxicity of GBHs.”
The IARC’s (International Agency for Research on Cancer) evaluation relied heavily on studies capable of shedding light on the distribution of real-world exposures and genotoxicity risk in exposed human populations, while the EPA’s (Environmental Protection Agency) evaluation placed little or no weight on such evidence.
Up to that point, Dr Mason had been writing to the European Chemicals Agency (ECHA), the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) and the EU Commission for an 18-month period, challenging them about ECHA’s positive assessment of glyphosate. Many people around the world had struggled to understand how and why the US EPA and the EFSA concluded that glyphosate is not genotoxic (damaging to DNA) or carcinogenic, whereas the World Health Organisation’s cancer agency, the IARC, came to the opposite conclusion.
The IARC stated that the evidence for glyphosate’s genotoxic potential is “strong” and that glyphosate is a probable human carcinogen. While IARC referenced only peer-reviewed studies and reports available in the public literature, the EPA relied heavily on unpublished regulatory studies commissioned by pesticide manufacturers.
In fact, 95 of the 151 genotoxicity assays cited in the EPA’s evaluation were from industry studies (63%), while IARC cited 100% public literature sources. Another important difference is that the EPA focused its analysis on glyphosate in its pure chemical form, or ‘glyphosate technical’. The problem with that is that almost no one is exposed to glyphosate alone. Applicators and the public are exposed to complete herbicide formulations consisting of glyphosate plus added ingredients (adjuvants). The formulations have repeatedly been shown to be more toxic than glyphosate in isolation.
Rejection of Dr Mason’s complaint
The European Ombudsman has now rejected Rosemary Mason’s complaint who has in turn written a 25-page response documenting the wide-ranging impacts of glyphosate-based Roundup and other agrochemicals on human health and the environment. She also outlines the various levels of duplicity that have allowed many of these chemicals to remain on the commercial market.
Mason is led to conclude that, due to the rejection of her complaint (as with others lodged by her to the Ombudsman), the European Ombudsman Office is also part of the problem and is essentially colluding with European pesticide regulatory authorities. Mason has addressed this concern directly to Emily O’Reilly, who currently holds the post of European Ombudsman:
“In your rejection of all my complaints over the last few years, it is clear that The Ombudsman’s Office is protecting the European pesticides regulatory authorities, who are in turn being controlled by the European Glyphosate Task Force…. You have turned a blind eye to the authorisation of many of the toxic pesticides that are on the market today because industry is being allowed to self-regulate.”
Some of the key points, claims and issues raised in Mason’s new report ‘The European Ombudsman is colluding with the European Pesticide Regulatory Authorities’ include:
*The European pesticide regulatory authorities and the European Ombudsman is colluding with industry, resulting in the poisoning of humans and the environment;
*Cancer Research UK is not addressing the impact of agrochemicals because it is heavily compromised by industry interests and therefore claims, “there is little evidence that pesticides cause cancer”;
*The UK Science Media Centre is an industry lobby organisation, which feeds the wider media and its journalists with misleading and false information about agrochemicals;
*Industry group the European Glyphosate Task Force (GTF) has been instrumental in ensuring the re-licensing of glyphosate in the EU;
*Maladministration and criminal collusion with the agrochemicals industry resulted in the renewal of glyphosate registration in the EU;
*The report touches on the condemnation of the ECHA’s positive classification of glyphosate by the judges of the International Monsanto Tribunal;
*The global insect apocalypse and the impact of intensive agriculture and pesticides is catastrophic;
*Children and adults have diminished mental acuity and exhibit increasing levels of mental health disorders, depression, suicides and anxiety as a result of exposure to agrochemicals;
*Monsanto’s sealed secret studies shows the company knew about impact of its product on cancers and eye damage;
*The report mentions UN expert on Toxins Baskut Tuncak’s call to put children’s health before pesticides;
*Mason outlines the poisoning of British food: breakfast cereals have shockingly high levels of glyphosate;
*She notes that 30,000 doctors and health professionals in Argentina have demanded a ban on glyphosate;
*Brazil’s National Cancer Institute statement that genetically modified crops are causing of massive pesticide use is referred to;
*The independence of regulatory decisions made by the Australian Pesticides and Veterinary Medicines Authority (APVMA) has been marred by political donations to Labor and the Coalition. In the 2017-18 financial year, Bayer donated $40,600 to Labor and $42,540 to the Coalition, with CropLife donating $34,271 to Labor and $22,300 to the Coalition;
*As a result, APVMA is allowing clothianidin and Roundup to be applied to crops in low lying areas which drains into The Great Barrier Reef;
*In turn, the poisoning of The Great Barrier Reef is taking place due to the impact of herbicides and long-acting insecticides.
There are numerous other important points and issues tackled in the report, which readers are urged to read in full. Mason names key individuals and provides all relevant links to research, reports and papers. You can access the report below. You can also access Dr Mason’s many other documents here.