17 Apr 2019

It Is Time To Take Guesswork Out Of Policies For The Poor

Moin Qazi

India has long been a testing ground for several western products, particularly in agriculture and medicine—making the most of loose regulations and genetic diversity of a huge population. It is done to help cut research costs dramatically for lucrative products to be sold in the West. The relationship is highly exploitative and many believe it represents a new colonialism.
Encouraging vulnerable and poor people to take risks raises ethical questions. This is really tragic because it is they, and not the outsider, who have to pay the price of failure. A painstaking reflection of such interventions needs to be demanded. New agricultural practices are being propagated with enticements of extravagant promises. By manipulating the choices of consumers at the low-income pyramid, they are being disempowered. The damage to the economy and ecology of these already fragile societies is now starkly visible. The cost of bearing the failure of these experiments can be significantly high for those who, apart from coping with harmful effects, also face the opportunity cost of setting them right.
In their book Poor Economics, development economists Esther Duflo and Abhijit Banerjee list hundreds of “common sense” development projects—crop insurance, food aid, microcredit—that either don’t help poor people or make them poorer. Many of the serious problems of farmers and the rural poor are largely a result of our misguided projects that have severely impaired the local ecology, leading to soil degradation, acute shortage of water, and resistant pests. Monsanto’s hybrid seeds are just one of many such cases. All these have been responsible for so called “afterthoughtish poverty”. Moreover such interventions encourage “social Darwinism”.
It is true that social impact and life-improving technologies –mobile phones and internet, high yielding seed varieties, modern drip irrigation, and low-cost solar-energy grids – have enormous potential to promote human well-being in ways that simply were not possible a few years ago. They provide abundant affordable products like solar lanterns, non-electric water filters, and smoke-reducing stoves, but often the greater challenge is servicing them in a systematic and scalable way. Solar lights are pretty cool little gadgets. Once charged using a small solar panel they provide a good source of light and can be used to recharge   cell phones .The lights mean much more in rural villages without electrical service. They mean children can see to do their homework after dark. They are ideal substitutes for kerosene lamps which pose serious health, safety, and environmental hazards with their smoky fires.
There could be a rock-star engineer from a top university who might have invented the sexiest gadget for use in villages. However, villages don’t have ecosystems for immediate local servicing of failed products. For a rural customer, a broken product is highly   when no comes to replace or help with it. The technology providers can denitrify trusted and respected people in each village, perhaps a school teacher, and persuades them to become   agents.  The must be given substantial training. They can learn how to help buyers set up and service the technology. .meanwhile they can also get income which renews the local economy
Jatropha cultivation was the new bandwagon wherein the Cinderella plant was promised to deliver gold out of barren lands. An entire generation of development literature proliferated with tall promises of wealth out of waste. Today it has become   discredited and in areas like Chhattisgarh, there has been a huge backlash from the tribals who feel they have been cheated and their habitat has surfed damage.  The loss is in terms of “ecosystem service value”—the economic value derived from agricultural products, fresh water, clean air, and fertile soils. It has also jeopardized the livelihoods of millions of tribals who depend on forests and natural resources.
A similar monumental failure of alternative energy model was the disastrous end to the National Biogas Plan of India. In what was termed a revolutionary idea that would transform India’s hinterland, huge targets were allocated for the installation of biogas plants and soft loans were doled out like hot snacks. No effort was made to train masons or create a pool of service agents to ensure proper construction and maintenance. The entire program proved to be a financial tsunami for poor villagers who were left with a legacy of unpaid loans and branded as defaulters.
The loans were written off, but in accordance with the banking norms, the borrowers were no longer entitled to any new loans as they fell into the category of defaulters. They had to pay the penalty for the over-enthusiasm of the staff of development machinery whose promotions were directly linked to the achievement of targets. The National Biogas Plan is the most glaring example of how a top-down approach can play havoc with the life of people whose lot it proposes to improve.
I remember a village called Visakha in remote Gadchiroli district where all households falling within an eponymous Gram Panchayat (comprising about 5 villages) were covered under the programme. There was a recommendation at our zonal headquarter in Nagpur that the concerned development officer should be publicly felicitated. The proposal was almost carried through when a senior officer with vast experience in grassroots programmes strongly insisted that all such recognitions must wait for two years so that a dispassionate evaluation is possible. And after two years, the ghost of National biogas plan was haunting the villages like the spectre of drought that sucked hundreds of farmers in its vortex of mass suicides.
In one of the banks in Chandrapur, hundreds of loans were written off as if a mountain of rotten potatoes was ploughed just to clean the balance sheet and get rid of the toxic assets. In chasing targets, the quality of lending was completely undermined. Working for the poor does not mean indiscriminately thrusting money down their throats. Unfortunately, the world’s largest poverty alleviatiion programme—the Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) did precisely that. The abiding legacy of the programme for India’s poor has been that millions have become bank defaulters for no fault of their own. Today, they find it impossible to rejoin the formal credit sector.
A borrower who has defaulted on a loan becomes financially untouchable to the bank. The ripple effect of the default status is still worse. Apart from the borrower, the entire family is deprived of the chance of accessing the formal financial system. Some banks have stretched the definition to include families of those who had stood as a guarantor for the defaulting borrowers.The word “default” is a highly disputed term in the banking lexicon. Even the distinction between a willful defaulter and a bonafide defaulter is so blurred that the banks can use their interpretative acumen to use the way it suits them.
Since the participants in these experiments are often poor, ill-educated and unable to read and write, they have little possibility of redress. Development experts must have the humility to accept a fault when it becomes convincingly clear that the logic behind a particular strategy is flawed; unreasonable risk in innovation can sometimes have serious consequences for the poor. Poor households live by the edge; they do not have financial surpluses to experiment with any new programme or innovation. They are a good subject for donor-funded research studies; development practitioners should exercise great caution in introducing and marketing financial services or agricultural inputs for this class. We must realise that the poor have already paid a great price for development projects. What has been done cannot be undone. The Monsanto evolution has been cited by many experts as the prime driver of farmer suicides.
When conventional wisdom fails and its predictions turn out to be ridiculous and when hopes become cruel illusions, respectable people do not, as a rule, hold up their hands and admit their mistakes. They cannot accept a loss of face and the subsequent denudation of their privileged positions. However, the point to bear in mind is the nature of the beast. Even the most meticulous and conscientious managers will make mistakes. No one is error-proof. In case of the bonafide bloomer, big or small, we must be open. The first instinct of managers is to try and cover up, pretend it never happened and hope it will go undetected if you have made a mistake, acknowledge it. However, if you are defiant and unapologetic, you are in big trouble. Remember credibility is like virginity; it can be lost only once.
The key development issue cannot be pinned down to just a singularity .Lack of adequate food, housing, basic education, primary health care and access to finance and insurance are all inter-related. The focus has to be on addressing these fundamental problems as a composite one, where all the issues are simultaneously tackled. For example, abundant evidence suggests that education can be transformative in a poor country, so donors often pay for schools. But building a school is expensive and can line the pockets of corrupt officials.   The big truancy problem in poor countries typically involves not students but teachers. I remember one rural school where the teachers appeared only once or twice a month to administer standardized tests. To make sure that the students didn’t do embarrassingly badly on those exams, the teachers wrote all the answers on the blackboard. The critics can cite similar unexpected difficulties in almost every nook of the aid universe.
Programmes can have better outcomes when issues and problems are identified by the participants. Though well thought, externally introduced projects can help development; they cannot be sustained in the absence of   active involvement of people whose problems are being addressed. Instead of trying to sell their ideas with vacuous phrases, professionals and practitioners would do better to discuss openly about their plans and to listen to the good solutions that ordinary people have. When the community organizes, and identifies needs and collaborates in the formulation of strategies, it becomes the solution. What e need are Intermediate technologies –hybrid of modern technology and local ingenuity.
Although imported programmes have the benefit of supplying ‘pre-tested’ models, they are inherently risky because they may not take root in the local culture when transplanted. Home-grown models have greater chances of success. The   millions of households who constitute the rural poor are a potential source of great knowledge and creativity who, under present institutional, cultural and policy conditions, must seek first and foremost their own survival. Their poverty deprives not only them but also the rest of us of the greater value they could produce if only they were empowered and equipped with the right tools.

Factors influencing voters

Sheshu Babu

As election schedule has started, debates on victories and losses of political parties has picked up momentum. Among the factors which are responsible for outcome, the role of various lucrative offers to people is a topic of intense analysis by media and elite intellectuals.
Common knowledge
It is an open secret that huge amount of cash and liquor is distributed specially to the poor masses in villages and towns. Mainstream media and newspapers occasionally report politicians distributing cash and bottles and some of these seized by police.
A nationwide survey involving more than 2.7 lakh people revealed that for 41.34% of respondents, distribution of cash, liquor and freebies was an important factor behind voting a particular candidate in an election according to Association for Democratic Reforms. (Liquor, cash, freebies swing votes: ADR Survey ,updated March 25 2019, thehindu.com). Though 97.86% interviewees felt that candidates with criminal background should not be in Parliament or State Assembly, 35.89% were willing to vote for a candidate with criminal records if the candidate had done good work in the past. The survey has indicated that better job opportunities and healthcare remain among top priorities of voters.
Some causes
Despite many people against unethical deed of politicians, almost every election season sees large – scale distribution of money and material. Why? One explanation may be that the targeted people are mostly marginalized sections of society especially dalits, adivasis or minorities who live in poverty throughout their lives and when they are offered such things of temporary comfort, they try to accept so that they may have at least ‘royal’ life for some time. Temporary sentiment plays a vital role in decisions. The masses do not generally think of long- term effects of voting. They are mainly concerned with their day-to-day life and ways to earn their bread to satisfy hunger of their families.
Factors like age, social class and gender also determine voting pattern. According to market research firm Ipsos MORI, (UK) , voters in social classes D/E are more likely to vote Labour, eg in 2017 general elections, 47% of D/E classes chose Labour. (Factors influencing voting behaviour, Part of Modern Studies /Democracy in Scotland and the UK, www.bbc.com). Voters in social classes A/B chose Conservatives. One reason is the historic difference in policies. Similarly, in India, partes like BSP have more voters of dalit sections whereas BJp draws support by wooing upper castes.
Another reason influencing voters relates to region- specific problems. The rise of TRS in Telengana or Asom Gana Parishad in Assam is an example of peoples’ aspirations in particular regions.
Also, quality of leadership influences many voters. Reasons may include communicative capability, connection with grass-root people and confidence on leaders.
Problem with system
It is easy to blame poor people for casting vote on the basis of appeasement. But root cause should be analysed. Major problem is with the system which thrives on corruption and influencing poverty – stricken masses by distributing sops and alluring them with abnormal dreams of future.
As long as money and physical material play crucial role in the daily lives of poor, leaders have fair chances of intimidating and duping them and coming to power through devious means. That is why, eventhough a party or a coalition wins an election, protests, dissent and agitations continue to rock the nation as scores of people come out against anti- people policies. Present system reflects will of the people only to some extent. There are many people who do not vote or vote NOTA expressing their dissatisfaction with parties and leaders. Every ruling party claims that it has won through thumping majority but in reality, it has only about one- third of votes in favour.
Hence rather than casting aspersions on the poor for the state of polity, an alternative effective and efficient system must be developed which reflects true picture of peoples’will and eliminates corrupt practices including cash, liquor, sops or freebies distribution to garner votes. This system has not entirely succeeded in genuine electoral process. The on-going imbroglio on EVMs is an illustration of possible manipulations of presenting majority in favour of particular parties or groups .
A better system is essential for clean and corruption – free governance and where masses are not influenced by temporary sops and freebies suffering long – term losses electing dictatorial and fascist rulers who give scant respect to their electorate and their aspirations

Eurasia’s Great Game and the Future of the China-Russia Alliance

James M. Dorsey

Addressing last year’s Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, then US defense secretary Jim Mattis dismissed fears first voiced in 1997 by Zbigniew Brzezinski, one of America’s greatest 20th century strategists who advised US presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Jimmy Carter, that long-term US interests would be most threatened by a “grand coalition” of China and Russia “united not by ideology but by complimentary grievances.”
On the contrary, Mr. Mattis suggested. China and Russia have a “natural non-convergence of interests” despite the fact that both countries have defined their relationship as a “comprehensive strategic partnership,” Mr. Mattis argued.
“There may be short-term convergence in the event they want to contradict international tribunals or try muscling their way into certain circumstances but my view — I would not be wasting my time going to Beijing…if I really thought that’s the only option between us and China. What would be the point of it? I’ve got more important things to do,” Mr. Mattis argued.
Mr, Mattis predicted that in the longer term “China has more in common with Pacific Ocean nations and the United States and India than they have in common with Russia.”
Mr. Mattis’ prediction of a US-China-India entente may seem even further away today than it did in Singapore a year ago, but his doubts about the sustainability of the Chinese-Russian alliance are being echoed by Chinese and Russian analysts and developments on the ground.
Shi Ze, a former Chinese diplomat in Moscow who is now a senior fellow at the China Institute of International Studies, a think tank affiliated with the country’s foreign ministry, noted that “China and Russia have different attitudes. Russia wants to break the current international order. Russia thinks it is the victim of the current international system, in which its economy and its society do not develop. But China benefits from the current international system. We want to improve and modify it, not to break it.”
Russian scholar Dmitry Zhelobov recently suggested that there was little confidence to cement the Chinese-Russian alliance. Mr. Zhelobov warned that China was gradually establishing military bases in Central Asia to ensure that neither Russia nor the United States would be able to disrupt Chinese trade with the Middle East and Europe across the Eurasian heartland.
Add to that the fact that Chinese dependence on Russian military technology appears to be diminishing, potentially threatening a key Russian export market.
China in 2017 rolled out its fifth generation Chengdu J-20 fighter that is believed to be technologically superior to Russia’s SU-57E.
Russian President Vladimir Putin appeared to signal greater awareness of potentially shifting sands in Central Asia by signing an agreement in March during a visit to Kyrgyzstan to expand by 60 hectares the Kant Air Base 20 kilometres east of the capital Bishkek that is used by the Russian Air Force. Mr. Putin also agreed to pay a higher rent for the base.
He further lavished his Kyrgyz hosts with US$6 billion in deals ranging from power, mineral resources and hydrocarbons to industry and agriculture.
Mr. Putin moreover allocated US$200 million for the upgrading of customs infrastructure and border equipment to put an end to the back-up of dozens of trucks on the Kazakh-Kyrgyz border because Kyrgyzstan has so far been unable to comply with the technical requirements of the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).
Potential rivalry in Central Asia is not the only thing gnawing at the fundamentals of a Chinese-Russian alliance. So is anti-Chinese sentiment and Russian public suspicion of Chinese intentions and commercial and social practices, already pervasive in the region’s former Soviet republics.
Increasingly, Russian leaders are facing mounting public anger in the Lake Baikal region and the country’s Far East at their alleged connivance in perceived Chinese encroachment on the region’s natural resources, including water.
petition by prominent Russian show business personalities opposing Chinese plans to build a water bottling plant on the shores of Lake Baikal attracted more than 800,000 signatures, signalling the depth of popular resentment and pitfalls of the Russian alliance with China.
Protests have further erupted in multiple Russian cities against Chinese logging in the country’s Far East that residents and environmentalists charge has spoilt Russian watersheds and is destroying the habitats of the endangered Siberian tiger and Amur leopard. The protesters, who denounced construction of housing for Chinese workers, are demanding a ban on Russian timber exports to China.
Russian fears of Chinese encroachment on its Far East go back to the mid-1800s and prompted Joseph Stalin to deport the region’s Korean and Chinese populations. When Russia and China finally settled a border dispute in 2008 with a transfer of land to China, Russian media raised the spectre of millions of Chinese migrants colonizing Siberia and the Far East.
Popular Russian fears diverge from official thinking that in recent years has discounted the threat of Chinese encroachment given that the trend is for Russians to seek opportunity in China where wages are high rather than the other way round.
The official Russian assessment would counter Mr. Mattis’ thesis and support Mr. Brzezinski’s fears that continue to have a significant following in Washington.
“China and Russia will present a wide variety of economic, political, counterintelligence, military, and diplomatic challenges to the United States and its allies. We anticipate that they will collaborate to counter US objectives, taking advantage of rising doubts in some places about the liberal democratic model,” said Director of National Intelligence Daniel R. Coats in the intelligence community’s 2019 Worldwide Threat Assessment report to the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.
The report went on to say that China and Russia were “expanding cooperation with each other and through international bodies to shape global rules and standards to their benefit and present a counterweight to the United States and other Western countries.”
The truth is that the jury is out. There is no shortage of evidence that China and Russia are joining forces in multiple theatres across the globe as well as in multilateral organizations like the United Nations and in Russian and Chinese efforts to drive wedges among Western allies and undermine public confidence in democratic institutions.
The question is how disruptive Chinese-Russian rivalry in Central Asia and mounting Russian public unease with Chinese advances will be and whether that could alter US perceptions of Russia as an enemy rather than an ally.
The odds may well be that China and Russia will prove to be long-term US rivals. However, it may just as well be that their alliance will prove to be more tactical than strategic with the China-Russia relationship resembling US-Chinese ties: cooperation in an environment of divergence rather than convergence.

Over half of councils in England lose all government funding

Margot Miller

UK local councils face a black hole in funding for essential services covering the financial year 2019/2020. By the end of the year, central government funding to local authorities will have been slashed to just over a fifth of what it was in 2015.
According to the Local Government Association (LGA), central government grants to local councils are being cut by 36 percent, or £1.3 billion, from April, leaving a vast £3.9 billion funding gap. This is estimated to rise to £7.8 billion by 2025.
Councils have lost 77 percent of their funding from central government between 2015/2016 and 2017/18, with which they provide essential services such as education, housing, roads, waste collection, social care for the elderly, disabled, the homeless and children at risk, as well as libraries and art galleries.
In 2015/16, councils received £9.9 billion in Revenue Support Grant (RSG) from central government. In 2019/2020 this will be pared down to £2.2 billion.
These devastating figures give the lie to Prime Minister Theresa May’s declaration at the last October’s Conservative conference that after 10 years “austerity is over.”
Austerity is intensifying. Over the past five years, spending on children at risk from neglect or abuse has been cut by 26 percent. Children’s centres have seen their funding slashed by 42 percent. LGA data shows that one out of every seven old people need help which is not there—an increase of 19 percent since 2015.
In a letter to the government sent in December, 76 council leaders indicated the deficit different services were facing—a £1.5 billion gap in funding for adult social care, £1.1 billion in children’s services, £460 million in public health, and £113 million to alleviate homelessness.
Yet homelessness is rocketing, along with social problems, bound up with increasing poverty and inequality. Ten years ago, only four cities out of 62 spent more than 50 percent of their budget on social care. Today that has risen to half of all councils.
The government’s stated aim is to eliminate central government funding to local authorities completely. Almost half of all councils, (168) will receive no central grant this year—10 times more than in 2017/2018 and three times more than last year.
Councils will have to raise all their finances via the local council tax, and will retain 75 percent of business rates collected. Up to now, while taxes on businesses were collected locally, they made up a national pot and 50 percent was redistributed from the centre back to the localities.
By sleight of hand, the Tory government claims the “core spending power” of local councils will increase by 2.8 percent, or £1.3 billion, this financial year, to an overall £46.4 billion. But “core spending power” is a fantasy figure, based on how local businesses will fare in the uncertain post-Brexit climate—and dependent on council taxes rising by the maximum 3 percent permitted, hitting millions of people.
Hardest hit are the large working-class urban conurbations, where Labour councils have followed the diktat of Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership and imposed draconian cuts. Since being elected Labour leader nearly four years ago, Corbyn has instructed Labour councils to enforce “legal budgets”—i.e., to impose Tory austerity.
At the end of last year, the Institute for Fiscal Studies reported that “the most deprived fifth of councils” would suffer cuts of “8.6% over the four years to 2019–20, compared to 7.2% for the least deprived fifth of councils.”
The research charity, Centre for Cities, found the poorer Northern English cities were disproportionately affected by austerity, experiencing cuts to spending averaging 20 percent, compared to 9 percent in the wealthier south and east of England.
Seven of the 10 worst hit areas are in the North East, North West and Yorkshire. Nearly three quarters (74 percent) of local government cuts have fallen on cities—translated to £386 per city resident and £172 per head elsewhere.
Two de-industrialised urban centres—Liverpool in Merseyside and Barnsley in South Yorkshire—were singled out as the worst hit by local government cuts. Barnsley suffered a mammoth 40 percent reduction in its finances.
Calculated per resident, Labour-run Liverpool council has seen its budget cut by £816, a percentage reduction of 22 percent from 2009/2010 to 2017/2018. In comparison, the residents of wealthier Oxford saw an increase per head of £115.
Labour-run Birmingham City Council, the UK’s largest local authority, has imposed 12,000 redundancies due to funding cuts of £700 million since 2010. From April, additional cuts of £46 million will be made, rising to £85 million over the next four years.
Labour-run Manchester City Council has lost £324 per resident between 2009/2010 and 2017/2018, and seen a spending decrease of 17 percent—the 10th hardest hit in England. The council has imposed £372 million in cuts since 2010 and agreed a budget for the coming year with a further £15 million in cuts.
Newcastle’s Labour majority-run council in north east England, will have imposed £327 million in cuts since 2010 by 2022. Residents are facing a proposed council tax increase of 3.95 percent.
Working class people in London, already struggling with the higher cost of living and exorbitant rents and house prices, are particularly hard hit by council cuts. Huge cuts have been enforced by Labour controlled boroughs in the capital. Since 2010, Hackney’s grant from central government has almost halved, losing £529 per resident, a cut of £140 million, with a further reduction of £30 million in spending predicted by 2022/2023.
Lambeth lost £238 million in funding since 2010, and cuts have left the council with a shortfall inching towards £50 million—more than their current spend on street cleaning and lighting, collecting the bins, and libraries. Newham lost £91 million for services over the past six years and are anticipating a further £8 million will go by 2019/2020.
In the same period, central government funding to Haringey Borough Council has been slashed by £122 million in real terms. The council is now run by Momentum supporters, the “left” group within Labour that backs Corbyn.
Before Momentum took office, Haringey, under a council run by right-wing Blairites, made 45 percent of its workers redundant and sold off 12 council buildings. This year the Corbyn council is to impose more cuts in a “balanced budget” and, in a measure going even further than the Blairites, will increase council tax for the first time in nine years—to 2.99 percent—with the burden falling disproportionately on the less well off.
The Labour administration in Brighton on England’s south coast is imposing cuts of £14.8 million and a 2.99 percent council tax rise.
Bristol council, covering the largest city in the south west of England, laid off 3,000 employees from 2010 to 2018 and will impose an additional £34.5 million worth of cuts in 2018/2019.
To oppose the decimation of all public services and reverse this onslaught by the ruling elite requires a new way forward. Public sector workers must unite with their brothers and sisters in the private sector, both in Britain and internationally. Central to this fight is the formation of rank-and-file committees in workplaces and local communities independent from and in rebellion against the trade unions who have worked with Labour, Tory and Liberal authorities in imposing social devastation over the last decade.

Thin layer of the UK population earn more than £150,000 per year

Barry Mason

There are only 321,000 people in the UK earning more than £150,000 a year.
Data from Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs (HMRC) by area shows that around 123,000 of the high-income earners, nearly 40 percent, live within the London area.
Topping the list is the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea (RBKC), with another borough, Westminster, in second place. Each borough has around 12,000 individuals on incomes of £150,000 a year or more. The top seven on the list of high-income earners are all in London.
It is also in London that areas with concentrations of high-earners can be found living in the closest proximity to those struggling to survive, and therefore where the extremes of inequality are most stark.
The high-income earners in the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea represent just 8 percent of the borough’s population. The burnt-out shell of Grenfell Tower, in which 72 people died in the horrific 2017 fire, lies within RBKC, in impoverished north Kensington. The deaths at Grenfell were the result of cost-cutting and criminality, resulting from the attempts by the Conservative-run RBKC council to prettify the exterior of the tower block and make it more appealing when viewed by super-wealthy residents living nearby.
The London borough of Tower Hamlets is 15th on the list of the top 25 locations for high-earners, with around 4,000 individuals. A 2017 study showed the borough has the highest rates of poverty, including child poverty and income inequality, of any London borough.
Expressing the extraordinary geographical concentration of higher-earners, 205,000, approximately two-thirds of the total, are to be found in London and south-east of England.
Among the list of the top 25 areas for high-earners, only two are to be found outside this region. Edinburgh, with its concentration of financial institutions, has 4,000 high earners and is 16th on the list. At 17th is Cheshire East, including affluent towns such as Wilmslow and Alderley Edge. Adjacent to Manchester, they are known as the “Golden Triangle” and are home to many wealthy Premier League football players who play for clubs in the region.
HMRC data shows that just 31,000 people in the UK, out of a population of over 60 million, are in the top 0.1 percent income bracket, earning more than £1 million a year. According to the latest data published by the European Banking Authority, nearly three quarters of all Europe’s millionaire bankers live in the UK. The UK has around 3,500 bankers earning more than €1million (£850,000) a year. Of these 30 bank bosses earn €10 million (£8.5 million) a year. One asset manager took home nearly €41 million (£35 million), of which €38 million (£32 million) represented a bonus.
Analysis of the HRMC data shows the increasing concentration of wealth among an extraordinarily thin layer of the population.
Between April and September last year, the income of the top 0.1 percent of income earners increased by six percent compared to an average increase of 3.7 percent for the total number of the employed.
Sir Martin Sorrell will receive £2.13 million this year from a long-term incentive scheme from his time at UK-based multinational advertising firm WPP. This is despite him leaving the company last year, following allegations of staff bullying.
Last year, the CEO of oil conglomerate Royal Dutch Shell, Ben van Beurden, saw his salary increase two-fold to £17 million. This was made up of a basic salary of £1.3 million, a yearly bonus of £2.5 million and a £13 million yield from a long-term incentive scheme.
The Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS), in its analysis of the May government’s spring budget statement, reported, “The OBR (Office of Budget Responsibility) notes that the most recent Real Time Information suggests that pay of the top 0.1% has been rising considerably faster than the average over the last year or more—something which was not true for most of the period after 2010.”
In contrast, income for many workers continues to stagnate or fall. Highlighting the poor pay for most workers, IFS director Paul Johnson reported that the Bank of England had been searching for historical periods in which the average pay of workers was worse than today. He said, “It’s reached the early 1800s. I think it might be heading back to the Black Death soon.”
It is the narrow layer of the population on incomes of £150,000 or more a year or close to it that forms the social basis for identity politics. These comprise layers, often opinion formers, based within the media, academia, political parties, local government and the trade union apparatus, whose reactionary politics are based on envy of the ultra-high earners and disdain for the 90 percent of the working population who struggle to subsist on far less.
Over the last decade, the wealth of the affluent upper middle class has skyrocketed at the expense of the working class. The proponents of identity politics seek to manipulate discontent among broader layers of society at the almost unimaginable scale of social inequality, in order to advance their own claims to a greater share of wealth and privilege within the top 10 percent by demanding representation based upon race, gender, etc.
At a question and answer session that took place in Foyle’s bookshop, at the launch of Mehring Books’ Why Are They Back: Historical Falsification, Political Conspiracy, and the Return of Fascism in Germany, WSWS international editorial board chairperson David North explained:
“The real basis of identity politics is in the top 10 percent. They argue not about the extreme inequality that exists, where a few thousand billionaires have more wealth than half the population of the world. No, they are really angry over wealth distribution at the top.
“There is a lot of money sloshing about in the top one percent and only trickling down slowly to the upper 10 percent. There is a big difference if you are living in London, where it costs a lot of money, about where you can live if you are only getting a measly £150,000 a year. That is not going to get you very far.
“It might look great in Sheffield or Liverpool, it is far more than they will ever see. But you’re not comparing yourself to them. You [the upper middle class] despise them. Your complaint is, ‘I can’t get a house in South Kensington. I can’t afford something that is going for two of three million pounds.’
“So there is a bitter fight that goes on for access to wealth at the top. And that determines an entire social outlook. That is why it’s within these layers that identity politics has become so powerful and racial politics has become so powerful.”

Largest UK department store chain, Debenhams, goes into administration

Barry Mason

Tens of thousands of workers’ jobs throughout the UK retail industry are threatened by the UK’s largest department store chain, Debenhams, going into a “pre-pack administration.” Under a pre-pack administration, the sale of the company and its assets are negotiated prior to the appointment of administrators.
Debenhams employs around 25,000 workers across its 166 stores, warehouses and offices. In the UK, other jobs in Debenhams’ supply chain are also dependent on the company’s survival. Debenhams owns Danish department store chain Magasin du Nord and a subsidiary in Ireland. With its Danish and Irish operations, the firm operates 178 stores. The multinational company’s roots lie in the establishment of a draper’s shop in London in the late 18th century.
Last October, Debenhams announced losses of £500 million and said it planned to close up to 50 of its stores, representing nearly a third of its portfolio. Those would result in the loss of around 5,000 jobs. These closures were confirmed following the administration announcement. It is thought the first wave of a possible 12 store closures will take place next year. The total debt pile now stands at £621 million.
In 2003, Debenhams was acquired for £1.7 billion by a consortium of companies. They comprised private equity company CVC and investment firms Merrill Lynch and TPG. In 2006, the consortium refloated the company on the stock market at its purchase value, but it had by then 10 times the 2003 debt.
The Centre for Retail Research, writing on Debenhams’ crisis last October, noted, “Its current difficulties relate particularly to the debt problems inherited from the private-equity episode and the strategies followed subsequently.”
Remarking on the 2003 private equity takeover, it explained the consortium “raised £1.7bn of which £600m was equity. … This ‘equity’ was made a debt charge on the business which sold and leased back stores it owned, signing long leases with property companies to raise the funds. Within three years, the partners had trebled their capital investment and floated the much-diminished company again in 2006.”
Quoted last week in the Norwich Evening News, Professor Joshua Bamfield of the Centre for Retail Research said, “Debenhams has had problems because all of its value was extracted out of it, and it was used as a money-making machine. … Debenhams lost their value twofold—they sold their sites but also stopped investing. They didn’t refurbish sites so they ended up looking old and tired—they couldn’t compete.”
After the company was refloated on the stock exchange, one investor who began building up his Debenhams stock portfolio was Mike Ashley, the billionaire founder of sporting goods supplier Sports Direct. In late 2015, two undercover Guardian reporters, who had been taken on at the Sports Direct warehouse in Shirebrook, produced articles detailing the exploitative working conditions the retail giant imposes.
Ashley had built up a near 30 percent stake in Debenhams and offered to inject £200 million into the company, providing he was made chief executive officer. His offer was turned down. With Debenhams going into administration, Ashley’s £150 million share stake in the company was wiped out along with the stake of other shareholders. Sports Direct has launched a legal challenge alleging the administrator, FTI Consulting, had acted to prevent Ashley from taking control.
Ashley has bought up several financially distressed retail outlets, including House of Fraser, Evans Cycles and lingerie retailer Agent Provocateur. A Retail Gazette article published last November noted, “According to analysis from The Sunday Times, the Sports Direct tycoon’s method of buying up retailers in pre-pack administration deals, which means he can acquire the assets but not the debt, has come at a cost. … [It] has cost the high street over 6,000 jobs and over £1 billion in unpaid bills.”
Following its fall into administration, Debenhams has new owners, the group of lenders that had been propping it up financially. They are Bank of Ireland, Barclays Bank, Silver Point Capital and Golden Tree Asset Management.
Golden Tree was established in 2000 with offices in London, New York and Singapore. Its business is based on taking on high-risk investments that promise high rewards. Silver Point Capital, founded in 2002 by former partners of Goldman Sachs, operates a similar model to Golden Tree.
The lenders will seek to sell the Debenhams chain, and Sports Direct has registered an interest. However, according to BBC News, Sports Direct does not expect to be in the running. The BBC cites Sports Direct Deputy Chief Financial Officer Chris Wootton saying, “The way this has all been set up suggests to us [the owners] already have a plan to sell it to a third party, not us.”
One possible bidder may be Philip Day, the owner and chief executive of Edinburgh Woollen Mills. Retail research director at GlobalData Maureen Hilton said, “Day is developing a department store concept, so he might want to take some of their stores. … [H]owever the whole chain might prove too big.”
Debenhams’ pre-pack is the clearest sign that the slashing of retail jobs can only be expected to continue. Noting Debenhams’ administration and the collapse of many other fixtures of the high street, the Financial Times commented, “For UK retail, 2019 has so far proved a continuation of the annus horribilis of 2018.” It added, “[O]nline sales have grabbed about 20 per cent of the UK [retail] market,” and “a brutal shakeout is under way. It pits retailers and lenders, desperate to cut space, against landlords—themselves often with high loan to value ratios—that had expected a long-term steady income from their properties.”
In the first six months of 2018, major retail chains including Poundworld, Toys ‘R’ Us and Maplin went bust. According to the Centre for Retail Research, 2018 saw the loss of nearly 150,000 retail jobs with the closure of 20,000 shops and restaurants. According to the drapersonline website, retail job losses this year will be even higher—at 164,000.
One of the latest casualties is the up-market fashion chain LK Bennett, which recently went into administration after closing five shops in a bid to stem losses. It was announced April 12 that Rebecca Feng, who ran Bennett’s Chinese franchise, had bought the LK Bennett chain. Under the deal, 21 shops representing 325 jobs will remain but 15 shops will close with the loss of 110 jobs.
Retail workers continue to shoulder the costs of the collapse of the retail sector, losing their jobs and seeing their terms, conditions and pensions rights attacked.
Last week, it emerged that billionaire retail owner Sir Philip Green, who owns the Arcadia Group, plans to cut its £50 million contribution to the employees’ pension scheme in half, paying just £25 million. Arcadia includes fashion outlets Topshop, Burtons and Dorothy Perkins. The proposal is part of a restructuring plan that could see dozens of Arcadia stores close. The group has implemented a company voluntary agreement in an attempt to restructure its debts.
Of Green’s plans, ex-Labour MP Frank Field, who is chair of the parliamentary Works and Pensions Select Committee, said, “Does he really think he’s going to get away with his old tricks again? Run the business down, pocket whatever cash is left, stiff the pensioners and sail off on the Lionheart [Green’s superyacht] leaving employees, pension schemes and his long-suffering creditors in the lurch? Not if we have anything to do with it.”
Yet Green has “got away” with what Field’s committee previously described as “systematic plunder” for years and continues to do so.
Only three years ago, the high street retailer British Home Stores (BHS) collapsed. Green bought BHS for £200 million in 2000 via a leveraged buyout, and proceeded to bleed the company dry, slashing wages and conditions and squeezing his suppliers. While this enabled him to boost BHS’s profits in the short term, it fatally undermined its long-term viability. Green pocketed £420 million in dividends before selling the firm in 2015 to Retail Acquisitions, led by former bankrupt Dominic Chappell, for £1. BHS collapsed just months after with 11,000 jobs lost and a pension deficit of £571 million, endangering the pensions of 20,000 people.

Widodo predicted to be re-elected as Indonesian president

Peter Symonds

Indonesian elections will be held tomorrow, not only for the presidency, but also, for the first time, simultaneously for the national parliament as well as provincial and local governments. The elections, now held every five years, involve carefully vetted candidates backed by rival factions of the ruling class, none of whom represents the interests of the working class and rural poor.
The contest for the presidency epitomises the limited character of the election. Joko Widodo, a former small businessman, won the presidency in 2014 by posturing as a “man of the people” who would help working people. He was backed by former president Megawati Sukarnoputri and her Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). His vice-presidential running mate was Jusef Kalla, a senior figure in Golkar, the political instrument of the Suharto dictatorship.
In one of his first actions as president, Widodo abolished fuel price subsidies—a regressive measure that hit the poorest sections of the population the hardest through increased fuel and transport prices. The decision was a clear signal to international finance capital that Widodo would meet its demands for massive infrastructure spending and pro-market reforms.
Widodo’s opponent in tomorrow’s election is Prabowo Subianto, whom he defeated in 2014. Prabowo is a former son-in-law of the dictator Suharto and a notorious ex-special forces commander. That Prabowo is standing for the presidency and is not in jail for his crimes, underscores the fact that the military and state bureaucracy remain a powerful behind-the-scenes force two decades after Suharto was forced to step down.
As he did in 2014, Prabowo is basing his campaign on nationalist demagogy, directed in particular against China, and appeals to Islamist bigotry. The ex-general has attacked Widodo over his deals with China to finance components of his massive infrastructure plans, worth an estimated $340 billion. China has heavily backed the controversial $59 billion high-speed rail link between Jakarta and Bandung that is bogged down in land acquisition and regulatory issues.
Anti-Chinese chauvinism directed against the country’s Chinese minority and Chinese-owned businesses has been the stock-in-trade for Indonesian politicians for decades. This now intersects with the escalating US confrontation with China and Washington’s efforts to undermine Beijing politically and diplomatically in Asia. Widodo, like leaders throughout the regime, has sought to balance between the US and China, which has become the leading investor in Indonesia.
Prabowo has accused Widodo of being too soft on China and of allowing too many Chinese workers to work on Chinese-funded projects. He has declared he will review all projects if he wins the presidency. While Prabowo has not attracted open support from Washington, his anti-China stance is in tune with the Trump administration’s aggressive policies.
Prabowo has been backed by hard-line Islamist parties and organizations, such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). The FPI played a prominent role in the persecution and jailing of former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama on bogus charges of “blasphemy” in 2017. Basuki, a Christian, was a protégé and prominent ally of Widodo and the campaign was also aimed at politically weakening the president.
In a bid to burnish his religious credentials, Widodo has chosen an Islamic cleric, Ma’ruf Amin, as his running mate for this year’s election. Just days before the election, the president also made quick visit to Saudi Arabia where he met with the king and other senior Saudi officials on Sunday before making a brief pilgrimage to Mecca.
Widodo has attacked Prabowo’s lack of economic experience, while claiming that his own policies would result in continued economic growth. Prabowo’s vice-presidential candidate is a wealthy businessman, Sandiaga Uno. Their campaign has made bogus promises to lower food and fuel prices, and to cut food imports so as to assist small farmers.
Both Widodo and Prabowo are candidates of the wealthy cliques that dominate Indonesian politics. While Widodo is the favourite of foreign investors and their local partners, Prabowo favours more protectionist policies aimed at assisting less globally competitive sections of the business elite. Neither has the slightest concern for the tens of millions of impoverished workers and peasants in Indonesia.
The Indonesian economy has been growing at about 5 percent annually in real terms, boosting Widodo’s claims to be creating a prosperous country. However, in an article entitled “Widodo boasts about economy but Indonesia could do better,” the Financial Times noted the country’s large current account deficit and dependence on foreign inflows to finance government debt. It compared Indonesia unfavourably to Vietnam, which has experienced far higher levels of foreign investment.
Election polling, which is particularly unreliable in Indonesia, has Widodo in front of his rival by as much as 24 percentage points. But the lack of certainty has led to a slowdown in foreign investment in the lead-up to the election. A senior bank financier told the Nikkei Asian Review last week he had been getting a lot of calls from investors asking if there was “any chance or possibility or any surprise that [Prabowo] will win.”
While Widodo appears likely to be re-elected, he may face greater opposition in Indonesia’s lower house of parliament—the People’s Representative Council (PRC). A coalition led by Megawati’s PDI-P, which is again backing Widodo, has dominated the PRC but some commentators are predicting that its majority will narrow substantially.
Achmad Sukarsono, an analyst with Control Risks, told CNBC: “We expect the next parliament to be more fractured. All this points to a more convoluted and disputed parliamentary process, and consequently a president with a diminished ability to enact his agenda.”
The poll tomorrow involves some 193 million voters. They will queue up at more than 800,000 polling stations across the archipelago to elect office bearers at five levels of government. The preliminary outcome of the election will likely be known by the end of the day after the collation of “quick counts,” but the official results will not be known for weeks.

An Allied Approach to North Korea?

Sandip Kumar Mishra

South Korean President Moon Jae-in met US President Donald Trump on 10-11 April 2019 to bilateral relations as well as the future course of their dealings with North Korea. Although both these issues are related, their delineation is also important.
Since Trump assumed charge as president, the US has become more transactional in its relationship with allies. Trump has repeatedly argued that most US allies are "free-riders" in both security and economic domains, and should thus contribute more equally towards the sustenance of the US security commitment. Accordingly, the US has insisted that South Korea should pay more for the maintenance of US troops stationed in Korea.
Until 2018, South Korea contributed US$ 830 million of the total cost to station 2,8,500 troops in Korea. Dissatisfied with this figure, Trump has since pushed South Korea to contribute US$ 924 million. In February 2019, South Korea reluctantly agreed to these revised figures in a cost-sharing deal. However, this has not met Trump's approval, which is evident in his announcement of the deal for the period of a year rather than the usual five year span. The Trump administration has also announced that South Korea will purchase more US military arms and equipment - South Korea is the third largest buyer of military equipment from the US since 10 years ago. In fact, Seoul does not agree with the basic premise supplied by the US - that US forces in Korea are aimed at protecting South Korea - arguing that this is also in fulfillment of US' regional strategy.
For the US, bilateral trade also leaves a lot to be desired, with the US trade deficit increasing by around US$ 10 billion to reach a total of US$ 27.6 billion in 2016 despite the 2012 free trade agreement (FTA). This has in the past led to Trump threatening to walk out of the FTA. Just before the Moon’s visit, the US indicated that it might impose a 25 per cent tariff on auto imports from various countries, including South Korea.
On the geopolitical front, the US finds South Korea lacking in implementing specific policies to target China's rise in the region. South Korea, for its part, has openly denied being part of the Indo-Pacific strategy, and despite US displeasure, co-founded the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).
Overall, it seems these old allies are gradually moving away from each other, particularly when seen in the light of the US assessment of alliances based primarily on a cost-benefit framework. Although both Moon and Trump had good things to say about their relationship and each other in their joint press conference, the divergence has undoubtedly created unease in South Korea. Moon's visit was also important as this was the first time the leaders were meeting  after a disappointing Hanoi Summit between the US and North Korea. During the Hanoi Summit and afterwards, the US appears to have hardened its position, demanding a "big deal." The US does not want to remove sanctions from North Korea until substantial progress is being made in the process of its denuclearisation. In the joint press statement, Trump talked about the right kind of "small deals." However, since then, the US administration has made in clear on multiple occasions that they are opposed to an "incremental" process towards North Korea’s denuclearisation.
In contrast, the South Korean leadership has argued that the momentum of talks with North Korea must continue. In the context of inter-Korea rapprochement, Moon has indicated several times that he would prefer some easing of sanctions on North Korea. Clearly, South Korea’s approach under the Moon administration has been of a step-by-step method to build trust and connections with North Korea.
Moon made a hurried visit to the US because of the realisation, following the Hanoi Summit, of the Trump administration drifting substantially from the South Korean position on North Korea, and in the hope of a commitment regarding a possible third US-North Korea summit. It was not clear whether, and to what extent, Moon was able to convince Trump of the viability of a step-by-step approach, although he was able to secure a more public US commitment to a third US-North Korea summit.
Overall, although the US and South Korea project an image of close coordination, the reality is that there are increasing limitations to their bilateral relationship, as well as fundamental differences in approach with regard to North Korea. Unless both countries are able to work together seamlessly, the situation will only be to North Korea's advantage. The US must begin by exercising greater caution in their pronouncements on behaviour expected of allies, and bring more nuance to their ambitions of denuclearising North Korea.

13 Apr 2019

German Government Green Talents Award 2019 for International Graduate Students (All expenses paid to Germany)

Application Deadline: 22nd May 2019, 2 p.m. CEST.

Eligible Countries: International

To Be Taken At (Country): Germany

About the Award: The German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) hosts the prestigious ”Green Talents – International Forum for High Potentials in Sustainable Development” to promote the international exchange of innovative green ideas. The award, under the patronage of Minister Anja Karliczek, honours young researchers each year.
The winners come from numerous countries and scientific disciplines and are recognised for their outstanding achievements in making our societies more sustainable. Selected by a jury of German experts the award winners are granted unique access to the country’s research elite.

Type: Contest

Eligibility: Applicants must meet the following requirements:
  • Enrolment in a master’s or PhD programme or a degree (master’s/PhD) completed no more than three years before the end of the application process
  • Strong focus on sustainable development and an interdisciplinary approach
  • Proven excellent command of English
  • Significantly above-average grades
  • Not a German citizen nor a resident of Germany (individuals therefore not eligible to apply: German passport holders as well as anyone living in Germany at the time of application even if the residence is temporary)
No exceptions to these requirements can be accepted. Ineligible applications will automatically be disqualified.
The Green Talents Competition focuses on outstanding young scientists who are active in the field of sustainable development. The German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) fosters interdisciplinary approaches in this regard. Applicants can therefore come from any scientific field closely related to sustainability research.

Number of Awards: 25

Value of Award: The prestigious Green Talents programme offers you the unique opportunity to become part of an exceptional world-wide network of outstanding young minds and leading German institutions.
  • The first part of the prize consists of an invitation to a two-week Science Forum in Germany, where you will be introduced to renowned research facilities and have individual meetings with experts (individual appointments). Here you will learn about potential collaborations and experience the country’s excellent research infrastructure at close hand.
  • In addition, a workshop on research and funding opportunities will provide you with further information for your future research stay in Germany.
  • The journey will culminate within a festive award ceremony hosted by a high-level representative from the BMBF.
  • You will have the opportunity to return to Germany for up to three months to conduct a research stay at an institute of your choice the year after the Science Forum.
How to Apply: Apply now!
It is important to go through the FAQs for application procedure and requirements before applying.

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Rockefeller Foundation Art Residency Programme 2019 for International Artists – Italy

Application Deadline: 1st May 2019,

Eligible Countries: Countries in Asia, Latin America, Africa and the United States

To be taken at (country): Bellagio, Italy. The Center consists of several buildings in 55 acres grounds on Lake Como in Northern Italy: the Villa Serbelloni and Villa Maranese house the resident fellows (scholars, practitioners and artists); the Sfondrata and Frati buildings are reserved for meetings. The town of Bellagio, immediately adjacent to the Bellagio Center, is located in northern Italy at the point where Lake */Como divides to form its Lecco and Como arms. It is approximately 75 km. (47 miles) north of Milan.

Eligible Fields: The Rockefeller Foundation seeks applicants with projects that contribute to discourse and progress related to its dual goals: i) advancing inclusive economies that expand opportunities for more broadly shared prosperity, and ii) building resilience by helping people, communities and institutions prepare for, withstand, and emerge stronger from acute shocks and chronic stresses. To achieve these goals, The Rockefeller Foundation works at the intersection of four related focus areas: Advance Health, Revalue Ecosystems, Secure Livelihoods, and Transform Cities.
Applicants with projects that may help shape thinking or catalyze action in these areas are also strongly encouraged to apply.

About the Award:  The Rockefeller Foundation’s Bellagio Residency Programme is split into 3 areas:
  • Academic Writing residency
  • Arts & Literary Arts residency
  • Practitioner residencies
The Rockefeller Foundation’s Bellagio Residency Programme has a track record for supporting the generation of important new knowledge addressing some of the most complex issues facing our world, and innovative new works of art that inspire reflection and understanding of global and social issues.
The Bellagio Center Residency Program is committed to creating an environment that fosters rich cross-cultural and interdisciplinary exchanges, which arise from bringing highly diverse and international cohorts of artists, academics, practitioners, and policymakers together. The Bellagio Center typically offers residencies of two to four weeks for no more than 15 residents at a time. Collegial interaction within the community of residents is an integral dimension of the Bellagio experience. Meals and informal presentations of residents’ work afford an opportunity for dynamic discussions and engagement within and across disciplines. To help build connections across one another’s work, residents are also offered opportunities to interact with participants from international conferences that are hosted in other buildings on the Bellagio Center’s grounds.

Type: Short courses

Eligibility: 
  • Residencies are open to university or think-thank based academics in all disciplines, literary artists, visual artists, and practitioners from a variety of fields, particularly those working on socially impactful endeavors. The Foundation seeks to promote a broad, stimulating mix of disciplines and fields within the Bellagio Community.
  • The Academic Writing residency is for university and think tank-based academics, researchers, professors, and scientists working in any discipline. Successful applicants can either demonstrate decades of significant professional contributions to their field or show evidence of being on a strong upward trajectory in their careers.
  • The Bellagio Arts & Literary Arts residency is for artists working in any discipline including composers, fiction and non-fiction writers, playwrights, poets, video/filmmakers, and visual artists who share in the Foundation’s mission of promoting the well-being of humankind and whose work is inspired by or relates to global or social issues.
  • The Center also welcomes applications from practitioners, defined as senior-level policymakers, nonprofit leaders, journalists, private sector leaders and public advocates with ten or more years of leadership experience in a variety of fields and sectors.
Selection Criteria: Bellagio Center arts & literary arts residencies are for composers, fiction and non-fiction writers, playwrights, poets, video/filmmakers, interdisciplinary and visual artists seeking time for disciplined work, reflection, and collegial engagement, uninterrupted by the usual professional and personal demands.

Number of Awardees: Not more than 15 residents

Value of Residency: 
  • During the course of the residency, room, meals and board are provided without charge.
  • Opportunity for dynamic discussions and engagement within and across disciplines.
  • Accessibility: housing/grounds/studios are accessible
  • Studios/special equipment: Painting, Photography (digital)
  • Additional studio information: The Maranese Art Studio (for painters) is located directly one flight downstairs from the bedroom (access through an outside stairway).
  • To help build connections across one another’s work, residents are also offered opportunities to interact with participants from international conferences that are hosted in other buildings on the Bellagio Center’s grounds.
  • Space for Spouses/Life Partners of residents are welcomed at the Center and can utilize this time to work on their own projects
  • Travel grants and modest stipends to offset incidental travel costs are available on a needs basis, with awards granted to approximately half of all resident fellows.
Duration of Residency: 2 to 4 weeks

Go to Application

It is important to go through individual application requirements of each residency on the Rockefeller Foundation Webpage before applying.


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Miss.Africa Digital Seed Funding 2019 for African Women in Tech Businesses

Application Deadline: 2nd July 2019

Eligible Countries: African countries

Eligible Fields: Projects eligible for grant funding include, but are not limited to:
– Computer science workshops and trainings for women and girls
– Early incubation of female tech entrepreneurs
– Programming and app development training programs
– Hackathons and coding boot camps for girls


About the Award: The Programme is interested in learning about successful activities that are currently supporting women and girls in STEM, and through this effort, we identify how we might support scalability and their impacts.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: To apply for a Miss.Africa Seed Fund grant applicants must meet the following eligibility requirements:
  • – Current resident of an African country (including North and Sub-Saharan Africa).
  • – Application must be submitted in English.
  • – Applying as an individual (at least 18 years of age), or a representative of a non-governmental organization (NGO) or social enterprise based in Africa.
  • – Ability to demonstrate previous experience conducting activities supporting women and girls in computer science or STEM fields.
  • – Commitment to developing and contributing to a virtual community for supporting women and girls initiatives.
  • – Demonstrated leadership potential (references will be required for those applying for leadership funds).
  • – Proposed projects MUST have a tangible impact for women and girls in computer science and/or STEM- related fields.
Selection Criteria: Preference will be given to projects that target under-served populations and locations, take a collaborative approach, have a high potential for growth and present an innovative use of technology.

Number of Awardees: 3

Value of Funding: 
  • The 2019 Seed Grant for the amount Five Thousand US dollars (USD 5,000) will assist the winning initiative to start or expand their capacity.
  • A second category of One Thousand United States Dollars (USD 1000) will be granted  as a prize for two other applicants from emerging African countries that create further socio-economic value for women by effectively leveraging tech opportunities.
Timeline of Program: September 2019: Round IV of Miss.Africa Digital grants announced.

How to Apply: To apply, please fill the form with the instructions in the portal below or send your Expression of Interest (EOI) to the email: eoi(at)dotconnectafrica.org

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