21 Aug 2020

Flint’s $600 million water settlement—a pittance to whitewash a massive social crime

Sheila Brehm

A $600 million preliminary settlement for Flint victims of lead-in-water poisoning was announced Thursday. The settlement is the result of over 20 civil lawsuits filed against the state of Michigan arising from the switch to the Flint River in April 2014. The switch was made without adding corrosion controls. Improperly treated water drawn from the polluted Flint River surged through the city’s lead-lined pipes and coursed through the bodies of men, women and children for 18 months.
The settlement offered by the state of Michigan is a belated admission that as the result of state action Flint residents drank, cooked and bathed in poisoned water which caused deaths, illnesses as well as financial devastation for homeowners and small businesses. However, it is but a very pale reflection of the level of criminality carried out and covered up against the population of the working class city and the damage which it caused.
The Flint Water Plant
Those responsible include not only former Republican Governor Snyder, but the entire political establishment, both the Republican and Democratic parties, on every level—local, state and federal, as well as General Motors and the United Auto Workers. A who’s who of politicians and celebrities have visited Flint, including Senator Bernie Sanders, former Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, and former President Barack Obama, who infamously told residents to drink the tainted water. Bringing empty promises and staging phony hearings, the Democratic Party has regularly deployed Flint residents as props for their various election campaigns.
In 2014, months of protests by residents who were becoming ill, suffering hair loss and developing rashes from the foul-smelling, discolored water were ignored by politicians and the corporate media. Were it not for the initiative of Flint residents to seek outside water experts to carry out independent water sampling, the social crime may never have been exposed. The switch back to the Detroit Water and Sewerage Department, the source of the city’s water for 50 years, took place in October 2015, but the damage had already been done and continues to this day.
The settlement and compensation payment details are expected to win court approval within 45-60 days. At a press conference held Thursday, attorneys Michael Pitt and Ted Leopold explained the outlines of the settlement fund. Approximately 80 percent of the fund, after the attorney fees are paid, will be allocated to children with the majority going to those who were six years and younger at the time of the switch to the Flint River.
In addition, compensation will also go to adults, businesses, and property owners. $12 million is targeted for children with special education needs and $35 million will be set aside for “forgotten children,” including those in foster care who will be able to apply for compensation when they turn 18 years old.
The dollar amount for each individual will depend on how many residents apply for compensation and meet the evidence-based data requirements, including blood lead level documentation. For adults, the settlement establishes a filing process for those who want to submit damage claims to a court-approved claims administrator.
Significantly, state agencies and employees, including Rick Snyder, will no longer be defendants if a federal court judge, a state Court of Appeals Judge and Genesee Circuit Court Judge Joseph Farah accept the settlement. This means that none of the individuals who oversaw the sordid operation which resulted in the poisoning of an entire city will face justice in court.
Lawsuits will continue against the US Environmental Protection Agency and Veolia, an environmental consulting and private global water company, as well as the engineering firm, Lockwood, Andrews and Newman. Both private companies gave their okay for the antiquated Flint Water Treatment Plant to be used to treat the Flint River water.
Prior to Thursday’s press conference, both Michigan Democratic Governor Gretchen Whitmer and Attorney General Dana Nessel praised the “historic” settlement, alluding to the possibility of finally having closure. They both conveniently neglected to state what everyone in Flint knows: that not a single person has ever been prosecuted, convicted or jailed for this crime.
In fact, Whitmer, who replaced Republican Governor Rick Snyder in 2018, acted not to arrest and hold accountable those who were responsible for the worst man-made health crisis in US history, but to wipe the slate clean. In June 2019, Nessel dismissed all pending criminal charges—including involuntary manslaughter—against eight officials implicated in the water poisoning of the Flint population.
That a large percentage of the settlement is targeted for children demonstrates the callous disregard for human life by those overseeing and covering up the water crisis at the time. The harmful effects of ingesting lead have been well known since the beginning of the last century. The impact on young children is especially profound because of the rapid development of their bodies, including potential damage to the brain and nervous system. How many Flint children have been prevented from reaching their full human potential?
The lead poisoning is known to have caused as many as 276 miscarriages and the fertility rate in Flint fell 12 percent. Adults and children were sickened in countless other ways, suffering from diseases of the digestive, endocrine, renal and immune systems, as well as the heart and lungs. To this day, residents are still living with illnesses caused by the poisoned water.
Many lives have been needlessly lost. The untreated water not only poisoned the population with lead, but it also contributed to two significant spikes of Legionnaires’ disease, in June 2014 and May 2015. The failure to properly treat the water created ideal growth conditions for the deadly legionella bacteria, as well as other bacteria. Snyder and other government officials did not acknowledge the Legionnaires’ outbreaks until January 2016.
Thirteen Flint residents died from Legionnaires’, including the youngest victim, 30-year-old Jassmine McBride, in February 2019. A study suggests that 119 deaths attributed to pneumonia during the time the city relied on the Flint River water were likely due to undiagnosed Legionnaires’ disease.
General Motors and the United Auto Workers (UAW) union are also accomplices who will not be held to account. Both GM and the UAW concealed what they knew about the deadly effects of the lead poisoning from the population. By October 2014, surfaces of parts at GM’s Flint Engine plant were being corroded and eaten away to the point they no longer fit properly. The auto corporation quietly switched its water source without so much as a warning to the tens of thousands of Flint residents. If the water was rusting engine parts, what was it doing to the population?
Former UAW Vice President Norwood Jewell, who was convicted of taking tens of thousands of dollars in bribes from Fiat Chrysler, was also a figure in the Flint water crisis. When he was a regional director, Jewell was a key political backer of Flint Democratic Mayor Dayne Walling, who pushed the button on April 24, 2014 that shut off the city’s connection to the Detroit water system.
More importantly, along with Walling, Jewell was a proponent of the Karegnondi Water Authority (KWA), the money-making venture to build a new $285 million raw water pipeline to transfer water from Lake Huron to homes and businesses in Flint. The new pipeline was to run parallel to an existing treated-water pipeline operated by the Detroit Water and Sewerage Department, which had supplied Flint for more than half a century. The KWA was key to the whole operation, promising large profits to bondholders, developers and other corporate and financial interests.
In March 2013, Jewell stood before the Flint City Council to make the pitch for the KWA project, with Mayor Walling sitting behind him. Speaking like a member of upper management, he said, “GM pays a big water bill, and we’ve lost enough GM business in this town to take a chance that the water rates from Detroit will go up double-digits as they have year after year.” The state-appointed emergency manager, Mayor Walling and other local Democrats, and UAW bureaucrats like Jewell, falsely presented the KWA as a cost-savings measure.
The KWA was indeed all about making money. Like the 2013-14 bankruptcy restructuring of Detroit, a financial crisis in Flint—the product of decades of plant closings and mass layoffs by GM—was used by Snyder and his Democratic treasury secretary, former investment banker Andy Dillon, to implement long-standing plans to loot public assets.
Six years since the onset of the water poisoning, Flint residents are still paying water bills which are among the highest in the United States. Residents pay for water they do not drink because they do not trust it. They instead rely on bottled water—from charitable donations or from their own pockets—since the state ended its free distributions. The replacement of lead service lines has yet to be completed.
It is worth noting that in Whitmer’s remarks to the Democratic National Convention Monday night, delivered live from a UAW union hall in Lansing, Michigan, she made no mention of the Flint water poisoning or the toll it has taken on the population. All the capitalist politicians are eager to put the Flint water crisis behind them, and hope the $600 million settlement will appease workers, at least temporarily.
But Flint has become known throughout the world for the poisoning of the population as a result of the ruling elite placing profits over the lives of ordinary people. This experience is now the experience of tens of millions of workers in the United States and throughout the world.
As the coronavirus pandemic has raged uncontrollably throughout the US, the ruling elites have shown the same disregard for the safety and well-being of the population as they have for Flint. The inept and inhumane response by the political establishment to the Flint crisis is duplicated many times over in the response to the pandemic by the Trump administration and its Democratic Party accomplices.
What has changed since the onset of the water crisis in 2014 is the emergence of the working class in opposition to the ruling oligarchy’s subordination of all considerations of public health to protecting Wall Street. This emerging movement is the force to which Flint workers and youth must turn—not to the Democratic and Republican stooges of the financial oligarchy. This is the force that can put an end to the capitalist profit system—the source of poverty, oppression, inequality and war.

20 Aug 2020

Centre for Research in Agricultural Genomics (CRAG) Postdoctoral Junior Leader fellowships 2020/2021

Application Deadline: 7th October 2020

Eligible Countries: International

To Be Taken At (Country): Either of the 2 universities that make the CRAG consortium (University of Barcelona (UB), and Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB)),  Spain.

About the Award: The postdoctoral fellowships programme, Junior Leader “la Caixa”  is aimed at hiring excellent researchers—of any nationality—who wish to continue their research career in Spain or Portugal. Sponsored by Obra Social ”la Caixa”, the objectives of this programme are to foster high-quality, innovative research and to support the best scientific talents by providing them with an attractive, competitive environment in which to conduct excellent research.
The Junior Leader programme is divided into two different frames:
  • “la Caixa” Junior Leader – Incoming: 30 postdoctoral fellowships for researchers of all nationalities. They will be offered a three-year employment contract to conduct a research project at a centre accredited with a distinction of excellence, such as the “Severo Ochoa” (which CRAG holds). For Spanish institutions, candidates must have resided in Spain less than 12 months in the last three years.
  • “la Caixa” Junior Leader – Retaining: 15 postdoctoral fellowships for researchers of all nationalities to carry out research at any university or research centre in Spain (including CRAG) or Portugal. For Spanish institutions, candidates must have resided in Spain more than 12 months in the last three years.
By means of a complementary training programme, these fellowships are intended to consolidate research skills and to foster an independent scientific career as an option for the future.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: The program is aimed at international students who have completed one of the following options by July 2019:
  • studies that lead to an official Spanish (or from another country of the European Higher Education Area) university degree in Biology, Biochemistry, Biotechnology, or related areas and that have 300 credits (ECTS), of which at least 60 must correspond to master level.
  • a degree in a non-Spanish university not adapted to the European Higher Education Area that gives access to doctoral studies in Biology, Biochemistry, Biotechnology or related areas.
2. Candidates are selected exclusively on merit, on the basis of their curriculum. Academic grades and the curriculum of applicants are evaluated, as well as reference letters and a motivation letter. No selection criteria for positive or negative discrimination are applied.
3. Candidates cannot be in possession a PhD Degree.
4. Candidates cannot have been hired as predoctoral students for more than 12 months before the start of the PhD Program.
5. Candidates cannot have started a pre-doctoral fellowship funded by the Spanish “Plan Estatal de Investigación, Desarrollo e Innovación Tecnológica” or any previous “Plan Nacional”.
The doctoral program is in English. Therefore, a good knowledge of English is absolutely required. We encourage candidates to support the application with scores of internationally valid language exams like TOEFL or other tests. However, they are not mandatory: a verifiable education in English, or a reasonably long stay in an English speaking country are also convincing.

Selection: Applicants will be selected by the Principal Investigator responsible for the chosen project or projects (candidates may apply to more than one project). Successful applicants will start their PhD projects in autumn 2019.

Number of Awards: 45 (30 Postdoctorate Junior Leader – Incoming AND Postdoctorate Junior Leader – Retaining)

Value of Award: Researchers of the Postdoctoral Junior Leader fellowships programme will have a labor contract in accordance with employment legislation in force in Spain or Portugal, pursuant to provisions regarding occupational health and safety and social security, with access to suitable resources, equipment and facilities. Additionally, the fellowship includes mobility and family allowances.

Duration of Programme: 3 Years

How to Apply: 
  • If interested in applying, please carefully read the Application requirements and procedure and check out all available projects.
Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Centre for Research in Agricultural Genomics (CRAG) International CRAG “Severo Ochoa” PhD Program 2020

Application Deadline: 15th September 2020

Type: Research 

Eligibility:
  1. The program is aimed at international students who have completed one of the following options by September 2020:
    • studies that lead to an official Spanish (or from another country of the European Higher Education Area) university degree in Biology, Biochemistry, Biotechnology, or related areas and that have 300 credits (ECTS), of which at least 60 must correspond to master level.
    • a degree in a non-Spanish university not adapted to the European Higher Education Area that gives access to doctoral studies in Biology, Biochemistry, Biotechnology or related areas.
  2. Candidates are selected exclusively on merit, on the basis of their curriculum. Academic grades and the curriculum of applicants are evaluated, as well as reference letters and a motivation letter. No selection criteria for positive or negative discrimination are applied.
  3. Applicants should have obtained a Bachelor degree after January 2017.
  4. Candidates cannot be in possession of a PhD Degree.
  5. Candidates cannot have been hired as predoctoral students for more than 12 months before the start of the CRAG “Severo Ochoa” PhD Program
  6. Candidates cannot have started a pre-doctoral fellowship funded by the Spanish “Plan Estatal de Investigación, Desarrollo e Innovación Tecnológica” or any previous “Plan Nacional”.
Eligible Countries: International

To be Taken at (University): Either the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB) or the University of Barcelona (UB).

Number of Awards: 5

Value of Award: Doctoral students enrolled in this program will obtain their PhD Degree from either the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB) or the University of Barcelona (UB) fully funded.

Duration of Award: This is a four-year program beginning in mid 2021.

How to Apply: If interested in applying to the International CRAG “Severo Ochoa” PhD Program, please carefully read the Application requirements and procedure and check out all available projects.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Twelve US Billionaires Have a Combined $1 Trillion

Chuck Collins & Omar Ocampo

For the first time in US history, the top twelve U.S. billionaires surpassed a combined wealth of $1 trillion.  On Thursday August 13th, these 12 had a combined $1.015 trillion.
This is a disturbing milestone in the US history of concentrated wealth and power. This is simply too much economic and political power in the hands of twelve people.  From the point of view of a democratic self-governing society, this represents an Oligarchic Twelve or a Despotic Dozen.
The Oligarchic Dozen are Jeff Bezos ($189.4b), Bill Gates ($114b), Mark Zuckerberg ($95.5b), Warren Buffett ($80b), Elon Musk ($73b), Steve Balmer ($71b), Larry Ellison ($70.9b), Larry Page ($67.4b), Sergey Brin ($65.6b), Alice Walton ($62.5b), Jim Walton ($62.3b) and Rob Walton ($62b).
Since March 18th, the beginning of the pandemic, this Oligarchic Dozen have seen their combined wealth increase $283 billion, an increase of almost 40 percent.
Elon Musk has been the biggest pandemic profiteer, seeing his wealth triple from $24.6 billion on March 18th to $73 billion on August 13, an increase of $48.5 billion or 197 percent.
Amazon co-founder Jeff Bezos was worth $189.4 billion on August 13, up $76 billion or 68 percent since March 18th.
Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg was worth $95.5 billion on August 13,  up $40.8 billion or 75 percent since March 18th.
During the first stage of the pandemic, between January 1st and March 18th, the collective wealth of the Oligarchic Dozen declined by $96 billion.  But their wealth quickly rebounded and surpassed their September 2019 Forbes 400 wealth level.  The only exception is Warren Buffett, who is still $2 billion below his September 2019 wealth, but is currently worth $80 billion.
March 18th, 2020 marked the beginning of the Covid-19 lockdown and historic filings for unemployment — and also the intervention of the Federal Reserve with monetary actions to stabilize markets.
Philanthropy is not the answer but is becoming another extension of private power and interests.  A number of the Oligarchic Dozen are members of the Giving Pledge, a group of billionaires who promised to give away at least half their wealth before their death.  But as an Inequality Brief “Giving Pledge at 10,” by the Institute for Policy Studies reveals, ten years after beginning the Pledge, their combined wealth has doubled. Among the Oligarchic Dozen, five of the top seven billionaires — Gates, Buffett, Zuckerberg, Ellison, and Musk — have taken the Giving Pledge.

The Hunger Crisis in Guatemala

Yanis Iqbal

A report released by Oxfam in July 2020 states, “COVID-19 is deepening the hunger crisis in the world’s hunger hotspots and creating new epicentres of hunger across the globe. By the end of the year 12,000 people per day could die from hunger linked to COVID-19, potentially more than will die from the disease itself.” Like other regions in the world, Latin America, too, is set to witness the intensification of an already-existing hunger crisis with the number of people facing severe food insecurity increasing from 4.3 million in 2019 to 16 million in 2020, an increase of 269%.
Unprotected from the various global setbacks, Guatemala is also experiencing the pain of a hunger crisis exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. In June 2020, the World Food Programme (WFP) wrote the following about Guatemala: “With 2.3 million people in food insecurity nation-wide…and an additional 2.3 million people directly affected by the COVID-19 crisis, it is estimated that in the next 4 months, 800,000 people will be in severe food insecurity and need of food assistance”. In June 2020, 1.2 million people were in need of emergency food aid, an increase of 570,000 from the beginning of the year. At the end of May 2020, more than 15,000 cases of acute malnutrition were reported among children, exceeding the total number for the year 2019. In urban and peri-urban areas, the number of people requiring food assistance will double or triple in 2020. In Chiquimula, for example, there are 221 children with acute malnutrition, an increase of 56.6% from the last year. In the municipality of Camotán, there are 67 cases of malnutrition, an astronomic increase from 18 cases the previous year.
Angela Naletilic, Deputy Director for Action Against Hunger in Central America, says that
“More than half of Guatemalan households are having difficulty accessing markets and four out of ten families are using coping strategies that leave them worse off, such as depleting their savings or selling some of their assets,”.
Due to disruptions in supply chains, there has been a spike in food prices in Guatemala, further pushing the country into a 2008-like food price crisis where a 34% increase in the price of yellow maize plunged 450,000 Guatemalans into poverty. As a result of the aggravating hunger pandemic in Guatemala, protests have been staged and according to an agitator,
“We are dying not only from the virus but also from hunger, poverty, forgetfulness of the state, exploitation by businessmen, and corruption by politicians and the military”.
The present-day hunger crisis in Guatemala is a result of long-term, neoliberal policies, oriented towards the economic subordination of the country as a stable periphery for the global imperialist empire. Beginning roughly from the 1980s and 1990s, the country has witnessed the large-scale economic entrenchment of a neoliberal food system characterized by the growth of agro-export crops (mainly palm oil and sugarcane), decreasing land for domestic food crops and a grotesque land concentration in the hands of the few. In Guatemala, two-thirds of the agricultural land is dominated by 2.5% of the country’s farms, less than 1% of landowners hold 75% of the best agricultural land, 90% of rural inhabitants live in poverty, 27% of rural dwellers do not own land and more than 500,000 campesino families live below the level of subsistence. The average minimum landholding necessary for family subsistence in the country is between 4.5 and 7 hectares. In 1979, “88 percent of productive farm units were less than family subsistence size, holding 16 percent of arable land, while 2 percent of units held 65 percent of arable land…Between 1964 and 1979 the number of farms of less than 3.5 hectares doubled; between 1950 and 1979, the average farm size among those with less than 7 hectares fell from 2.4 to 1.8 hectares.” Through this drastic decrease in the size of landholdings, approximately 96% of farm units (comprising 20% of all agricultural lands) fell into the subsistence or below-subsistence categories in 1998.
Export-oriented Agro-industrialization in Guatemala
The undermining of subsistence and food security by land concentration has been accompanied by the destabilization of maize-self sufficiency and the concomitant substitution of food crops with agro-export crops. Maize in Guatemala is grown on one-third of the agricultural land and accounts for 91 per cent of the total cereal area in the country. It is also used in the making milpa, an ancient polycultural system of beans, maize and a variety of native greens. In the 1961-1990 period, maize imports had accounted for less than 4% of total consumption. Since then, imports have increased exponentially, accounting for one-third of the domestic supply. Whereas 98% of Guatemala’s total maize consumption during the 1980s was domestically produced, the proportion has declined to an average of 76% since 1990. This undermining of domestic maize production capabilities has occurred through reductions in agricultural expenditures and credits. Between 1983 and 1987, state credit for maize, beans and rice fell by 40%.
Withdrawal of state support for traditional maize farmers combined with the introduction of the Dominican Republic-Central America-United States Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) of 2004 to disrupt traditional agricultural practices. The free trade agreement allowed “US agribusiness to flood the markets with subsidized grains, further undermining local production. Extreme poverty spiked by 10 percentage points between 2006 and 2014”. While Guatemala farmers stopped receiving any support from the state, American corn farmers continued to “receive both direct subsidies (an average of $28,000 per farmer, which is more than five times Guatemala’s per capita GDP)…and indirect supports (like cheap water for irrigations and cheap oil made into fertilizers)”. As a result of this serious disparity, U.S. imports to Guatemala grew by 90 percent in less than a decade after DR-CAFTA, the sales of American produce in maize, wheat, and soy reaching $1.1 billion in 2014. From 649 Metric Tons (MT) in 2004, Guatemala’s maize imports have grown to 1600 MT in 2019. Currently, 4 of the top 5 exports of Guatemala are agricultural products, an indication of the economic extensiveness of DR-CAFTA.
The systematic dismantling of domestic maize production has paved the way for the installation of an export-oriented agricultural model comprising predominantly of palm oil and sugarcane. In 2008, the government of Guatemala considered 1,101,604 hectares, or thirty-seven per cent of the country’s total farmland, to be suitable for sugarcane and oil palm cultivation. In 2010, 102,000 hectares had been planted with oil palms and the area expansion from 2000 to 2010 was 590%. Between 2000 and 2016, palm oil production in Guatemala climbed six-fold, making it the second-largest oil palm producer in Latin America. The expansion of sugar-cane plantations in Guatemala occurred between 2001 and 2012, leading to a 55% increase in production area and a 46% increase in production volume. Total production in 2012 reached 2.5 million tons of sugar, of which 61 per cent were exported, and the total area amounted to 256,000 hectares. Annually, Guatemala produces over 2.7 million MT of sugar, ranking as the second largest sugar exporter in Latin America and fourth in the world.
Through the expansion of oil palm and sugarcane, food insecurity has heightened. The planting “of oil palm and sugarcane over lands previously dedicated to peasant and small-scale capitalist farming is eroding local wage labor opportunities because it is much less labor-intensive…oil palm and sugarcane require 52 and 36 working days per hectare/year respectively, while, for instance, the two annual maize harvests require 112 and chili cultivation 184 working days.” Substitution of food crops “by the corporately owned plantations [of palm oil and sugarcane] diminishes the employment and income opportunities of small-scale corn producers, regional traders and micro-entrepreneurs. These losses are not sufficiently compensated by the jobs and incomes offered by the agribusiness companies. The assertion that the highly capitalized agribusiness is a source of additional incomes and employment is not true in the case of Guatemala.”
Guatemala’s Annual Agricultural Survey of 2013 has found that a continuous growth of agro-export land surface in ten years, from 2003 to 2013, has coincided with a 26% decrease in the total agricultural employment. When income decreases, people are unable to afford food items and presently, half of the population is not able to afford the basic food basket. In addition to the loss of income, sugarcane and palm oil cultivation have “contributed to the disappearance of certain nutritious foods…compromised ecological resources (e.g. water, forest, and soils), and heightened the region’s exposure to external shocks (e.g. oil palm price fluctuations). Furthermore, food insecurity is exacerbated by the scalar incongruence between (beyond-community) food system threats, shocks and stresses, and (primarily within-household) adaptation strategies in relation to self- and market- provisioning of food.”
Violence, Securitization and Environmental Disaster
Palm oil and sugarcane plantations, apart from leading to market-oriented de-peasantization, also cause displacement, environmental disasters, economic uncertainty and consequently, food insecurity. In the Polochic Valley, for example, negotiations between campesino communities, state agencies, and the Chabil Utzaj sugar cane company fell apart in March 2011 “as at least 14 violent evictions were carried out between January and March 2011 on land claimed by the company. Community corn fields were destroyed in Canlún during the blitz, and private security guards returned to attack campesinos from the group on 21 May, killing Oscar Reyes with 12 gunshots and wounding at least three others”.
Through the use of violence against campesinos cultivating maize and other food crops, the sugar cane company was able to displace the peasants from their own lands, eliminate domestic food production in the region, force the campesinos into being dependent on imported food for consumption and exploit the rising food prices of the 2007-2008 period. Not having any disposable income as a result of crop destruction, the evicted campesinos were left in a state of intense food insecurity wherein the rising food prices disallowed them from achieving a basic subsistence level.
Like sugarcane, palm oil monocultures, too, are associated with environmental disasters, violence and food insecurity. A farmer settled in southwest Peten talks about how palm oil companies, through their securitization and militaristic regulation of agricultural lands, create barriers for food production: “When I want to go to my land, they don’t let me; I have to ask permission to harvest my corn or take out firewood or construction wood. I have to give accounts of what I take. This is what the company has done. They made it private property and planted palm on both sides of the road and don’t let anyone pass anymore. The security guards inspect what I carry in my bag when I go to my field in the morning; they write down my name and my identification number and they repeat this in the afternoon, too.” Many a times, palm oil companies don’t have the consent of the community and operate without any governmental licenses. According to a person living in the Polochic Valley,
“In 1996 the palm [cultivation] began [here], without the consent of the communities … they just came, planted their palm, and put up their factory. They didn’t ask if it’s okay or what the communities think about it …. At first, they said it is going to bring development and it’s a good process. But the truth is, there’s no development – rather, it’s a disaster.”
Along with securitized regulation and the violation of free, prior and informed consent, palm oil production is also linked to environmental disasters and the contamination of the Río la Pasió River in the Sayaxché municipality is a paradigmatic example of such catastrophes. In May 2015, the oxidation lagoons (containing wastes from oil mills and chemicals for fertilizers and pesticides) of the company Reforestadora de Palma S.A. (REPSA), a subsidiary of the biggest producer of palm oil in Guatemala, the Olmeca group, overflowed due to heavy rains and spilled their contents (mainly malathion) into the surrounding areas. As a result of this spillover, four severe effects were produced: “1) an at least 150 km-long section of the [Río la Pasió] river damaged; 2) between 13 to 17 communities [of the Sayaxché municipality]directly affected (more than 12,000 persons) along with, indirectly, the whole department [of Petén] ; 3) fish populations of at least 23 species identified by a government institution decimated as a result of the toxic spill; and 4) the possibility that the river’s ecosystem would never recover”.
Out of the 23 species decimated by the spillover, six were endangered species and six had economic value for the communities. With the deaths of the economically valuable fishes, there has been a concomitant loss of 8 million euros. In addition to ecological-economic loss, the malathion overflow has heavily impacted the communities living in the department of Peten since exposure to the chemical “interferes with the normal functioning of the nerves and the brain; and exposure to very high levels in air, water, or food for a short time can cause shortness of breath, chest tightness, vomiting, cramps, diarrhea, blurred vision, excessive sweating, dizziness, unconsciousness, and death.” Melding and synchronizing the all-pervasive effects of the malathion spillover, Saúl Paau, a community Leader, characterizes it as a crime against humanity:
“We can categorize the case as a crime against humanity, because not only are various species of our rivers being killed, but the river is also part of our historical culture, it is part of our territory, we feed on it, and with pollution and fish mortality today the food security of each and all the 116 thousand inhabitants that live in the municipalities of Sayaxché is violated…The issue of the breakdown of the ecosystem and the environment is not only water and fish, it is air, is human health, environmental health ”.
The ecological catastrophe in the Sayaxché municipality was in the making for many years since the palm oil project of REPSA did not have an approved Environmental Impact Study (EIS) and despite this the Guatemalan state allowed the company to carry out its operations. Américo González López, Mayor of the Manos Unidos Cooperative, talks about how the RESPA palm oil project in the Sayaxché municipality was flawed from the beginning and had state protection for whatever plunder it did in the region: “This case [contamination of Río la Pasió] proves that MARN [Ministry of the Environment and Natural Resources] has failed and that the municipality has failed. The people of the area were not consulted about the project in spite of the fact that it was a project with a huge environmental impact. How is it possible that this type of situation was not foreseen? Or that now the government doesn’t know what to do to mitigate the harm done? This shows that the EIS were not real. They monopolize the water. They divert the river water to their greenhouses or for watering the palm trees, and the rivers are drying up. In the 48 years I have lived here, I have never seen river levels so low. The watering holes in our pasturelands have dried up and that has never happened before. They took down too many trees, and now they are using too much water.” The disruption of hydrological dynamics by palm oil companies is not an isolated event and the destruction of water balances is a part and parcel of palm oil production which has an extremely high water requirement of 5500 m3 /ton of crop yield – about five times that of maize.
Various organizations have attempted to protest the unencumbered pillage of REPSA and to bring attention to the irreparable ecological damage being done by the company.  A local community group called the Commission for the Defense of Life and Nature, for instance, took legal action and won a court ruling that called the spill as an “ecocide” and asked the company to suspend operations for six months at the Sayaxché palm plantation in Petén. But these judicial decisions have been overturned by violence linked to RESPA. Subsequent to the court ruling, three environmental defenders were kidnapped and a fourth activist, named Rigoberto Lima Choc, a 28-year-old schoolteacher from Champerico who had filed the complaint, was killed. After this spate of violence, REPSA continued with its palm oil business. Along with overt violence, REPSA is also utilizing informational platforms, confrontational tactics and securitization strategies to quell long-term resistance against its environmentally disastrous operations. Lorenzo Pérez, Coordinator of the National Council of Displaced Persons of Guatemala, says,
“Other companies sit down at the dialogue table and are more respectful, but REPSA doesn’t want to meet with the people. They have security personnel who take videos and photos of journalists. They are currently harassing journalists and have an ongoing REPSA radio campaign to convince people of their good image. People are aware of the impact they are having, but in order to keep their job, they don’t say anything. Some time ago when 15 workers tried to form a union, they were fired.”
Meanwhile, the people of Sayaxché continue to suffer from the ecocide and the statement of María Margarita Hernández de Herrera, a 45-year-old Q’eq’chi Mayan woman, living with her husband and three children in the village of Canaán, in Sayaxché, Petén, expresses the long-term repercussions of the river contamination for the livelihoods of many:
“This [river contamination] is the most difficult thing for a community that lives surrounded by [palm oil]plantations, because we’ve lost the lands where we used to cultivate our crops; and with the contamination of the river, we can no longer fish and prepare the catch alongside the river to eat with our beans. The entire environment is contaminated because now we have constant infestations of flies in our food, on our fruits, so we have to take special care that the children don’t get sick. We see that the color and the smell of the river has changed; our water sources have diminished; and when we wash our clothes and bathe our children in the river, we get skin lesions, diarrhea, nausea.”
In its 1989 annual report, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) had blamed the structural adjustment policies of the 1980s for the death of hundreds of thousands of children in the Global South. Instead of using bland, benumbed and bureaucratic jargon, it had used unequivocal terms to condemn the cruelty of structural adjustment programs:
“It is essential to strip away the niceties of economic parlance and say that what has happened is simply an outrage against a large segment of humanity. The developing world’s debt, both in the manner in which it was incurred and in the manner in which it is being ‘adjusted to’ is an economic stain on the second half of the twentieth century. Allowing world economic problems to be taken out on the growing minds and bodies of young children is the antithesis of all civilized behavior. Nothing can justify it. And it shames and diminishes us all.”
The words used by UNICEF back then in 1989 resonate loudly with the current situation in Guatemala. In this country, the prevalence of stunting in children under 5 is one of the highest in the world at 46.5% nationally. The stunting rate rises to 70% in some departments and 90% in the hardest hit municipalities. In 2019, food insecurity had worsened as more than 78% of the corn and bean harvest was lost in the year, affecting 250,000 people. Child malnutrition also increased from 60% in 2016 to 69% in 2019. Silveria Pérez, a mother of four living in a rural Guatemalan community, says,
“You’re told your child is malnourished. You get scared and wonder if your child is going to die. You can’t sleep because you’re thinking about what you can do. But as you have no money, there’s no way he’ll get better.”
All this is slated to aggravate in the coming months as neoliberal capitalism, unable to look beyond the narrow horizons of profit maximization, fails to tackle the hunger crisis and becomes “an outrage against a large segment of humanity”.

Tentacles of an Octopus; the Pride and Prejudice of Nationalism

Madhu Bhaduri

Nationalism is like a jellyfish that can take on new forms, but of late in India it has become more like an octopus, spreading its menacing tentacles, arbitrarily declaring some as ‘anti national’ others more intimidating, for being a threat to ‘national security’ which invariably ends up in slapping of law of sedition against the person whose only offence might have been to criticize the government. A declared threat to national security has deprived the people of Kashmir from access to internet connectivity for more than a year. Today India ranks first among nations in the world for most frequently cutting off internet connectivity in the name of national security.  This hallowed term Nationalism, is it like the Holy Cow above all criticism, beyond the right to freedom of expression, or in more extreme cases of arbitrary imprisonment of people without trial for years; denying them freedom to life? It is imperative to dig deeper into why and how the concept of nationalism is prone to be turned and twisted.
The emergence of nations is a relatively recent development in history. It began in Europe around the mid nineteenth century when large sized monarchies and dynasties began to crumble to be replaced by nation states on the basis of ethnic, racial and cultural affinities. Even before the disintegration of the Ottoman and Habsburg empires, two nations Germany and Italy were formed by integration of small princely states.
Along with these changes in political geography, there was a clamor by people for participation in governance. The slogans of the French revolution calling for ‘equality, justice and fraternity’ still resonated in the air.
The emergence of nations evoked feelings of pride for the ethnic, racial and cultural affinity which became the basis of nation states. The other side of this Pride was a feeling of being distinct and ‘other’ than neighbouring nations and of ‘other’ racial and ethnic groups. As a consequence aggression towards other nations often in the name of defence became an integral part of nationalism. This otherness bred prejudices which naturally extended towards ethnic and religious minorities who lived within the national boundaries. Identity based nationalism often turns into manufactured hatred for those who are not the same. In other words nationalism is based in equal measure on feelings of Pride for national identity and Prejudice towards others who do not share the same identity on some ground or the other. Einstein, whose Jewish origin compelled him to leave his native Germany, when asked about his views said: “nationalism in my opinion is nothing more than an idealistic rationalization for militarism and aggression.” What in normal times can be regarded as prejudice, can it turn into aggression and militarism as German nationalism descending into Nazi barbarism had shown? Einstein among many other Jewish intellectuals had personal experience of it.
Rabindranath Tagore like Einstein suffered the pride and prejudices of colonial British administration. He saw an irreconcilable contradiction between humanism and nationalism. In a famous lecture on Nationalism delivered in America in 1917, he said: “there is only one history …..Not on the basis of nationalism but of humanism.” Tagore was explicit in saying that it was his conviction that “my countrymen will truly gain their India by fighting against the education that teaches them that a country is greater than the ideals of humanity.”  Many other thinkers also viewed nationalism as being opposed to humanism; George Orwell and H G Wells are also well known for their views.
Our immediate concern is not the idea or philosophy of nationalism but how it drives national policies based on ‘national interest’. Its most obvious fall out is an increasing number of  people being charged with being anti national while others being held in prison indefinitely for being a security risk to the nation. These are all actions by the government which defines national interest, often in contradiction to the constitutional rights of citizens. The right to freedom of speech is its first victim. Professors and journalist including one with 90% disability confined in a wheel chair are considered dangerous. Indeed, such a danger to national security that even a humane one time gesture of allowing a meeting with a dying mother is not allowed. An 80 year old poet whose only weapon all along his life has been his pen is such a security threat to the nation that even after he contacted covid19 virus and was in a delirious state, his wife and daughter were not allowed to see him. The evidence against them is usually not in public domain until the matter comes up in the courts, and the system allows this to be an indefinitely long period. In the mean time a manufactured notion of national security allows the government to use force to silence dissidents who critique government policies. Unfettered freedom of speech is now the right enjoyed only by the supporters of the government. Some members of the ruling party including a minister in the central government repeatedly made hate speeches inciting violence against religious minorities. They have full freedom of speech even if it incites violence and riots. This is not considered anti national, because hate and violence are accepted and rationalized towards minorities in the name of nationalism, as Einstein had said.
As I write this, a leading advocate of the Supreme Court has been convicted for contempt of court for posting two tweets which were critical of the court. The restriction of freedom of speech has now spread beyond the executive to the highest court of the country which is of the view that its ‘majesty and dignity’ have been diminished by two tweets! Concern and what is more, expression of concern by citizens about the way nationalism is being (mis)used by the government is likely to spread. Will the heavy hand of the powers that be see this writing on the wall? As things stand today, dissidents alone are a threat to the security of the nation.
Nations are defined within territorial boundaries and like everything else national boundaries also change from time to time and so must territorial nationalism. After World War II European countries got divided between East and West Europe. Germany as a nation got divided. Some decades later after the death of President Tito, the proud nation of Yugoslavia which along with Egypt and India was the founder of the non aligned movement broke (after violent struggles) into seven nations. In 1991 the Soviet Union turned into 14 different nations. In the Soviet case there was no struggle and no violence in the emergence of so many new nations. The Soviet regime caused its own easy demise by not allowing freedom of expression and movement and for having imposed authoritarian controls on its people who welcomed the end of authoritarianism. The collapse of Soviet control was welcomed with much jubilation in the nations of East Europe. Soviet nationalism turned in to the expression of several nationalisms only 30 years ago.
An Egyptian friend once said to me: isn’t it strange that we have one race and one language and even one religion but we are 22 different Arab countries. In India you have 22 different languages in addition to many ethnic, racial and religious differences, yet you are one country. Indeed it is something to ponder over. Close to us in history and geography we have seen a young nation created on religious solidarity falling apart under the weight of unfair imposition of political control by West Pakistan on East Pakistan in 1971.
So, is nationalism just a mobilizing slogan?  Is authoritarianism in the name of nationalism a last dangerous twist of the knife, shredding our humanism, our shared history and culture?

New Zealand election date postponed as COVID-19 cases rise

John Braddock

New Zealand’s Labour Prime Minister Prime Jacinda Ardern announced on Monday that she had decided to shift the date of the forthcoming national elections from September 19 to October 17.
The near month-long postponement takes place amid a second outbreak of COVID-19 cases, centred in South Auckland. After 102 days with no evidence of community transmission, the country’s biggest city is now under a “level three” lockdown, at least until August 26.
In just over a week, 80 cases of COVID-19 have been identified in the community, not including 21 infections among people who have arrived from overseas. Almost all positive cases are in hotels that have been turned into quarantine facilities run by the military. Six patients have been hospitalised. Two of the community cases have no known link to the South Auckland cluster, including one hotel maintenance worker.
Ardern and Health Minister Chris Hipkins admitted to a breakdown of COVID-19 testing for frontline workers at borders and quarantine facilities, blaming public officials for failing the government’s “expectations.” Ardern announced Wednesday that some 500 additional NZ Defence Force staff will guard quarantine hotels, bringing the total military involvement to over 1,000 personnel.
The country’s second coronavirus outbreak continues to grow every day, and the source of the main cluster is unknown. It has spread to a number of workplaces, including a cold storage facility, a NZ Post centre, the Ports of Auckland, two tertiary institutions and several schools. Thousands of people have been tested as “close contacts” of infected persons.
The election delay highlights the increasing political instability triggered by the pandemic. It is only the fourth such postponement in New Zealand’s history. The previous occasions were during World Wars I and II and in response to the upsurge of working-class opposition to capitalism during the 1930s Great Depression.
Ardern said her decision was based on public health concerns and was “in the best interests of voters and our democracy.” In fact, it was a political compromise in response to demands from the opposition National Party, which has been lagging in the polls, and the right-wing nationalist NZ First Party, which is part of the government. National claimed that the Auckland lockdown meant it could not properly campaign, and that Ardern gained an “unfair” advantage from her daily COVID-19 briefings.
Significantly, Ardern’s announcement came the day after Deputy Prime Minister Winston Peters, leader of coalition partner NZ First, revealed he had written to Ardern stating his preference for a delay. He publicly released the letter, he said, to make sure the governor-general knew a majority of parliament, including NZ First and National, wanted a delay. It amounted to a threat to break up the coalition and cast doubt on the legitimacy of the election, if Ardern did not accede.
Ardern publicly rejected suggestions that she had been swayed by Peters’ letter. Her decision, however, effectively throws NZ First a lifeline, giving the party more time to campaign. It is currently polling below the 5 percent threshold required to re-enter parliament.
NZ First is a right-wing nationalist party, notorious for its racist and anti-immigrant agitation against Chinese, Indian and Muslim people. It advocates a strong military and police force. Labour gave NZ First a major role in the coalition government, despite the party receiving only 7.2 percent of the votes in 2017. With Peters embedded as foreign minister, the Labour-NZ First-Greens coalition has further integrated New Zealand into the US military preparations against China in the Asia-Pacific region, and implemented harsh anti-immigrant policies.
Peters decided to form a coalition with the Labour Party, despite the National Party gaining more votes in 2017, because Labour’s anti-immigrant and anti-Chinese policies were more closely aligned with NZ First.
Ardern’s change of date received widespread support from the corporate media. Right-wing columnist Matthew Hooton described it in the New Zealand Herald as a “masterful” move, while the Canterbury Employers’ Chamber of Commerce said it gave “some surety in uncertain times.”
Ordinary people, however, were less enthusiastic. According to a Herald poll on August 17, before the announcement, 60 percent supported a postponement, mostly in Auckland. Elsewhere there was stronger support for the original date, with 53 percent in Wellington saying it should go ahead as planned, and 43 percent in Canterbury saying the same.
Behind the political turmoil there are rising social tensions. The pandemic has already led to tens of thousands of job losses. The tourism industry, which accounts for one in 10 jobs, has been devastated, and there have been major redundancies in retail and manufacturing. Thousands of people are struggling to sustain rent and mortgage payments.
Having been glorified by the world’s media for its response to the pandemic, including a relatively early and strict lockdown in March-April, New Zealand is now one of many countries, including Australia, experiencing serious new outbreaks. This underscores the falsehood of the conception—promoted by the trade unions, pro-Labour Party pundits and pseudo-left groups—that the global pandemic could be defeated through national isolationism.
Finance Minister Grant Robinson was forced this week to announce a two-week extension to the government’s “wage subsidy” scheme, covering approximately 470,000 jobs. The scheme, originally due to expire on September 1, is in fact a subsidy for employers who can show a revenue drop due to COVID-19 of 40 percent, and has already paid out more than $NZ13 billion.
The Child Poverty Action Group, Salvation Army, Lifewise and Auckland Action Against Poverty have all warned that welfare benefits are not sufficient to survive on. Treasury is forecasting unemployment to more than double to 10 percent this quarter.
The surge in cases is hitting the working class the hardest, particularly Pacific and Maori communities in impoverished and overcrowded areas of South Auckland. The Guardian reported on Wednesday that of the new cases linked to public transmission, Pacific Islanders make up 74 percent while Māori account for 16 percent. “It’s nothing to do with the virus, it’s the socioeconomic conditions,” Dr Colin Tukuitonga of Auckland University said.
There are signs of unrest. Some 3,200 nurses and other health workers at medical centres across the country are due to walk off the job on September 3 as part of a long-running struggle for pay parity with their counterparts employed by District Health Boards.
While the Labour Party remains the business elite’s preferred option to lead the next government, the deepening social crisis, the coronavirus outbreak and the election delay could hinder its re-election campaign. At Labour’s launch on August 8, Ardern confidently declared that the campaign would be fought as a “COVID election,” based on her government’s purportedly successful record leading the country’s so-called “team of five million” through the pandemic.
Whatever tactical adjustments are now made, Ardern has made it clear that there will be no repeat of Labour’s 2017 election campaign, which falsely promised “transformative” action to reduce child poverty and solve the housing crisis. None of this has come to fruition, as Labour has run a right-wing government imposing austerity and anti-immigrant measures at home, along with pro-US militarism abroad.

Tensions rise as Zimbabwe’s economy implodes

Stephan McCoy

President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s ZANU-PF government faces mounting opposition as economic and social tensions rise.
Zimbabwe’s currency is in free fall, with inflation running at 800 percent, leading to severe food, fuel, medicine, and currency shortages.
With salaries worth just 10 percent of what they were two years ago, poverty has risen by a third. More than 70 percent of the population live below the poverty line and 34 percent live in extreme poverty. Power outages and water shortages compound their misery.
The income required for a family of five to obtain “both food and non-food items” has risen by 33 percent over this year, making many basic goods out of reach for most Zimbabweans. The food poverty line, in a country that was once the continent’s breadbasket, has reached 40 percent.
Zimbabwe has recorded just under 5,000 confirmed cases of the coronavirus, and over 120 deaths. This is believed to be a significant underestimate, with some of the country’s leading figures becoming infected, including several legislators and Mnangagwa’s son.
The healthcare system, already limited and starved of resources, is on its knees, struggling to respond to the pandemic which is disrupting other healthcare services.
Fifteen thousand nurses, at the forefront of the struggle against the pandemic, have been on strike for nearly two months, vowing not to return to work—despite government threats and intimidation—until their demands for personal protective equipment (PPE) and the payment of their wages in US dollars are met. Their lives are being put at risk by the lack of PPE.
On July 28, the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights said that 200 health workers had tested positive for COVID-19. According to CGTN Africa, at least 10 percent of confirmed cases are healthcare workers, with the total number of infected healthcare workers reaching 480.
Nurses began their strike over two months ago and have periodically been joined by doctors. The government employer, the Health Services Board, has declared the strike illegal and taken the striking nurses off the payroll. Last month, 13 nurses and union representatives were arrested in Harare after they staged a demonstration demanding better wages and working conditions.
Despite the widespread poverty and the nurses’ strike, the ZANU-PF government has agreed to pay $3.5 billion to more than 4,000 white farmers evicted from their land after 2000, in a bid to placate US and European imperialism. To fund the interest payments on the bond, the government is considering selling an international bond, using commodity exports such as gold, diamonds and platinum, and municipal land around the nation’s biggest cities.
Mnangagwa appointed his vice-president, Constantino Chiwenga, as health minister after being forced to sack the previous minister, Obadiah Moyo, due to corruption in the awarding of a $20 million contract for COVID-19 testing kits. The corruption was exposed by investigative journalist Hopewell Chin’ono, who is now in prison facing charges of inciting violence against the government. Moyo was arrested and is awaiting trial.
According to Bloomberg , relations between Mnangagwa and Chiwenga are acrimonious, which is why he has now been given the poisoned chalice of the health ministry. Mnangagwa accused Chiwenga during a “heated exchange” in a politburo meeting of attempting to use the July 31 protests to embarrass him. Chiwenga, a former general with strong support in the military, is seen as a possible rival for the presidency.
While Chiwenga played a prominent role in the 2017 coup that ousted longtime ruler Robert Mugabe and brought Mnangagwa to power, Mnangagwa has attempted to undermine his influence by reassigning those seen as being loyal to Chiwenga to other posts or outside the country.
Such is the economic turmoil that last June, in an unprecedented move, the Joint Operations Command (JOC) made up of officials from the military, police and secret service, intervened to order the closure of the stock exchange and to ban large mobile-money transfers in a bid to avert collapse. Military leaders denied they were planning a coup.
Mnangagwa’s accusations come after Zimbabwe’s Central Intelligence Organisation seized fliers from the home of Cleveria Chizema, a member of ZANU-PF’s politburo, denigrating him and calling for ZANU-PF supporters to join the opposition protest on July 31, while praising Chiwenga. ZANU-PF has now suspended Chizema for plotting against Mnangagwa.
According to Africa Confidential, several within this group are in favour of either Chiwenga or General Sibusiso Moyo taking over from Mnangagwa in a palace coup and the formation of a National Transitional Authority, including opposition Movement for Democratic Change-Alliance (MDC-A) leader Nelson Chamisa, who lost the widely criticised 2018 election to Mnangagwa.
The euphoria that accompanied Mnangagwa’s ouster of his longtime ally Mugabe in a military coup, when he advanced himself as the strongman required to restore order necessary and secure international investment, soon evaporated. His August 2018 election victory was marred by allegations of irregularities and the killing of at least six protesters. A few months later, his government deployed the army to suppress protests over the deteriorating economic conditions, killing at least 18 people.
The imperialist powers imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe in 2003, targeting specific individuals and 56 companies and other organisations, making it difficult for Zimbabwe to obtain loans. They initially backed Mnangagwa in the hope of weaning him off relations with China. Beijing had for decades supported Mugabe, investing heavily in the country’s extractive industries, agriculture, telecoms, and hydropower.
Earlier this month, the US Treasury sanctioned Mnangagwa’s wealthy business ally Kudakwashe Tagwirei, chief executive of Sakunda Holdings and majority owner of Landela Mining Ventures. He is widely seen as a proxy for Mnangagwa, whose personal fortune is estimated at $500 million, thanks to his stakes in several banks, mines, agribusiness, and transport companies.
This indicates that any international loan will be dependent upon clearing out the corrupt circle of plutocrats around Mnangagwa, including the president himself. Mnangagwa has accused Washington and the major powers of inciting the opposition to his government.
In the wake of the attempted coup, the government reimposed lockdown restrictions and flooded the streets of the capital Harare with police and military to prevent the July 31 protests over the deteriorating economic situation. The protests had been called by the MDC-A, which seeks to normalize Zimbabwe’s relations with the imperialist powers, and some smaller oppositional parties.
The security forces used checkpoints and roadblocks set up during the COVID-19 lockdown to stop protesters reaching the city. At least 60 people were arrested, including novelist Tsitsi Dangarembga and MDC-A spokesperson, Fadzayi Mahere.
This followed the arrest of around 100 oppositionists, journalists, and other prominent critics in recent weeks. Journalist Hopewell Chin’ono was one of the protest’s organisers and has spent the last four weeks in prison on charges of inciting public violence. Last week, he appeared in court to make his third appeal for bail wearing leg irons.
While the magistrate ordered the removal of his leg irons, he refused to allow his claims about the harsh treatment he has received in jail—including lack of warm clothing, suitable food for his medical condition, and personal protective equipment—to be heard in public because it could “jeopardize prison security.”
Lawyers say that Transform Zimbabwe party leader Jacob Ngarivhume has reported similar treatment and has been denied bail twice.