8 Feb 2021

Coalition government in New Caledonia collapses

John Braddock


The coalition government led by President Thierry Santa in the French Pacific territory of New Caledonia has collapsed after pro-independence politicians resigned, citing persistent economic issues and unrest over the sale of nickel assets.

Five members representing the pro-independence groups—UC-FLNKS and the Union Nationale pour L’Indépendance (UNI)—resigned on 2 February. Both groups are members of the Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS), which campaigns for independence from France.

Santa’s conservative anti-independence coalition, L’Avenir en Confiance (LAC), has led the current government for just 18 months. The LAC issued a statement accusing the separatists of “causing a political crisis” in the middle of the COVID-19 pandemic and rising economic and social tensions.

People attend a referendum in Noumea, New Caledonia, Sunday, Oct. 4, 2020. (AP Photo/Mathurin Derel)

The FLNKS resignations came as the government debated its budget and the future of the country’s nickel industry. The islands hold nearly a quarter of the world’s reserves of the strategic mineral, with the industry hit hard by a collapse in the world price in the wake of the global financial crisis.

New Caledonia’s 54-member Congress has two weeks to choose 11 new members from the four main parliamentary groups. Under the Noumea Accord, a 1998 agreement between the French state and supporters of independence, New Caledonia is administered by a multi-party government. Any minister who resigns must be replaced by a member of the same parliamentary group. If no successor is nominated the government loses office and congress must choose the new members who, in turn, elect a new president.

In their resignation statements, Louis Mapou (UNI) and Pierre Chanel Tein Tutugoro (UC-FLNKS) said that throughout 2020, New Caledonia had “traversed a deep internal crisis.” They cited social and economic conditions that had “built up over many years,” uncertainty over preparations for the next independence referendum and the COVID-19 pandemic which has had “significant impacts” since last March.

The rupture between the pro-and anti-independence factions of the ruling elite has shattered the fragile political arrangement established under the current parliament to suppress growing anger among the working class.

The FLNKS represents the interests of a relatively privileged layer of Kanaks who are seeking a larger slice of the economic pie and greater political say. Its statement declared that the multi-party government “found it difficult to work in collegiality” and concluded: “The institutional process has broken down, and consensus has become less and less the norm. Discussions between New Caledonia’s political groups and the French state [over independence] have been interrupted.”

Santa in turn expressed alarm about destabilisation of New Caledonia’s economy and politics in the coming weeks, and condemned the “scorched earth policy” of the independence movement. By triggering a political crisis “in the midst of managing the health crisis, a possible budgetary crisis and severe economic and social tensions,” the independents posed “an immense risk to all of New Caledonia,” he declared.

The crisis follows protests riots in recent months over the sale of Brazilian mining giant Vale’s Goro Nickel plant, which threatens the jobs of some 3,000 workers after years of financial losses and conflict with indigenous Kanak communities over land degradation.

During protests in Noumea on November 8 and 9, cars were torched, shops vandalised and people injured in clashes with police, who used tear gas. French riot police were deployed in several areas while an elite squad was sent to the plant, which was damaged and forced to shut.

Vale has signed a binding sale agreement with an international consortium involving Prony Resources and Swiss financier Trafigura. However, Kanak leaders and pro-independence parties, backed by the trade unions, have sought to steer growing anger behind a bid led by local company Sofinor, arguing that majority ownership of the mine should rest with New Caledonians. Sofinor is the financial arm of the pro-independence Northern Province.

The dispute over the Goro sale erupted alongside last year’s independence referendum, the second of three planned plebiscites. In October, the territory voted by a 53.3 to 46.7 percent majority in favour of remaining a part of France. Support for independence, however, appears to be growing, with a third and final referendum due in two years.

Fuelling these developments are intensifying social and class conflicts. Miners, processing workers, truck drivers, airport workers and others have engaged over recent years in militant struggles to defend jobs and conditions, bringing them into conflict with the entire ruling class.

Invariably, these struggles have been sold out by the trade unions, leaving many workers angry and frustrated. Noumea remains a polarised capital, where many low-paid workers live in slum conditions. The Kanaks, who make up 44 percent of the territory’s 270,000 population, are socially disenfranchised with many still living in primitive, subsistence circumstances in rural villages.

The simmering crisis has been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The isolated archipelago has registered just 47 cases from the virus and no deaths. However, it faces an unprecedented budget crunch due to the impact of border closures on the tourism-dependent economy.

In November the government was forced to extend travel restrictions in and out of the territory until the end of July 2021, because of the worsening global pandemic. With enormous pressure on the economy, a vote on the 2021 budget has been pushed back to March, a decision opposed by the pro-independence parties and cited as one of the reasons for their resignations.

The budget impasse follows a dispute last September over a $US270 million loan from the French Development Agency (FDA) to cope with the impact of the pandemic. The loan was accepted by Santa as the territory’s social security system experienced severe problems. The anti-independence Caledonia Together (CT) party accused Santa of abandoning New Caledonia’s “sovereignty” in terms of fiscal, health and social matters.

CT warned that to repay the debt over 25 years the government would need to levy $US165 million in additional taxes by 2021 which they said would kill the economy and increase the social divide. The 2020 budget, totalling $CFP 13.7 billion ($US135.1 million), almost $CFP 50 billion more than the previous year, was only finally approved after being increased to cover the costs of health crisis management, along with the FDA loan.

Political tensions have been deepening for some time. Although on the same side on the independence question, CT and the anti-independence parties, calling themselves the Loyalists, have been at loggerheads since last year. In the 2019 elections, the once dominant CT suffered a severe electoral setback, being left with only one minister in the 11-strong collegial government.

The small Eveil Océanien (EO), with three seats in Congress and a minister in the outgoing government, may hold the key to any forthcoming parliamentary regroup. The EO draws support from the Wallisian, Futunan and Tahitian communities, which have historically supported anti-independence parties. However, last year the EO Congress members formally joined the UC-FLNKS parliamentary group. EO’s leaders have been holding discussions with the FLNKS this weekend to determine their next steps.

6 Feb 2021

Women Who Tech Emerging Tech Grants Program 2021

Application Deadline: 19th February 2021

About the Award: Tech startups play a pivotal role in the future of this world by driving innovative solutions forward. Women Who Tech has launched the Emerging Tech Challenge to fund innovative women-led startups.

The Emerging Tech Grant is designed to fund women-led ventures focused on solving the biggest problems facing this world. 

Eligible Field(s): Your startup must fit within one of the following verticals: Agriculture or Food Tech, AI, AR, Blockchain, Cybersecurity, EdTech, Energy or Environmental Tech, FinTech, Future of Work, Hardware, HealthTech, IoT, Machine Learning, Robotics, SaaS, Space Tech, or Mobility or Transportation Tech, VR.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility:

  • Your startup must be based within Africa, Europe, or North America.
     
  • Your startup must fit within one of the following verticals: Agriculture or Food Tech, AI, AR, Blockchain, Cybersecurity, EdTech, Energy or Environmental Tech, FinTech, Future of Work, Hardware, HealthTech, IoT, Machine Learning, Robotics, SaaS, Space Tech, or Mobility or Transportation Tech, VR.
     
  • Your product must be in beta or already launched to the public. The only exception to this rule is for Ag Tech/Food Tech, Robotics, and Mobility/Transportation startups who must either be in prototype phase, in beta, or already launched to the public.​​​​​​​ You may not apply if you are only in the concept stage.

    Note: A prototype is an initial model built to test your product; it is not just a design or a wireframe.
     
  • You cannot have raised more than $5M USD from combined sources.
     
  • Your startup must incorporate technology into the approach of your product, which allows the company to rapidly and massively scale in a manner that traditional, independent small businesses cannot. Please note that using tech (i.e. hosting a blog, selling products on your website, or using social media in your marketing) does not qualify as using tech to scale on a mass level nationally and globally.
     
  • Fast growing with degrees of innovation. 
     
  • All ideas must be original work or an improvement upon an existing idea without infringements. 
     
  • You are a technical founder or you have a technical cofounder. Note: If this does not apply to you, please email us (info@womenwhotech.com) and tell us more about your setup. 
     
  • You must be a woman-led startup, defined as having at least one woman founder or cofounder on the team.

    Note: Women Who Tech uses an inclusive definition of “woman” and “female”, and we welcome transwomen, genderqueer women, and non-binary people who identify as gender-nonconforming, female, and/or woman. People who identify within gender identities associated within the male and/or man spectrums are asked not to apply to uplift space and access for people of genders that are historically oppressed and underfunded.

Eligible Countries: Countries across Africa, Europe, and North America 

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:

  • $15,000 Innovation Grant
  • $5,000 Impact Grant
  • ONE ON ONE Pitch Coaching

How to Apply: Apply here

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

JSPS–UNU Postdoctoral Fellowship Programme 2021

Application Deadline: 21st February 2021

Eligible Countries: International

To Be Taken At (Country): Tokyo, Japan

Fields of Research:

Under this programme fellows conduct research relevant to one or more of the main thematic focus areas of UNU-IAS: sustainable societies, natural capital & biodiversity, and global change & resilience.

Research proposals for JSPS–UNU Postdoctoral Fellowships should relate clearly to one of the specific research areas of UNU-IAS listed below. The proposed research must be policy-relevant and incorporate gender issues within the research agenda:

  • Governance for Sustainable Development
  • Water for Sustainable Development
  • Education for Sustainable Development
  • International Satoyama Initiative

Type: Research, Fellowship

Eligibility: 

  • Applicants must hold a doctoral degree (received on or after 2 April 2014) when the fellowship begins, or be scheduled to receive a doctoral degree before the fellowship begins.
  • Japanese nationals are not eligible, nor are those of dual nationality if one is Japanese. Also, those who have permanent residency in Japan are not eligible.
  • Those who have been previously awarded a Standard or Pathway Fellowship under the JSPS Postdoctoral Fellowship for Research in Japan scheme are not eligible.
  • Applicants with at least 10 months research and/or professional experience are especially encouraged to apply.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: 

  1. A round-trip air ticket (based on JSPS regulations)
  2. A monthly maintenance allowance of JPY362,000
  3. A settling-in allowance of JPY200,000 (based on JSPS regulations)
  4. Overseas travel, accident, and sickness insurance coverage, etc.

Duration of Program: Fellowships are awarded for a period of 24 months.

How to Apply: Interested and eligible candidates are invited to submit a completed Application Form and supporting documents to fellowships@unu.edu. If an applicant does not have access to the Internet, he or she should contact UNU-IAS. The form and the required documents indicated in the form must be in English. If supporting documents are not in English, English translations must be attached.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Is the time ripe for re-opening schools?

Sanghmitra Sheel Acharya


The world has been on a roller coaster ride since March last year when coronavirus induces pandemic lead to the ‘closure’ of countries after countries. Now with the vaccine having arrived, and India reporting declining trends both in infection as well as mortality due to the dreaded virus,  the confusion over the virus remains as before. Amidst the ecstasy of the arrival of the vaccine and the reported declining trends of the spread of COVID-19, the state machinery has decided to reopen schools.  When the institutions of higher learning are still closed, offices and other places of gathering have been functioning with restrictions- and there are evidences that adhering to the safety norms is often compromised, can the system ensure safety for young school going children?  They are more likely to fault in adherence due to their innocence -unlike the adults. Several states are taking the decision to reopen schools in phases with strict COVID-19 guidelines. The Gujarat government has reopened schools for classes 10 and 12, and colleges for the final year graduation and post-graduation students from 11 January 2021. Attendance will not be mandatory for students and schools will have to strictly follow the Centre’s standard operating procedures (SOPs). The Punjab government reopened all schools even earlier, from 07 January for students of classes 5 to 12, and Rajasthan government reopened all educational institutions from January 18, while the Medical, Dental, Nursing and Paramedical Colleges reopened about a week earlier.  Odisha too reopened schools from 08 Jan 2021. Delhi, however, has decided to wait till the vaccine is available for public. The Tamil Nadu schools and colleges are doing the COVID test of students and staff members every day.

In all the states, permission of parents is mandatory to allow any student to attend school. If any parent does not want to send his ward, no pressure would be exerted on them by the school.  For such students online classes will continue. Only  50% students will be attending the school on a given day, the next half, on the next day. To avoid gathering, no morning prayers or group activities will be held. To compensate the loss of time, classes will be held on Saturdays too. Children will not share food or water. A gap of 30 minutes between each class to avoid crowding is instructed. Schools will function from 10 AM to 3 PM through the Academic session till 15 May.

Students in Bihar reporting infected status barely three days after the educational institutions started re-opening in the first week of January this year. It is important to rethink of the decision regarding opening of the schools and colleges. Two government schools in Bihar were closed in the first week of January after 22 students and three teachers of a school in Asarganj in Munger, and a school principal in Sariya Block of Gaya District tested positive for COVID-19.

What is the hurry to reopen the schools? Why is it that the numbers of cases infected with COVID that we have today are not alarming? The WHO is still to take a call on this. Approval of the vaccine seems to have triggered this notion. Offices have been ordered to have ‘100% attendance from beginning of this month without spelling out the measures of precautions. What was assumed conducive for ½ or 1/3 of the strength, how would that be feasible for 100% remains unclear. The seating arrangement with the safety norms of distance for all, for instance, may require more space than available. Or, vaccine arrival has evened it out, and therefore not needed anymore? This needs to b explicitly stated. Considering that the COVID cases have been consistently coming down from September 2020, when India reported nearly 100,000 new coronavirus cases a day, to the lowest of about 11,000 cases confirmed cases on 01 Feb 2021 in a country of nearly 1.4 billion people, it is imperative to decipher this. The Minster of State for Health has given credit to the government’s strategy of testing, contact tracing, isolation and quarantine- containment for controlling the outbreak. Additional correlates seem to have played significantly and deserve discussion.

Nevertheless, falling corona cases have led to the decision to reopen the school and colleges. With the option of hybrid classes- both online and off-line, the schools and colleges will require additional physical space and online platform which would enable online transmission of the offline classes. How many schools and colleges will be equipped to execute this, is an issue to seriously consider. The institutions need to have the means to provide the safety which may be difficult considering the poor infrastructure in the public sector schools and reduced budget for education. If online classes will be continued in order to ‘include’ students who will not be able to attend the physical classes, then, there is the most important requirement is of a system which will enable the teacher to do the classes in such a way that the physical classes are transported to the virtual platform too. This may require special skills to manage two distinct planes of teaching a class. Is the infrastructure and training for this in place? A more likely answer is ‘no’. Therefore, how will the constrained budgetary allocations enable this? Being inclusive for students on/off virtual platform is highly appreciable, but why are the considerations missing for the teachers? ‘Work from home’ stipulation has added multiple layers of work regimes on them. Managing their remunerative work for school, unpaid work for home including ensuring their own children’s attendance to their respective classes, has added to their burden of work as well as wellbeing. The teachers have been having a difficult time conducting online classes, initially due to their own learning process, and then, more importantly because of connectivity, bandwidth, students’ access to gadgets and their attention span. The dilemma and difficulty of teachers doing a class on physical education, or performing arts, or germination, or Pythagoras theorem needs attention. In some schools and colleges, it has been reported that the teachers have been doing the classes and examination online using email and WhatsApp- out of their personal expenses, instead of the schools and colleges setting up the infrastructure for this.

With classes being proposed both online and offline, the burden on the teacher has been tremendous and  needs to be examined and addressed appropriately. Appropriate digital infrastructure, personal gadget support, and counselling and care for stress and anxiety for the teacher and the taught are the least to begin with.

India: Whose sovereignty is it anyway?

Bhabani Shankar Nayak


The questions of national sovereignty are dominating debates in Indian politics today. The Indian media has become the voice of the BJP government led by Mr Narendra Modi. The government and media derides anyone as anti-national if one question’s the government of the day. The students, youths, religious minorities, Dalits, tribals, Kashmiris, human rights activists, lawyers, rationalists, writers, journalists, comedians, cartoonists, progressive activists and farmers are branded as anti-nationals by the government and its media agencies. The poor oppressed and marginalised Indian population and voices of their struggles for justice are considered to be a threat to the sovereignty of the country. Such painful transition of India and its democracy is invisible to the people, who stay insulated by the power of money, name, fame, constructed public image, and celebrity status blessed by governments and corporates. These lumpen celebrities have forgotten their social commitments for the people who adore, celebrate, emulate and idealise them in their everyday life. These celebrities betray their own roots and break their follower’s trusts by being the voice of power and powerful. These deceptive forces live in an ideology free zone called ‘opportunism’.

The Indian farmers are fighting against anti farmer laws, which threaten their source of livelihoods. The Kashmiris are in an open prison without basic internet facilities. The tribals are facing the onslaught of mining led industrialisation and corporate loot of their natural resources. The journalists are facing annihilating threat to their live for reporting truth.  The students, writers, lawyers and human rights activists are languishing in prison cells. The hunger, homelessness, unemployment and poverty is accelerated by the government policies in defence of corporates. There is a greater realisation that Mr Narendra Modi led BJP government has deceived the people of India. Such realisation is crystalised by the farmers protests for last three months. The BJP government is taking all authoritarian steps to supress the democratic voices of dissent with ruthless actions.

The corporate sovereignty and bonded citizenship is unsustainable. But the rent seeking Modi government is promoting a culture of taxpayer citizenship rights to divide people and rule. It puts farmers against army, Hindus against Muslims, north India versus south India and higher caste against lower caste. The Hindutva politics is based on hate and divisiveness. The Hindutva ideology is an internal threat to the unity, integrity and progress of India. The citizenship rights and democratic institutions are dwindling in India. But the majority of Indian celebrities are either silent, living in fear or defending the corporate government, which is the source of their advertisement or tax rebate revenue.

The democratic and peaceful farmers movements have attracted global attentions. Many people watch the sliding democracy in India with utter horror and disbelief. The farmers movements have exposed the hollowness of the BJP and RSS. It has exposed the fascist character of Hindutva forces represented by the BJP and RSS. It is within this context; many international voices expressed their solidarity with India and Indian farmers and their legitimate democratic and citizenship rights to defend their livelihoods. The Modi government is hellbent on implementing the anti-farmers laws concomitant with corporate interests. It show Modi’s commitment to corporates and disregard for the farmers of India. The Modi government treats poor Indians as disposables and their democratic rights does not matter. It has proved itself time and again that people of India are mere voters and not shareholders of Indian democracy and its decision making.

The failures of Modi government have contributed to create conditions of enormous political, social, cultural, religious, economic and institutional crises in India. The farmers movements have helped people to understand the nature and source of these crises. The solidarities are growing in support of Indian farmers and their democratic rights. The Modi government is hiding behind by creating a propaganda war in the name of protecting the unity, integrity and sovereignty of India. From Indian cricketers, film stars, celebrities to media and corporate heads have started echoing Mr Narendra Modi led BJP government’s propaganda as if India and its sovereignty is under threat after international celebrities and public figures twitted in support of ongoing farmers struggles. The Hindutva forces are manufacturing the crisis of Indian sovereignty escape from their constitutional responsibilities and hide their failures.

The Indian farmers struggles have also exposed the limits of Westphalian sovereignty that helps to consolidates the mobility of capital and territorialisation of labour. The ruling class and their celebrity representatives call it as ‘our internal affairs’. The Westphalian concept of national sovereignty is a bourgeoisie project whereas the postcolonial national sovereignty is a product of mass movements. The sovereignty of India is a product of anti-colonial struggle led by Indian working classes from all regional and religious backgrounds. The anti-colonial, anti-imperialist, anti-feudal and anti-capitalist nature of Indian freedom struggle has shaped constitutional sovereignty, democracy and its egalitarian and secular ideals of modern India. The sovereignty of India is a product of collective sacrifice and collective consensus to build a country for its people. The people of India are the shareholders and guardians of Indian sovereignty.  The collective foundations of sovereignty, unity and integrity of India is shaped by its people and their citizenship rights guaranteed under the Constitution of India. The unity, integrity and sovereignty of India depends on common will of the people. The Hindutva politics breaks this common will in the name of its fictitious ideology.

The Hindutva forces are opposed to the ideals of India based on integral humanism reverberates in Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world is one family). The Hindutva politics of hate weakens Indian democracy by destroying the universal, egalitarian and secular nature of citizenship rights. The unity, integrity and sovereignty of India depends on greater democracy, stronger and inalienable citizenship rights. The farmers movements are growing every day to reclaim democracy and citizenship rights to ensure unity, integrity and sovereignty of India by defeating reactionary and original anti national Hindutva forces. The heroic farmers struggle is a national liberation struggle to uphold the inclusive legacies of India freedom struggle and its emancipatory ideals. These ideals are not based on territorial theology of sovereignty.

The collective emancipatory ideals bring people together from all backgrounds to fight unitedly against all forms of exploitation, inequalities and domination.  Struggles for human emancipation and justice and the ideals of solidarities are borderless. This is how human history progress from feudalism to democracy. The successful struggles against slavery, feudalism, colonialism, apartheid, fascism and dictatorships are products of interconnectedness of human beings, and their collective commitment to uphold common values of humanism beyond narrow selfishness or immediate identity based on nationality, religion, race and class. The farmers movements in India represent best traditions of working-class unity. It has reinvigorated the progressive ideals of solidarity and internationalism.

Gunmen kill two FMLN campaigners in El Salvador

Andrea Lobo


After a rally last Sunday night in the campaign for this month’s legislative and mayoral elections in El Salvador, gunmen attacked a Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) truck, killing two campaigners and injuring five.

As seen clearly in CCTV videos presented by the General Prosecutor’s Office (FGR), the attackers drove past the truck decorated with FMLN flags and with an open cargo area full of supporters and children. The attackers cut across the truck’s path, stepped out of their car, and riddled the back of the truck with bullets, walking around it. They then returned to their car and fled the scene.

The attackers step out of their vehicle, January 31 (Credit: Federal Prosecutor's Office of El Salvador)

The three suspected attackers were soon arrested and identified as a police officer of the Protection of Important People Division (PPI), a private security guard and a driver, all assigned to the Health Ministry.

The shooting has shocked the population due to its brazenness and openly political character. This type of assault has not been seen since the civil war. The attack was clearly planned, with the gunmen intercepting the truck near the FMLN’s offices in downtown San Salvador after a scheduled rally.

While the political ties of the attackers have not been established, President Nayib Bukele, who formerly belonged to the FMLN, first characterized the killings as a staged self-attack, a claim used by the Latin American fascist dictatorships in the 1970s and 1980s to blame their bloody crimes on the victims of repression.

“It looks like the dying parties have launched their last plan,” tweeted Bukele immediately after the attack. “What a desperate move to avoid losing their privileges and corruption. I thought they couldn’t reach those depths, but they did.”

He later changed his narrative to portray the attackers as the victims. He tweeted that the police had captured “two FMLN members suspected of shooting at the PPI,” adding that the PPI officer was being treated for gunshot wounds. The FMLN members, who were unarmed, were released later without charges.

Bukele has consistently sought to exploit mass opposition against both the ex-guerrilla FMLN and far-right ARENA parties, which had shared power and controlled the Congress since the war ended in 1992, to advance his own turn toward dictatorship. This has frequently involved instigating violence against his political opponents, particularly by cultivating loyal and fascistic layers in the security forces.

On Wednesday, the National Police published a series of additional videos in defense of the attackers. While it is not clear in the videos, they claimed that an FMLN supporter being shot at pulled out a gun. The National Police then wrote in a statement that prosecutors are “misinforming the population and hiding that there were shots fired from both sides.”

The General Prosecutor Raúl Melara responded by insisting that, based on an analysis of the videos and crime scene, no shots were fired from the truck. He then warned the National Police against “discrediting itself.”

In response to the attack, the secretary general of the FMLN and former vice president, Oscar Ortiz, mildly criticized the president for turning the tables and blaming the victims. While indicating that it was not an “isolated” incident, Ortiz has vaguely attributed the attack to “a dynamic of sowing division.”

At the same time, he praised General Prosecutor Melara for his management of the case and called on his supporters to “respect” whatever Melara says.

This was despite the refusal of Melara, who is particularly close to the US Embassy and a former director of the main Salvadoran business association, the ANEP, to investigate the attack as political violence, which would imply examining who hatched the plot.

On Wednesday, Melara presented the FGR case to a meeting of political party chiefs that Bukele’s Party, New Ideas, refused to attend. There, without any objection from the attendants, Melara explained:

“We are categorizing this as an act of intolerance. We are obviously in times of political campaigns, but we want to see it as an act of intolerance that should go no further.”

This is nothing but an operation to cover up the possible direct involvement, not to mention the moral and political culpability, of the Bukele administration.

Last week, Bukele called the UN-sponsored 1992 “peace accords” a “farce” and the beginning of a “stage of greater corruption, social exclusion and fraudulent enrichment by the same sectors signing the accords.” Such sentiments are widely shared among Salvadorans given the right-wing policies of Bukele’s predecessors. Polls show that over two-thirds of respondents plan to vote for New Ideas.

Under the cover of such “anti-establishment” rhetoric, however, Bukele seeks to rally his fascistic supporters to respond with armed violence to any opposition from below as he seeks to enforce policies that only further social inequality and defend the interests of the same ruling class represented by his predecessors.

The morning of the attack, as reported by El Faro, Vice President Félix Ulloa told a meeting of civil war veterans that “a new war, with new actors, has already begun. And we began winning it on February 3, 2019,” the day of Bukele’s election.

Throughout his term, Bukele has sought to rule by decree and criminalize opposition, constantly amalgamating other political parties with gangs and calling them “plagues.” On February 9, 2020, he led armed troops into the Congress to force it to approve at gunpoint a loan for military expenditures. Then he gave a blood-curdling speech outside Congress in front of thousands of supporters threatening to “press the button,” i.e ., dissolving Congress and declaring a dictatorship.

The shift toward authoritarianism by the ruling classes is an international process that has been greatly accelerated as class tensions grow during the pandemic. At the heart of this process, Donald Trump and the Republican Party spearheaded a fascist coup attempt on January 6, while the Democratic Party, whose legislators were threatened with kidnappings and killings, has responded with appeals for “unity” with the coup plotters.

Similarly, the Salvadoran FMLN has responded to the killing of its members by denouncing the “divisiveness” of the president instigating such fascistic attacks.

In response to the pandemic, the Bukele administration concocted an anti-constitutional “state of emergency” with special powers to enforce a lockdown between March and May 2020, accompanied by a botched distribution of a meager $300 stipend for impoverished households. By July, under pressure by transnational corporations and Wall Street, nonessential activities and social austerity were gradually resumed, including the textile maquiladora sweatshops.

Bukele provocatively decreed the reopening without approval by Congress, but was forced to backpedal when the Supreme Court ruled the move unconstitutional. “Basically, they are taking away our power to reactivate the economy,” Bukele declared at the time, even though the opposition parties also backed the economic reopening.

Confirmed active cases and the weekly death toll have both doubled since late November. El Salvador has reported 55,623 cases and 1,646 deaths since the pandemic began. While the UN has selected El Salvador for the first round of the COVAX rollout of vaccines for poor nations, no date has been announced for the beginning of vaccinations.

Meanwhile, the FUSADES think-tank has estimated that another 100,000 households will fall below the poverty line, measured as the cost of a basic basket of goods and services. This will increase the poverty rate to over half of the population.

The FMLN, the trade unions and the entire Salvadoran ruling class are utterly subordinated to imperialism. In order to facilitate the imposition of social austerity and contain the class struggle at the behest of the transnational corporations and financial vultures, the FMLN administrations advanced a “hard fist” strategy—ostensibly against the gangs—that built up the armed forces and turned a blind eye on their pervasive extrajudicial executions.

While Bukele seeks to rekindle a counter-insurrectionary war, the former left-wing guerrilla FMLN and the far-right ARENA have been attempting to approve an amnesty bill for war crimes during the civil war.

The transformation of the FMLN, from a nationalist, petty-bourgeois left guerrilla movement into a right-wing capitalist party, demonstrates that the working class needs to intervene independently of all pro-capitalist and nationalist forces. Fighting the threat of fascism requires the building of a revolutionary party in the working class on the basis of a socialist and internationalist program.

Europe nears 750,000 COVID-19 deaths as governments move to end lockdown restrictions

Robert Stevens


The European continent, including Russia and Ukraine, is approaching the horrific toll of three quarters of a million deaths due to COVID-19.

As of Friday evening, 729,201 people had already perished. Total infections passed 31 million in Europe on Tuesday, with over 180,000 new cases recorded daily on Wednesday and Thursday this week.

Workers move a coffin in the warehouse of a funeral agency in Amadora, outside Lisbon, Monday, Feb. 1, 2021. Portugal continues to top the global charts with the worst 7-day rolling average of new daily COVID-19 infections and fatalities per 100,000 residents, according to data compiled by Johns Hopkins University. (AP Photo/Armando Franca)

In the UK, there have been over 111,000 deaths, in Italy 90,618, in France 77,952, in Russia 75,732, in Germany 61,161 and in Spain 61,386.

These deaths are measured by governments based on various criteria but are around 20 percent lower than the real figure, according to a study of excess deaths by Nature magazine, meaning that Europe may be closer to a million deaths.

Around 5,000 people a day are dying in Europe and the pandemic is undergoing a dramatic resurgence in parts of the continent. The mass loss of life continues amid escalating moves to end lockdown and restrictions by governments.

In Britain, Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s government has announced a “roadmap” out of its current limited lockdown, beginning February 22—with around 20,000 new infections announced daily and an average of over 1,000 deaths.

Lockdowns are being ended in the knowledge that not only are new and more deadly variants of the virus developing, including the UK’s B117, but they continue to infect, and at a higher rate.

On Friday, a million people in Liverpool, Preston and Lancashire in the North West of England were advised to get a Covid test, including for a far wider range of symptoms than the original strain, with more than 100 cases of a new mutated strain (E484K) of the virus detected in the region.

The two variants acknowledged to be more infectious than the British mutation originated in Brazil and South Africa. Latest reports attest that the British mutation has itself mutated to resemble the South Africa variant. All this points to COVID-19 becoming more infectious and therefore more deadly.

In some countries, B117, first detected only last September, has become the dominant variant.

The terrible implications are already unfolding with devastating consequences, with its most deadly impact in Portugal. A resurgence of the virus is being led by the spread of the British variant with deaths surging from 167 on January 18 to 275 on January 24 and rising again to 303 by January 28. In the last week, 1,854 lives have been lost to Covid in Portugal, an average of 264 a day. By Wednesday, over the previous seven days, almost 850 new coronavirus cases were recorded for every 100,000 inhabitants.

Last month, Portugal recorded the worst rate of per capita COVID-19 new infections in the world. According to health authorities, 43 percent of the country’s overall COVID-19 infections and 44 percent of all related deaths were recorded in January alone. Hospitals are unable to offer care for those sick and dying of Covid, with Deutsche Welle reporting Wednesday that with the “country's intensive care units (ICUs) already treating around 850 patients there are almost no vacant beds for the treatment of severe new coronavirus cases.”

“Approximately 6,700 other patients are being looked after in normal hospital wards and triage tents have even been erected outside some hospitals. Here doctors decide which patients to treat first on the basis of oxygen levels and body temperature. Field hospitals, too, are being speedily set up to take in more sick people.”

A further indication of the spread can be seen in the Netherlands. The Dutch News web site reported that the RIVM public health institute has “warned that the more infectious version of the virus first identified in Britain may now account for two-thirds of all new cases in the Netherlands. The estimate is based on computer models rather than actual lab results.

“Nevertheless, this is further evidence that there are two pandemics underway in the Netherlands—the older form of the virus and the new B117 variant, the RIVM said.”

Under these conditions, the reopening of school is proceeding as a key component in fully reopening of the economy—with tens of millions of parents herded back into workplaces across Europe.

The Scottish National Party government is beginning school reopenings on February 22, with Johnson’s Conservative government planning to reopen schools in the rest of the UK just days after. This is supported by opposition Labour Party leader Sir Keir Starmer, who took to the pages of the pro-Tory Daily Mail this week and proclaimed, “I share the Government’s ambition to make it a national mission to reopen our schools. I will do everything in my power as leader of the Labour Party to make that happen.”

Calling for national unity with Johnson’s herd immunity government of social murderers in defence of the economy he insisted, “We are only going to get our children back into school, reopen society and secure our economy if we are bold, decisive and working together.”

There are growing signs of resistance among workers and students to the danger to life posed by these homicidal policies. This week schools strikes, which began in Nuremberg at seven schools on Monday, have continued to spread throughout Germany. Meeting an enthusiastic response on social media among students, they spread to Augsburg within three days. In Bavaria, schoolchildren struck against the state government's attempts to force graduating classes back into classroom teaching amid the pandemic. Students have told the WSWS of the support of educators for their strikes, as teachers and school principals unanimously call for the continuation of distance learning for all students.

On January 31, the World Socialist Web Site published a perspective, “ Capitalism vs. socialism: The pandemic and the global class struggle ”. It summarised the irreconcilable conflict between the two major classes in society—the bourgeois oligarchy and the working class: “One year into the crisis, the pandemic has starkly revealed the class divide that separates the capitalist and socialist programs,”

The perspective identified the seven main opposed standpoints between the capitalist and socialist programme for the pandemic.

1. The capitalist program insists that the response to the pandemic must prioritize saving the financial markets over saving lives. The socialist program insists that the response to the pandemic must prioritize saving lives over saving the financial markets.

2. The capitalist program asserts that pandemic policy must be driven by profit interests. The socialist program advocates that medical policy must be guided by science.

3. The capitalist program advocates a program of “herd immunity,” allowing the virus to spread with as few restrictions as possible while vaccinations are produced and distributed. The socialist program calls for all measures to impede virus transmission until the necessary number of people to stop community spread of the virus have been inoculated.

4. The capitalist program insists, in accordance with its “herd immunity” strategy, that factories and other workplaces be kept open for business. The socialist program insists that all nonessential workplaces be closed down until inoculated workers can safely return to their jobs.

5. The capitalist program demands that schools be reopened, claiming falsely that there is little risk to students and teachers. The socialist program, based on scientific evidence that schools are a major source of virus transmission, demands that schools remain closed until the pandemic has been brought under control.

6. The capitalist program seeks to restrict social expenditures aimed at counteracting the economic impact of the pandemic on the great mass of the people, while demanding that central banks provide unlimited support for the financial markets and large corporations. The socialist program demands full income compensation to workers and small businesses to be paid for by the expropriation of the pandemic profiteers in big business.

7. The capitalist program promotes a policy of vaccination nationalism, restricting and opposing equitable distribution of vaccines throughout the world. The socialist program, recognizing that the coronavirus can be eradicated only through a scientifically directed international strategy, calls for a globally coordinated inoculation program.”

This Sunday, a vital online meeting, sponsored by the WSWS is being held that will review the critical political, historical and programmatic issues for workers in fighting against the homicidal policies of the ruling elite.

Germany: Siemens Energy announces thousands more job cuts

Elisabeth Zimmermann


On February 2, Siemens Energy announced 7,800 job cuts and at the same time reported an annual profit of almost €100 million. Trade union IG Metall supports the job destruction plans in the name of cost-cutting. Together with the Siemens executive and the union-run works council, IG Metall presented its “Future Agreement 2030,” which provides the framework for the company to shed jobs.

The figures, presented by company CEO Christian Bruch on Tuesday, relate to the first quarter of the 2020–2021 financial year, the period from October 1 to December 31, 2020. Following losses the previous year, Siemens Energy now made an after-tax profit of €99 million. The company’s sales also increased slightly. Bruch’s simultaneous announcement to cut 7,800 jobs worldwide by 2025, including 3,000 in Germany, was met with considerable concern by Siemens total workforce of 90,000.

Siemens plant in Mülheim/Ruhr (Photo: Frank Vincentz, via Wikimedia Commons)

The plan envisages the elimination of every 12th job by 2023. Bruch justified the job cuts by arguing that costs in the company’s fossil energy business (coal, gas and oil) should be reduced by at least €300 million per year. Above all, the profitability of Siemens Energy is to be increased from 6.5 percent to 8.5 percent by wiping out thousands of jobs and intensifying productivity and stress for the rest of the workforce.

Shares in the MDax-listed company reacted positively and showed significant gains following the announcement. With the job cuts due to take place mainly in the company’s gas and power (fossil fuel) sector, workers in plants in Mülheim/Ruhr, Duisburg and Berlin in particular fear for their jobs.

Up to 370 jobs are expected to be cut at Siemens Energy Duisburg and at least 600 at the Mülheim/Ruhr plant. Many jobs could also be affected in the Nuremberg-Erlangen area and other regions, for example at the company factory in Görlitz. According to the company, three quarters of the job cuts will take place in management, administration and sales. Savings are also to be made in purchasing and with the use of external service providers, as well as by optimising logistics and the company’s information technology division .

The company wants to withdraw from the construction of power plants and gas turbines and invest more in technology for renewable energies. The job cuts now announced and the associated cost reductions are primarily intended to strengthen the competitiveness of Siemens Energy, according to CEO Bruch.

Siemens Energy is currently headquartered in Munich, but the corporate headquarters is soon to be moved to Berlin. The longstanding seat of the company, Erlangen, dates back to the time when Siemens Energy was still part of Siemens AG under the name Energietechnik. This division was outsourced last year and floated on the stock exchange as an independent company, Siemens Energy.

As was the case with Medical Engineering, which now operates under the name Siemens Healthineers, the outsourcing is in line with the overall plan to split Siemens into several divisions, leaving each company to fight for its survival. The main instigator of this restructuring plan was Siemens CEO Joe Kaeser, who is now stepping down from the top post at Siemens AG to become chairman of the supervisory board at Siemens Energy.

The Siemens energy sector had already been subjected to massive cost-cutting measures and job losses before its outsourcing. For example, over 6,800 jobs have been eliminated since 2018 in order to make the sector ripe for its spin-off.

All these attacks on workers were pushed through with the full support of IG Metall and the Siemens works councils and this will be no different in the newly formed company.

At the end of January, just a few days before the announcement of the huge job cuts, the Siemens Energy board, IG Metall and the company works councils signed the so-called “Future Agreement 2030.” According to the agreement, the restructuring of the company is to take place “as much as possible” without plant closures and compulsory redundancies. “Necessary personnel adjustments” are to be implemented as much as possible through “voluntary” measures such as severance agreements, internal qualification, transfers, etc.

A press release from Siemens Energy dated January 29, 2021 states: “The Future Agreement 2030 provides for existing locations in Germany to be maintained in principle and no plants to be closed if possible. The parties assume that, as much as possible, no compulsory redundancies will be made as part of the transformation. The common goal is to enable necessary staff adjustments through so-called ‘voluntary measures.’ These have priority over compulsory redundancies.”

The text does not explicitly exclude site closures and compulsory redundancies, and the phrase “if possible” leaves a door open for every contingency. Also, in the majority of cases, “voluntary measures” are never genuinely voluntary, but rather the product of intense pressure exerted on workers by both their factory superiors and union representatives. Nevertheless, the agreement has been praised by IG Metall and works council representatives, who were most likely instrumental in drafting and formulating the deal, based on their decades of expertise in enforcing job cuts and other attacks on workers.

Robert Kensbock, chairman of the joint works council of Siemens Energy, described the agreement as a “clear commitment to Germany as a location and to employees” and emphasised: “We agree with management that even in the case of conflicts over content, finding an amicable internal solution should always have priority.”

The “commitment to Germany as a location” underlines the nationalist stance of the union bureaucrat. The idea that workers could lead a struggle to defend jobs across plant and national borders is furthest from his mind. In defence of their own privileges, IG Metall and the works councils are prepared to accept all attacks on workers’ rights. They regard and understand themselves to be co-managers and company police.

Workers therefore must regard the emphasis on finding an “amicable internal solution” to substantive conflicts as a warning. In the case of conflicts, i.e., failure to agree to a “voluntary severance agreement,” the works council finds itself on the same side as the company against the workers.

Jürgen Kerner, member of the IG Metall executive and also member of the supervisory board at Siemens Energy, is full of praise for the “Future Agreement”: “The change in energy supply we all want presents Siemens Energy with major challenges with massive consequences not just for its products and activities, but also for sites and employment.” Of particular importance for Kerner is the commitment on the part of company management to the German corporatist principle of “co-determination” and the safeguarding of the privileges and posts of the IG Metall and works council representatives.

A press release from IG Metall Berlin dated February 2 stated that 500 jobs could be shed at Siemens Energy in Berlin alone. The release acknowledges that the company is cutting 7,800 jobs worldwide in order to increase its profitability at the expense of the workers, but then states: “IG Metall and the joint works council have been able to prevent even worse happening with an agreement on the future.”

By drafting and agreeing to the “Future Agreement,” IG Metall and the central works council had already provided the framework before the huge job cuts at Siemens Energy were announced, thereby sabotaging any struggle to defend jobs across factory and national boundaries.

Canada’s governments lift COVID-19 restrictions, even as pandemic rages

Frédéric Charlebois


Canada recorded its 20,000th death from COVID-19 last Sunday.

Of those 20,000 deaths, 5,000, or fully a quarter, came in the 36 days between December 26 and January 31—underscoring just how much more lethal the “second wave” of the pandemic is proving to be than last spring’s.

In recent days, the number of daily new COVID-19 infections has fallen to around 4,000, as a result of a spate of late December-early January lockdown measures. But governments across Canada, flying in the face of the recommendations of the most reputable epidemiologists, are now rushing to lift these restrictions.

They are doing so under conditions where many hospital intensive care units remain almost fully occupied. As of February 2, there were 1,144 hospitalizations in Quebec, 183 of which were in intensive care. Neighboring Ontario reported 1,158 patients in hospital, 354 of whom were in intensive care.

Transmission in the workplace continues, and it is picking up momentum in Quebec schools following their reopening last month. A similar process will soon be under way in Ontario after hard-right Education Minister Stephen Lecce announced Wednesday plans to reopen all schools by the middle of this month.

Meanwhile, with the support of Justin Trudeau’s federal Liberal government, provincial governments are reopening the few economic sectors that had been closed.

On Tuesday Quebec’s government announced that stores, hair salons and museums will reopen across the province starting February 8. Restaurants and gyms will be reopened in six regions; colleges and universities are encouraged to resume face-to-face education immediately.

In Manitoba, businesses have started to reopen in the southern part of the province with the lifting of various measures. In Alberta, Premier Jason Kenney, one of the strongest advocates of the reckless back-to-work policy of the ruling class, recently said, “We need to recognize that we can’t suspend businesses indefinitely because many of them simply won’t survive that.”

With the detection in Canada of scores of cases of the more contagious strains of the coronavirus that were first identified in the United Kingdom and South Africa, this lifting of restrictions threatens to plunge the country into a death spiral.

The ruling elite believes that the price of further mass deaths is worth paying in order to guarantee the profits of big business.

The danger of a resurgence of the pandemic and thousands more deaths is made all the more likely by the ruling elite’s disastrous mismanagement of the rollout of COVID-19 vaccines. The development of multiple effective vaccines against the novel coronavirus within the space of a year is a tremendous scientific achievement. But the domination of for-profit pharma giants like Pfizer and Astra Zeneca over its production and distribution, and the associated phenomenon of vaccine nationalism, have proven calamitous.

Speaking at a press briefing Thursday, Maj. Gen. Danny Fortin, the military officer tasked with leading the federal government’s distribution of vaccines, said that he does not know how many doses Moderna will supply during February and March. The first shipment in February, which arrived this week, was reduced by 20-25 percent from the originally agreed upon volumes.

To date, less than 2.5 percent of Canada’s population has received the first of the requisite two doses of either the Moderna or Pfizer Bio-NTech vaccines, and less than 0.5 percent both doses.

Leading epidemiologists insist that now is not the time to lift the limited restrictions that the ruling elite adopted through gritted teeth as infections surged in December. According to Covid Strategic Choices’ forecasts, which agree with those of public health agencies, new daily cases could reach the 9,000 mark in Canada this spring, putting intense pressure on already overwhelmed hospitals.

Among the many experts who deplore the premature lifting of restrictions is Dr. Matthew Oughton. He recommends instead “bringing the numbers down and then easing up,” especially under conditions where evidence demonstrates that the much more contagious British variant is already being transmitted in the community in at least two of Canada’s most populous provinces, Alberta and Ontario.

Other experts warn that with the critical situation in hospitals and potential increases in cases, we could soon face widespread use of triage, which occurs when doctors and nurses are forced, due to equipment and personnel shortages, to choose which patients to treat and which to let die.

According to Dr. Mathieu Simon, the chief of intensive care at the Quebec Heart and Lung Institute, “If we were to slacken off in February, there is a risk of overcapacity and a return to the dynamics that we were talking about not so long ago, including allocation protocol and inhumane selection for intensive care beds.”

In recent weeks, hospitals in Quebec and Ontario have conducted “simulations” to train physicians in deciding who will—and will not—have access to intensive care in the event of triage.

While governments are blaming citizens for community transmission, statistics show that the majority of infections are occurring in the workplaces or being transmitted from workplaces and schools to homes. In Quebec, for example, workplaces account for more than 40 percent of infections, while nursing homes account for nearly 35 percent of cases.

Across Canada, there have been countless outbreaks among health care workers, in factories and at workplaces. Last week, more than 250 cases of COVID-19 were detected at a Canada Post facility in Mississauga, Ontario, with one worker dying as a result. A Toronto meat processing plant, Belmont Meats, reported 78 cases, including at least two associated with the new British strain.

As for the public agencies that are supposed to ensure the health and safety of workers (such as the CNESST in Quebec), they are turning a blind eye to the flagrant violations of public health measures by businesses. Since the beginning of the pandemic, out of more than 17,000 interventions, the CNESST has issued only 86 statements of offense, resulting in the closure of only two establishments and 23 construction sites.

Numerous studies have demonstrated the central role schools are playing in community transmission, including one conducted in Montreal after the start of the school year last fall.

Falsely claiming that health risks are low among young people, governments are forcing students back to school so that their parents can be ordered to return to work and generating profits for big business.

This has made schools important vectors for the spread of the virus. In Quebec, just three weeks after schools reopened from the Christmas/New Year holidays, there are already 1,450 schools with at least one case, 857 closed classes and three completely closed schools.

In addition to the unknown long-term effects of COVID-19 on young people, the virus can cause hospitalizations and even deaths in this age group.

A 14-year-old boy from Quebec City, Viktor Rousseau, was recently hospitalized after developing multisystemic inflammatory syndrome, a disease similar to Kawasaki disease, weeks after contracting the virus in his classroom. While Rousseau survived after being taken to an intensive care unit, another Ontario youth was not so fortunate. At only 19 years of age, Yassin Dabeh of London, Ontario died of COVID-19 after being hospitalized with respiratory problems.

It is imperative for the working class to intervene and advance its own response to the health and socio-economic crisis that has been triggered by the pandemic.

Workers must establish rank-and-file safety committees, independent of the pro-capitalist unions, in all workplaces—hospitals, schools, factories, distribution centers and construction sites.

Through these committees the working class can mobilize its social power to enforce the emergency measures needed to contain the pandemic: mass testing and systematic contact tracing; billions of dollars of additional investments in health care; shutting down schools and all non-essential production, with full financial compensation for affected workers and small businesses until the vast majority of the population is vaccinated.

This program of struggle must be based on a socialist perspective aimed at the establishment of a workers government and the reorganization of the economy to satisfy the social needs of the majority, not creating private profit for a tiny minority.