Philippine presidential elections open, dominated by fascistic and far-right forces

John Malvar

Public political strife and backroom manoeuvring increased markedly over the last two weeks in the Philippines as scores of presidential aspirants filed their candidacy for the country’s May 2022 elections. The election promises to be the most heated in memory, its tensions fueled by unprecedented levels of social unrest and geopolitical crisis.

Ninety-seven contenders filed official candidacy for the presidency by the October 8 deadline. The next month will be marked by political barter and the formation of alliances, as until November 15 all official candidates for office have the option of withdrawing and filing to run for a different position.

An examination of the leading candidates for the presidency reveals that the ruling elites in the Philippines are preparing to run the most right-wing election campaign in the country’s history.

At stake in this are three critical questions:

Will the new administration continue the fascistic policies of the administration of Rodrigo Duterte, which has conducted a murderous “war on drugs” that has killed over 30,000 impoverished Filipinos?

Bound up with this, how will the new administration suppress any struggle from the working masses as the capitalist class attempts to ramp up production in the country which continues to be ravaged by the pandemic as less than 20 percent of the population has been vaccinated?

Finally, as war tensions in the region reach a fever pitch, will the next president continue Duterte’s reorientation of Manila’s geopolitical and economic ties away from Washington toward Beijing, or will they reverse this policy?

Outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte is constitutionally prohibited from seeking a second term as president. He made the surprise announcement last week that he would not be running for the Vice Presidency, an office he had been widely expected to seek. Duterte cited a recent poll indicating his declining popularity, although his main calculation is to attempt to secure the victory of a loyal successor.

President Duterte talks to Philippine Army troops [Credit: Presidential Communications Operations Office]

Duterte faces charges before the International Criminal Court (ICC) for his war on drugs, and the next president will be able to shape to a large extent the access and outcome of the ICC’s investigation.

Among the leading candidates for the presidency is Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., son of the former dictators Ferdinand and Imelda, who ruled the country through a brutal martial law regime from 1972 until their ouster in the 1986 “People Power” revolution. Marcos’s candidacy represents an undisguised attempt to historically rehabilitate the dictatorship and employ its methods again today.

Marcos was no political innocent at the time of his parents’ rule. He was an adult and in the 1980s he was vice-governor and governor of the northern province of Ilocos Norte as part of the Marcos’ dictatorship. He grew rich from his family’s use of the state to steal billions of dollars.

Marcos has made the rehabilitation of the martial law dictatorship a centerpiece of his campaign, openly proclaiming it the “golden era” of Philippine history, a time of discipline and progress. He advocates the rewriting of the country’s textbooks accordingly, and his supporters campaign in the mainstream and social media to falsify the past on a truly colossal scale.

Another leading contender for the presidency is presidential daughter Sarah Duterte-Carpio. Long-time mayor and vice-mayor of the southern city of Davao, Duterte-Carpio followed in her father's footsteps in overseeing a fascistic iron rule to crack down on alleged criminality. Duterte did not declare her intention to run for president, ad filed a candidacy to run for re-election as mayor. It is quite possible over the course of the next month that she will withdraw and declare instead for the presidency, a tactic her father employed in 2016. A Duterte-Carpio presidency would represent the most direct continuation of the fascistic policies of the outgoing president.

The list of leading candidates for president is full of names of a similarly fascistic and far-right character; it is a political rogues gallery of murderers and scoundrels. Among them are:

Senator Panfilo “Ping” Lacson, who headed the torture apparatus of the military under the Marcos dictatorship before rising in the ranks of the Philippine National Police with a national reputation for the extrajudicial killing of alleged criminals.

Senator Manny Pacquiao, famed as a boxer, is a vociferous supporter of Duterte’s “war on drugs” and advocates for the restoration of the death penalty and for its widespread use on “criminals” as young as twelve.

Manila Mayor Isko Moreno, formerly a television celebrity, was a leading supporter of Duterte and is known for his right-wing populism, calls for discipline and the scapegoating of the city’s sizeable population of Chinese Filipinos.

The bourgeois opposition to Duterte has lined up behind the candidacy of Vice President Leni Robredo. Robredo is chair of the Liberal Party (LP), which was the party of Marcos’s leading ruling class rival, Benigno Aquino (assassinated in 1983), and of presidents Corazon Aquino (1986–1992) and Benigno Aquino Jr (2010–2016).

Robredo is widely depicted as the defender of human rights and democracy against the tide of right-wing populism and outright fascism unleashed by Duterte. The truth, however, is that the Liberal Party was instrumental in the creation of Duterte and the current political climate of far-right politics in the country. It was the Benigno Aquino Jr. administration that transformed the Davao mayor, then a member of the Liberal Party, into a figure of national prominence, depicting his “iron discipline” as the way forward for mayors throughout the country.

Most fundamentally, it was the bitter public disillusionment with the policies and character of the Liberal Party and the Aquino administrations that made possible the climate of revisionism surrounding the martial law regime of Marcos. Having presented themselves as the democratic opponents of dictatorship, the Aquino administrations were characterized by brutal crackdowns on the working class and peasantry, including multiple massacres of unarmed demonstrators by the military and police. They thwarted any meaningful land reform, which would have impacted their vast sugar estates. It was in fact the Liberal Party and the Aquino administrations that were instrumental in the return of the Marcoses to the Philippines and their restoration to political prominence and credibility.

Robredo will continue the Liberal Party’s policy of useful alliances with fascistic and right-wing figures. On the senatorial slate of the Liberal Party is the Sen. Antonio Trillanes of the far-right Magdalo Party. Trillanes rose to prominence for attempting on two occasions as a naval officer to seize power in a military coup d’état. Magdalo sought to form a military junta and take power from then President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

Robredo recognizes just how tarnished is the reputation of her own political party. The Liberal Party has been associated with the colour yellow for decades. Every banner celebrating “people power” and the ouster of Marcos has been yellow. Robredo announced that her campaign would use the colour pink, in the most superficial of attempts to bury the now hated legacy of the party of which she is chair.

Washington has played a major, at times decisive role, in every election staged in its former colony. The bloody Marcos dictatorship received the support and sanction of the Nixon, Ford, Carter and Reagan administrations. The Corazon Aquino administration was propped up and sustained with the support of US imperialism.

The ever-more aggressive moves by Washington to maintain its global hegemony in the face of the economic rise of China has brought the world to the brink of a catastrophic global war and has turned the entire Asia-Pacific region into a series of flashpoints. In this context, Duterte, looking to secure investment from China, substantially reoriented Manila's diplomatic and economic ties from Washington to Beijing.

The geopolitical allegiances of each of the candidates in the upcoming election is thus a fundamental question. A majority of the leading candidates seems to favour a continuation of the policies of Duterte, although most are likely willing to negotiate. Robredo, however, is the only candidate that is clearly tied to the interests of Washington.

For months, as the deadline for declaring candidacy approached, Robredo hesitated, refusing to state if she intended to run. It does not seem that she was being politically coy, her reluctance felt genuine. On October 4, the ad interim Charge d’Affaires of the US Embassy in Manila, Heather Variava, travelled to the office of the Vice President and met privately with Robredo. Variava was quoted in the press as stating that the Philippines and the United States “were the strongest of allies,” and promised that Washington would be supplying much-needed vaccines to the country.

That afternoon, the Robredo camp announced that Robredo would be making a major announcement the next morning. On October 5, Robredo, dressed in bright pink, announced that she would be running for president.

1Sambayan, an umbrella political organization whose sole concern is opposition to relations with China and escalating Manila’s claim to the South China Sea, announced that it was giving its endorsement to the presidential candidacy of Leni Robredo.

The various factions of Stalinism and pseudo-left politics in the Philippines are throwing themselves into relations with various bourgeois candidates, particularly Robredo.

Akbayan, a political organization formed in the 1990s from breakaways from the Stalinist Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and various social democratic organizations, has effectively merged with the Liberal Party. Sen. Risa Hontiveros, of Akbayan and the LP, is running for re-election of Robredo’s slate.

Many of the various political organizations founded by Popoy Lagman, likewise breakaways from the CPP in the 1990s, including Sanlakas, Partido Lakas ng Masa, and Laban ng Masa, all attempted to form ties with Robredo during her lengthy period of hesitation. On October 3, Walden Bello, chair of Laban ng Masa, wrote of how “Laban ng Masa has sought a meeting with her for nearly three months to talk about possibilities, but she and her people won't give us the time of day.” He denounced Robredo for her “courtship” of “former Duterte allies” and “the right.”

In frustration, Laban ng Masa announced that they would be fielding an “independent candidate of the working class,” Leody de Guzman, a union leader. De Guzman and Robredo wound up filing their candidacies on the same day.

Within a day, this supposed “independent working-class” candidate had issued an official party statement hailing the candidacy of Robredo: “Laban ng Masa welcomes VP Leni Robredo’s candidacy for the presidency. We look forward to hearing her platform ... We also look forward to hearing about how she intends to bring Duterte to jail ... We welcome the opportunity for us and our presidential candidate ... to engage with her on all these crucial issues.”

The CPP, through the various legal organizations that follow its political line, has not yet endorsed a candidate, but they are working to establish ties with one. The founder and ideological leader of the CPP, Jose Ma. Sison, has posted enthusiastic statements on Facebook about the candidacies of Pacquiao, Moreno, and Robredo.

The CPP’s full throated support for Duterte in 2016-17—in which they promoted him as a leftist, backed his war on drugs, and picked candidates for his cabinet—demonstrates that there is no candidate, however right-wing or fascistic, with whom the party will not ally if the leadership believes that they can secure benefits from the relationship.

Elections in the Philippines are notoriously bloody, with death tolls frequently in the hundreds. The fight between the various factions of the ruling elite over how best to suppress the working class and how to negotiate between ties with Washington and Beijing is a murderous affair, and the victims are the poor, the peasants, and the workers.

A coronavirus pandemic reality check

Bryan Dyne

Around the world, from North America to Asia, governments are abandoning all measures to stop the spread of COVID-19, reopening schools, workplaces and mass gatherings. To justify these measures, the media endlessly promotes the false claim that the coronavirus pandemic is effectively over.

The reality is quite the opposite. In the past seven days, there have been more than 620,000 new cases recorded in the US and at least 10,000 official deaths as a result of the pandemic. Worldwide, the number of new cases grew by more than 2.8 million and nearly 48,000 human beings were added to the tally of the dead. As it has been since it first emerged, the virus continues to be a mortal threat for every person on the planet.

A grave digger wearing a protective suit stands during a a COVID-19 victim burial at a cemetery outside in Omsk, Russia, Thursday, Oct. 7, 2021 [Credit: AP Photo/Uncredited]

Such figures did not stop the New York Times from publishing an opinion piece on Thursday by Paul Krugman entitled, “What if Things Are About to Get Better?” According to Krugman, the ongoing colossal loss of life should merely be viewed as the end of “the summer of our discontent,” as worded by the Times columnist. That nearly 86,000 people died in the US between June 21 and September 22, including more than 160 children, is of no consequence.

Instead, Krugman argues that because of a relative drop in cases in the US and limited vaccine mandates by the federal government and various corporations, the population “can feel fairly safe going back to the office, going out to eat and—most important of all—sending their children to school.” Moreover, workers must overcome their “unwillingness” to “engage in risky activities” and simply accept reopenings and the tens of thousands the inevitable premature deaths they will cause.

The Times piece also ignores the inconvenient fact that there is still no vaccine for children under 12, meaning that tens of millions of infants and school children are still vulnerable to the pandemic. Data from the American Academy of Pediatrics shows that hundreds of thousands of children are infected each week, alongside rising hospitalizations. The vast majority of these infections are caused by what Krugman views as “most important,” children being back in schools.

There is also no consideration of the spread of the pandemic in other countries. Eastern Europe continues to be one of the hardest hit regions of the pandemic. Poland has suffered more than 11,000 new cases and 175 new deaths in the past week, both figures up 50 percent from the week before. Ukraine has had a similar spike, reporting more than 82,000 new cases and nearly 1,700 dead over the last seven days. In Romania, cases have jumped to 89,000 every seven days, a 28 percent increase, while deaths have climbed to 1,762 per week, a 49 percent increase.

Even in Germany, often hailed as a model for Europe’s pandemic response, both new cases and deaths have risen by about 25 percent during the last seven days compared to the preceding seven days. Official figures of cases and deaths over the past week climbed to 68,000 and 400, respectively.

One of the worst hit countries is Russia, where cases and deaths have spiked sharply in recent weeks. Daily new cases have been rising in the country since mid-September and are approaching the peak seen last December. As a result of this surge, there were a record 6,400 deaths reported in the country last week.

Other countries that have seen a rise in their case and death counts include Sudan and Somalia. In both African countries, which have suffered greatly over many years as a result of indirect or direct US military interventions, the number of new reported cases has more than tripled. Deaths over that same period more than doubled in Sudan and increased by more than a factor of five in Somalia.

Among the many consequences of the hundreds of thousands of new cases each day will be the emergence of new and more infectious variants of the coronavirus, including the possibility of one wholly resistant to the vaccine. Such a variant, even under Krugman’s Panglossian prognosis that the pandemic is ending in the US, would inevitably restart the waves of infection and death workers are still living through.

America’s financial oligarchy has blinded itself to these dangers, focusing instead on more completely reopening the economy. The latest stage of the reopenings in the US has been the resumption of in-person mass cultural events. The Detroit Symphony Orchestra, where musicians last year were forced to take a 20 percent pay cut after its performances were canceled, has again begun full-capacity in-person concerts. The Boston Symphony Orchestra similarly began to have in-person performances at the end of September.

This is an international phenomenon. The United Kingdom will on October 11 remove 47 countries from its “red” list of countries where travel is unsafe, including world pandemic hot spots India and Brazil. Bali (the resort island in Indonesia), India and Vietnam are all slated to loosen their own travel restrictions. Vietnam, which suffered the vast majority of its 800,000 coronavirus cases and 20,000 coronavirus deaths since July, is beginning domestic flights and is planning to fully reopen for the summer 2022 tourist season.

In Pakistan, all educational institutions are slated to reopen even though there are still more than 1,200 new cases and more than 30 new deaths each day.

The argument that it is the appropriate time to reopen because cases are falling is all the more homicidal and fallacious given that even as cases have dipped slightly in the US, the rate of infection is still higher than during every other part of the pandemic except the highs of last November, December and January. And there has been a systematic effort, beginning with then-President Donald Trump and continuing under Joe Biden, to cover up the actual number of cases, including by limiting testing, inadequate contact tracing and the outright falsification of data.

Workers should also remember that similar arguments that reduced case numbers mean that it is safe to reopen the economy have been used before. It was federal policy under the Trump administration, developed in the wake of the initial lockdowns in March 2020. The slight drop in cases in April, combined with claims that enough personal protective equipment and other critical devices such as ventilators had been stockpiled, was used in late April and May to reopen auto plants and other areas viewed as critical to the American economy.

The results were predictably disastrous. A second wave in the summer saw tens of thousands more deaths, followed by some limited lockdown measures. Those were lifted after it was proclaimed that the increase in testing and the development of therapeutics meant that it was safe to reopen. What followed was the most severe spike in cases and deaths seen in the US and worldwide to date.

Workers must fight to eradicate COVID-19. An initial expression of this perspective has been voiced by UK parent Lisa Diaz, who organized the first global school strike against unsafe reopenings during the pandemic on October 1 and has called for a second. “Given that our politicians are doing nothing to protect us, I propose another school strike,” she declared. “Let’s send a powerful message, a global message, that we will not let our children be collateral damage. They shouldn’t be sitting ducks.”

This initiative expresses broad sentiments in the working class, expressed in one form by the fact that Diaz’s latest call for action got more than 42,000 views in 24 hours. Millions are looking not merely to abate the worst of the pandemic, but for a scientifically grounded strategy to end almost two years of needless suffering and death.

Riders at German delivery firm Gorillas protest illegal mass sackings

Johannes Stern

Employees of the Gorillas delivery service held a protest Wednesday in front of the company’s headquarters in the German capital of Berlin. In total, more than 100 riders—as the couriers are called—and supporters came together to loudly demonstrate for better working conditions and the reinstatement of several colleagues.

Protest in front of the Gorillas headquarters in Berlin (Photo: WSWS)

The billion-dollar start-up announced last Tuesday that all employees who participated in work stoppages over the previous weekend would be terminated. On Friday and Saturday, Gorillas bike couriers went on strike against conditions of abuse and paralyzed several warehouses. It is still unclear how many employees were given notice by letter or telephone. According to the latest reports, there are over 300.

This is a massive attack on the right to strike that goes far beyond the Gorillas delivery service. The ruling class is launching an all-out attack on working conditions and wages around the world.

In Germany, the Social Democrats, Free Democrats and the Greens are preparing a new government whose central tasks will be to enforce the debt brake so as to restrict public spending and squeeze the hundreds of billions of euros that were funneled to the banks and corporations under the guise of the coronavirus bailout packages out of the working class. With the federal election now over, mass layoffs and the shutdown of entire industrial plants are being implemented. The employers are demanding, in the words of Ford Germany boss Gunnar Herrmann, “gigantic flexibility.”

The message being sent with the mass sackings at Gorillas is clear: anyone who is not prepared to accept conditions of slave-like exploitation must expect severe consequences.

The company’s management makes no secret of the fact that the terminations are a punishment for the strikes. A company spokesman said on Tuesday evening, “Such unannounced strikes that are not supported by a trade union are illegal. After careful consideration, we are now forced to enforce this legal framework. This means that we end the employment relationship with those employees who actively participated in the unauthorized strikes and blockades, who hindered the company through their behaviour and thus endangered their colleagues.”

The arrogance and aggressiveness of the billion dollar company is breathtaking. It is not the striking workers fighting for fair and safe working conditions who are endangering their colleagues, but company management.

Slavery-like exploitation

At the demonstration, numerous riders reported on the completely unsustainable working conditions at Gorillas and the brutal behaviour of the company.

Blocked entrance of the Gorillas headquarters at Schönhauser Allee 180 in Berlin (Photo: WSWS)

A 21-year-old Gorillas rider, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, reported that the strikes began on Friday, October 1 in Bergmannkiez in the Neukölln district and then quickly spread to the warehouses in Schöneberg and Mitte. On Saturday, a strike also took place at the Gesundbrunnen warehouse. On Tuesday, the company then carried out a “blatant attack on the employees,” as the worker described it.

“All the people on strike who had no protection against dismissal have been terminated without notice,” the rider explained. “Some by letter and some by phone. This is of course completely illegal. That is why we are protesting against the working conditions and the action on the part of the company. We demand the reinstatement of those who have been terminated.”

Strikes among Gorillas delivery workers already took place repeatedly in spring and summer. The 21-year-old rider reports that working conditions have even worsened since then.

“The shift times are now issued by a computer,” he said. “Accordingly, the shift times are extremely short. I have a 30-hour contract and work six days a week. Four days in advance, the legal minimum, you will be notified of your shift. You can no longer plan your free time because you never know when and where you have to work.”

He went on to describe the extreme workload during a shift, commenting, “We have six orders in one backpack, and that happens over and over again. Sometimes you can’t even close the rucksack because it’s overloaded, and you still have to deliver everything. I have no idea how heavy the backpack is sometimes, maybe 40 kilos. You can hardly get it on your back. And that’s what it’s like for the whole shift for eight hours.”

There are also virtually no safety measures to protect workers from the COVID-19 pandemic. “The disinfectant dispensers are usually empty and you really have to beg for masks,” remarked the worker.

Another rider, Camilo, reported that workers often receive their starvation wages late or are not paid in full.

Camilo (Photo: WSWS)

“This is a problem that has existed since the beginning,” he told us. “I’ve been with Gorillas for a year now and there are wage issues every month. There is no regular payment and often people only get €100 or €200, although they ought to get €1,000, for example. This means that many workers are left without income and still have to pay their rent, etc.”

Camilo also pointed to the generally poor condition of the bikes, with potentially fatal consequences.

“Nobody in the stores is responsible for ensuring that the bikes are in good condition,” he said. “Very often, workers ride their bicycles and, for example, the seat falls off or something breaks, which leads to accidents. Accidents are very common at this company. That also has to do with the company’s business model, which promises to deliver within 10 minutes. There have been very serious accidents. People with broken limbs, people who needed an operation. There was even a rider who almost died.”

There is broad solidarity with the workers among the population. Alexander took extra time off to support the protest. “I want to set an example because I find the working conditions under which people work here unbearable,” he said. “The people who work here are completely overworked. Driving around 100 kilometres a day with 20 kilos on your back is impossible. The sackings were the tipping point for me. “

Alexander pointed out that the attacks are part of a wider political development.

Alexander (Photo: WSWS)

“Workers’ rights have been dismantled for a long time and attempts are being made to continue to dismantle them,” he commented. “Many people are angry and no longer feel represented by the political parties. The social divide is getting bigger and bigger and this is happening on the backs of the people who work here. Even the housing market is being capitalized. How can we still lead a good life in this city without working 80 hours a week? There is enough money, but you have to distribute it differently, you have to organize it differently. That is long overdue.”

Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Foundation Scholarship 2022/2023

Application Deadline:

• Deadline for undergraduate programme (applicants from foreign secondary schools): 23rd February 2022.
• Deadline for undergraduate programme (applicants from French secondary schools): mid-June 2022.

Tell Me About Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Foundation Scholarship:

The Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Foundation was established in 2005 to realize the vision of its founder, Geneviève McMillan (1922-2008), and to commemorate the life and work of her friend, the artist Reba Stewart (1930-1971). The scholarship celebrates McMillan’s passion for the African continent.

Since 2010, the McMillan-Stewart Foundation has partnered with the Sciences Po American Foundation to offer merit-based scholarships to give access to France’s higher education system to meritorious African students from sub-Saharan African countries. This will be done specifically through the undergraduate Europe Africa program of Sciences Po.

What Type of Scholarship is this?

Undergraduate

Who can Apply for Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Foundation Scholarship?

The Scholarship is awarded on the basis of academic excellence, social criteria as well as the criteria as listed below:

• Candidates must be citizen of a sub-Saharan African country
• Candidates must have completed their high school education in a sub-Saharan African country and
• Candidates must be accepted to Sciences Po’s undergraduate Europe-Africa programme

How are Applicants Selected?

The Scholarship is awarded on the basis of academic excellence, social criteria as well as the criteria as listed below:

Which Countries can apply?

Citizens of sub-Saharan African countries

Where will Award be Taken?

France

How Many Scholarships will be Given?

Not specified

What is the Benefit of Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Foundation Scholarship?

Successful students will receive a scholarship covering the full Sciences Po tuitions fees every year, for the duration of their undergraduate studies programme.

As Social criteria are also taken into account, an additional grant may be awarded to cover living expenses.

How Long will the Program Last?

4 years

How to Apply for Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Foundation Scholarship:

Candidates must first apply to study at Sciences Po undergraduate Europe Africa program. Applications should be completed on Sciences Po’s Admissions website and include all supporting documents requested for the Emile Boutmy scholarship application. The deadline for the Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Foundation Scholarship is the same as the deadline for Emile Boutmy scholarship applications.

During the two weeks following the student’s application, all candidates must also apply for the Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Scholarship by sending an application to scholarship@usscpo.org and matthew.baker@sciencespo.fr.

This application must include a cover letter outlining motivations to study at Sciences Po’s undergraduate program and to benefit from the Scholarship.

For all questions, you may contact the Office of Admissions, either through the online contact form, or through e-mail to matthew.baker@sciencespo.fr.

Visit Geneviève McMillan-Reba Stewart Scholarship Webpage for Details

Western Union Scholars Program 2022

Application Deadline: 15th October 2021.

Eligible Countries: All. Mostly developing countries

Fields of Study: Science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and business/entrepreneurship.

About Western Union Scholars Program: The WU Scholars program was created to help give young people a boost toward a better life. The Western Union Foundation believes education is the surest path to economic opportunity. Educational pursuits to gain knowledge and skills for in-demand, 21st century careers are helping people all over the world climb the economic ladder.

As part of this year’s program the Foundation will be rolling out two different scholarship opportunities as part of the overall fund. The first, is an evolution of our evergreen WU Global Scholars initiative that targets international students from low-income countries studying in Australia, Canada, Europe, New Zealand, Singapore, Japan, the United States and the United Kingdom – some of the world’s leading destinations for international scholars. The second, is a renewal our Project Finish Line initiative, launched last year in partnership with Western Union’s Black Advisory Council, to support BIPOC students in the U.S., the majority studying at Historically Black Colleges and Universities in various STEM and business fields.

The Western Union Foundation is again working with the Institute for International Education (IIE) to accept nominations, select awardees, and distribute the scholarships. IIE is accepting nominations for the 2021 WU Scholars program through October 15th, 2021. In order to be invited to formally apply, students must be nominated by a representative from their higher education institution. Eligibility requirements include:

Type: Undergraduate

Eligibility for Western Union Scholars Program: 

• Must be an international student already enrolled in the 2021-22 Academic Year (or a corresponding timeframe for universities with other semester systems) and preferably residing in one of the following countries of study: US, UK, Europe, Singapore, Japan, Canada, Australia, New Zealand.
• This program is open to students in their final or penultimate year of a full-time undergraduate (Bachelor’s) degree program at an accredited higher education institution in any of the countries/regions listed above.
• Must be able to demonstrate financial need.
• Must be in good academic standing, have high ambitions, and a demonstrated commitment to their chosen field of study.
• Nomination forms are available here .

Project Finish Line:

• Must be a student that identifies as black, indigenous, or a person of color currently enrolled in their final (senior) or penultimate (junior) year of their undergraduate or graduate degree program at an accredited College or University in the United States.
• Must be able to demonstrate financial need.
• Must be in good academic standing, have high ambitions, and a demonstrated commitment to a STEM or business field of study.

• Nomination forms are available here .

Selection Criteria: Candidates will be selected based on criteria relating to the program’s three pillars: Perseverance, Aspiration, and Community.

Number of Awardees: Not specified

Value of Western Union Scholars Program: Selected scholarship recipients will receive USD $2,500 each to contribute toward tuition or school fees at an accredited post-secondary institution.

Duration of Scholarship: One-time

• Nomination forms are available above.

Visit Western Union Scholars Program Webpage for details

WomEng Africa Innovation Fellowship 2022

Application Deadline: 15th October 2021

About the Award: WomEng Africa Innovation Fellowship, powered by WomEng and the Royal Academy of Engineering’s Africa Prize for Engineering Innovation is a nine-month leadership and business development opportunity for female African innovators with an early stage engineering innovation or startup. The Africa Innovation Fellowship aims to develop the talent pipeline for future cohorts of the Africa Prize for Engineering Innovation.

WomEng Africa Innovation Fellowship (AIF) kicks off in November 2021 with virtual sessions focused on idea and business incubation, leadership development and networking. Followed by five months of personalised virtual support with regular check-ins and milestones, ending in April 2022.

Fellowship candidates who apply and are subsequently shortlisted for the Africa Prize for Engineering Innovation will receive additional individual coaching and mentoring to support them in getting pitch ready.

Apply now for this unique opportunity to take your innovation to the next level.

Type: Fellowship, Entrepreneurship

Eligibility:

1. Applicants must identify as women and serve as founders or co-founders.
2. Individual applicants must be citizens of a country within sub-Saharan Africa*. The main applicant must be a citizen of a country within Sub-Saharan Africa.
3. The innovation must be based in a country in sub-Saharan Africa.
4. Applicants must have a Science, Technology, Engineering or Manufacturing (STEM)  innovation, though are not required to be an engineering graduate or student themselves.
5. Applicants must be over the age of 18. There is no upper age limit.
6. The applicant’s innovation can be any new product, technology, or service, based in STEM.
7. Applicants should have an early-stage engineering innovation and/or startup.
8. Applicants must be able to commit for the six month-long programme commencing in November 2021 to April 2022.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of WomEng Africa Innovation Fellowship: 

• Development of your business through personal growth and increased commercial insights.
• Exposure to investors in the African landscape.
• Interaction with fellow innovators across Africa.
• Access to one-on-one mentorship and venture clinics with subject matter experts.

Duration of WomEng Africa Innovation Fellowship:

• Applications open: 28 September 2021
• Applications close: 15 October 2021
• Successful candidates notified: 1 November 2021
• Programme Commencement: 16 November 2021
• Programme Period: November 2021 to April 2022

Eligible countries: Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Republic of the Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Liberia, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Sudan, Swaziland/eSwatini, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

How to Apply: APPLY NOW

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Women Photograph Mentorship Program 2022

Application Deadline:

15th October 2021 11:59PM ET (NYC).

Tell Me About Women Photograph Mentorship Program:

Women Photograph is pleased to announce that we’re now accepting applications for our 2022 Mentorship Program, which will pair 24 industry leaders (12 photographers and 12 photo editors, curators, and educators) with 24 early-career photojournalists over the course of a year. Mentors include editors, curators, & photographers from The Wall Street Journal, TIME, Reuters, and the National Gallery of South Africa, among others.

What Type of Scholarship is this?

Training

Who can Apply?

We are currently seeking applications from women and nonbinary photographers of any age with less than five years of professional work experience who might be interested in long-term support. For any questions, please contact hello@womenphotograph.com.

Which Countries can apply?

Any

Where will Award be Taken?

Remote

How Many Scholarships will be Given?

24

What is the Benefit of Women Photograph Mentorship Program?

The mentorship program will take place remotely over the course of one year, and requires 3-5 hours of engagement per month. No travel or financial commitment is required to participate. The photographers who stand to benefit most from this program are already at the beginning of a documentary/photojournalistic practice and looking for targeted guidance and mentoring in the early stages of their career.

How Long will the Program Last?

1 year

How to Apply for Women Photograph Mentorship Program:

Apply below

Visit Women Photograph Mentorship Program Webpage for Details

Atlantic Fellows Programme 2022/2023

Application Deadline: 10th January 2022 (midday)

To be taken at (country): Online/UK

About the Award: The Fellowships are available in TWO fully-funded tracks:

• Atlantic Residential Fellowship: supports applicants in taking the one year MSc Inequalities and Social Science (MISS), with dedicated mentorship, as well as engaging with the wider work of the Atlantic Fellows programme (such as the Annual conference and Non-Residential Fellows activities).
• Atlantic Non-Residential Fellowship: a unique opportunity to study via a series of distinct, comprehensive short courses, with both academic and in-the-field work, comprising around seven weeks in total throughout the year. Non-Residential Fellows remain based in their home and professional environments, and travel to attend the Modules. The Non-Residential Fellows will undertake practical project work, and contribute to the Annual Conference and other activities as part of the Atlantic Fellows programme.

Type: Fellowship, Masters

Eligibility: 

• Applicants for the Non-Residential Atlantic Fellowship must meet the Standard English Language requirements for the LSE. Proof must be included with your final application documents.
• Applicants for the Atlantic Residential Fellowship must apply for the MSc Inequalities and Social Science. They must meet all the requirements as set out in the course page.
• Separate eligibilities can be read on the application forms of each fellowship.

Number of Awards: up to 9 Residential Fellowships annually

Value of Awards:

Residential Fellowship:

• Residential Fellows receive support from a dedicated LSE academic mentor, from the AFSEE Academic Lead through monthly meetings and regular check-ins, and via further opportunities for engagement offered throughout the year.
• The Residential track of the Atlantic Fellows for Social and Economic Equity programme is a funded fellowship. The fellowship includes full tuition fees, an £18,000 stipend to cover living costs while in London, travel to and from Cape Town for the South Africa module, and travel to and from London at the beginning and end of the active fellowship, including reimbursement of visa fees. 
• Modest financial support is available for Fellows who have family care responsibilities. The programme also has a Resilience Fund to which Fellows can apply in the event of emergencies. Further information is available upon request.

Non-Residential Fellowship:

• Each Non-Residential Fellow receives support from a dedicated mentor who has been selected for expertise and experience in the Fellow’s area of focus.
• The Non-Residential Track of the Atlantic Fellows for Social and Economic Equity programme is a funded fellowship. The fellowship includes full tuition fees; a £3,000 grant to support project work; dedicated mentorship; travel to and from London/Cape Town for each Module; accommodation and related costs during Modules; and reimbursement of visa fees.
• Modest financial support is available for Fellows who have family care responsibilities. The programme also has a Resilience Fund to which Fellows can apply in the event of emergencies. Further information is available upon request.

Duration of Awards:

• Atlantic Residential Fellowship: a full academic year.
• Non-Residential Atlantic Fellowship: 12 to 18 months

How to Apply: Please download & fill the Application form of the fellowship you are interested in (links are in the Award Webpage)

Apply to the Atlantic Fellows for Social and Economic Equity programme

Visit Award Webpage for details

Catholic Relief Services International Development Fellows Programme (IDFP) 2022

Application Deadline: 1st November 2021

Eligible Countries: All

About the Award: The Catholic Relief Services International Development Fellows Program, or IDFP, is designed for individuals dedicated to a career in international development. While completing comprehensive training on program management and operations, fellows support CRS’ work in various sectors such as agriculture/livelihoods, health, peacebuilding, emergency response, education, microfinance, or a combination of these.

The fellows’ training focuses on project management, project design and proposal development, partnership and capacity building, monitoring and evaluation, budget and resource management, supply chain and logistics, human resources and security protocols.

Type: Fellowship

Eligibility: 

• Graduate degree in field relevant and applicable to international development (e.g. Agriculture, Health, Engineering, Business, Public Administration, Finance, Supply Chain)
• Fluency in English with strong oral and written communication skills
• Professional proficiency in a second language (preference given to major languages spoken where CRS works)  
• At least six months of work or volunteer experience in a developing country (or 5+ years living in a developing country)
• Able and willing to be based in locations with tropical and infectious diseases and limited access to medical facilities.

Skills Required:

• Strong interpersonal skills; able to cultivate strong relationships while working with a wide range of individuals in and outside the agency    
• Effective communicator; able to develop tailored and influential messaging for varied audiences
• Proactive; willing and able to take on additional responsibility, challenge assumptions and facilitate change
• Results driven; able to set and achieve ambitious goals and instill confidence
• Strategic thinker; able to formulate guiding questions, leverage resources and find creative solutions
• Discerning; able to maintain focus and provide good judgment amidst complexity and uncertainty
• Develops others; able to listen, coach and mentor
• Agile; able to operate effectively in a   stressful, fast changing environment      where security could change unexpectedly
• Aligned; able to support and champion the   mission, vision, and values of CRS     
• Motivated; interest in a career in   development or emergency relief
• Flexible; willing to work in various regions and developing countries around the world 

Number of Awards: CRS offers 20-30 fellowships each year.

Value of Award: CRS provides IDFP participants with the following benefits:

• Great opportunities for professional growth and development overseas
• Stipend, allowances, and furnished housing
• Transportation to and from the country
• Extensive insurance coverage (medical, dental, life, travel/accident, evacuation and personal household effects)
• Paid vacation, sick and personal leave, and 12 paid holidays
• Language learning assistance

Duration of Programme: 12 months

How to Apply: We welcome as a part of our staff and as partners people of all faiths and secular traditions who share our values and our commitment to serving those in need.

To be considered for the program, please apply here

Visit Programme Webpage for Details