12 Oct 2021

Harvard University student workers overwhelmingly authorize strike

Andrew Timon & Josh Varlin


Student workers at Harvard University, members of the Harvard Graduate Students Union-United Auto Workers (HGSU-UAW), voted overwhelmingly to authorize a strike in a vote that ended September 30, with 91.7 percent (1,860 members) voting in favor. The union says that 386 new student workers joined the union during the vote, which was only available to members. The last strike of Harvard graduate students lasted most of December 2019 but did not achieve strikers’ demands.

Harvard grad strikers at a gate to the university, 2020.

In fact, since the union began negotiating with the administration in October 2018, Harvard has not made any significant concession to key demands from student workers regarding wages, benefits and working conditions.

The HGSU-UAW is calling for salary increases of 5.75 percent, 4.5 percent and 3 percent in the three years of an agreement, retroactive to July 1, 2021. It is also calling for a $21-an-hour minimum wage for hourly student workers with $0.50 increases in following years. Harvard University is proposing raises of 2.5, 3 and 3 percent, with a $19 minimum wage for hourly workers followed by $0.50 increases in the following two years.

Neither proposal meets the needs of student workers. Even if the union’s proposal were adopted in full, which is highly unlikely, with inflation currently running at 5 percent annually, workers would be treading water and then experience falling wages in real terms.

The union does not mention once the COVID-19 pandemic and the dangers it poses to those working in person. The demands related to health and safety only reiterate health and safety laws already in place. They write: “SWs [student workers] will be provided with a safe University workspace and will not be required to work in conditions that pose an unnecessary threat to their health and safety. Towards that end, the University has policies in place to provide such a safe workplace; will maintain such policies during the life of this Agreement; and may improve such policies at its discretion.” In other words, the contract allows for what is “safe” to be up to the discretion of the university and the policies of the ruling class as a whole, not what is actually safe for workers, while sending student workers back into classrooms during a deadly pandemic.

As of yet the union bargaining committee is not calling for a strike, instead ostensibly using the threat of a strike at an unspecified future point as leverage, according to their recent Halloween-inspired post, to “spook Harvard and win the contract we deserve.” A similar tactic was utilized in June when the union sent a letter of intent to strike signed by over 500 grad student workers. Yet only four days after the letter was received, the bargaining committee began a membership vote to extend the contract after a 5-5 deadlock on the question of a strike.

The context of the two-month extension of the now-expired contract is important for student workers to consider.

During the contract extension vote, a strike by roughly 2,900 Volvo Trucks autoworkers in southwestern Virginia was reaching a decisive turning point after the workers had voted down three UAW-backed sellout contracts. Volvo Trucks workers took matters into their own hands by building the Volvo Workers Rank-and-File Committee, which raised workers’ demands against the opposition of the corporatist UAW.

Just as the UAW blacked out coverage of the strike at other auto factories, the HGSU-UAW leadership made no mention of the struggles taking place by their class brothers and sisters and gave no perspective or strategy of linking their struggles in conjunction with a “no” vote in the extension of the no-strike contract.

The fact that only 61.5 percent of members supported a contract extension even though the HGSU provided no alternative and that students turned out to vote overwhelmingly to authorize a strike signifies the growing militancy of student workers and their opposition to the conditions sanctioned by the previous contract.

In this struggle, graduate workers must recognize their allies and their enemies. Harvard University, the oldest in the United States, is tied inextricably to its $41.9 billion endowment, the largest university endowment on the planet. The endowment, which has skyrocketed along with the stock market during the pandemic even as millions have died, provides about twice as much revenue as student enrollment fees for the university.

The process underlying these developments is an education system more and more dependent on and influenced by financing from ever-increasing market gains and wealthy donors, themselves enriched by financial parasitism. Yet these gains for the financial aristocracy are themselves dependent upon the further intensification of the exploitation of the working class and cuts in social spending, infrastructure and the living standards of working people.

Workers face not only the university and the financial aristocracy that funds it, but the UAW, a corporatist apparatus of highly paid executives (450 “earn” six-figure salaries), whose top officials have recently been convicted of taking bribes from auto companies or embezzling workers’ dues.

Like Harvard, the UAW is also deeply tied to the financial markets. Despite losing more than a million members over the last four decades, the UAW saw its assets grow to over $1.1 billion, $725 million of which is in investments. Just as the Harvard endowment cannot be touched for the living wage of student workers, so too the UAW strike fund is barely utilized, paying out only $250 a week to striking General Motors workers in 2019, for example, while UAW executives use it as a multimillion -dollar piggy bank for themselves.

The UAW’s efforts in recent years to unionize academic workers is driven by the desire to offset the loss of membership among industrial workers by opening up a new source of dues income from academic workers. A demand of the HGSU-UAW in the latest contract is that those who choose not to join the union should nevertheless have a service fee equivalent to union dues, deducted from their pay.

For the financial managers of Harvard and the labor managers of the UAW, the maintenance of their luxurious existence means the maintenance of the continued exploitation of the working class. The deepening social crisis, which the COVID-19 pandemic is accelerating, is driving workers into struggle against the capitalist system and its defenders, including in the unions.

In this struggle, Harvard workers have powerful allies. There are 6,000 unionized Harvard employees, most of whom have contracts expiring this year, but the unions have made no attempt to unite these struggles. Less than an hour away in Worcester, Massachusetts, hundreds of nurses have been on strike for months, the longest such strike in state history. Graduate workers at Columbia University in New York City, also UAW members, have voted to authorize a strike, while thousands of workers in the auto industry are demanding strike action against sellout deals negotiated by the UAW. Workers internationally are also on strike, from Sri Lankan educators to South African metalworkers to German health care workers.

New Zealand COVID-19 outbreak grows after restrictions eased

Tom Peters


In the week since Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announced that New Zealand would be “transitioning” away from its previous strategy of eliminating COVID-19, with more restrictions in Auckland to be lifted, the outbreak of the highly-infectious Delta variant has continued to rapidly expand.

Medical staff test shoppers who volunteered at a pop-up community COVID-19 testing station at a supermarket carpark in Christchurch, New Zealand. (AP Photo/Mark Baker)

On Sunday, 60 new cases were reported, the highest daily figure since September 1. This was followed by 35 on Monday and 43 today, bringing the total active cases to 469—an increase of 175 in the space of a week.

With thousands of workers permitted to travel to and from Auckland, people have recently tested positive for the virus in the neighbouring Waikato and Northland regions, prompting the government to extend the “level 3” lockdown to those regions.

The outbreak was initially detected on August 17 and the country went into a strict level 4 lockdown the next day. Since then, however, the lockdown has been lifted in most of the country, while in Auckland it was eased to “level 3” on September 22, allowing up to 300,000 people to return to workplaces.

The media and the Labour Party-led government claim that the level 4 lockdown, among the strictest in the world, wasn’t working. This is a lie. The size of the outbreak shrank from a high point of 731 active cases on September 3, to just 202 cases on September 28, as the vast majority had recovered. Since then, however, the relaxation of restrictions has caused case numbers to more than double.

The number of daily reported cases that were infectious in the community (i.e. not isolated at home) prior to being tested has also increased, from single figures prior to September 22, to between 20 and 31 in recent days. The total number of unlinked cases in the past 14 days (where the source of transmission is not known) stands at 74, compared with just seven on September 22.

Amid this expanding outbreak, the government’s decision to abandon elimination has triggered alarm among public health experts, doctors, teachers and other workers, both in New Zealand and internationally. The decision was not based on scientific advice, but on the requirements of big business, which has demanded—via the corporate media and the opposition National Party—that the government reopen the schools and workplaces before it is safe to do so.

Ardern yesterday backed down from her announcement a week earlier that the government planned to reopen schools in Auckland on October 18. Radio NZ reported on October 7 that the reopening threatened to provoke “a teacher backlash,” based on members’ feedback to the Post-Primary Teachers’ Association. The government has not decided on a new date for reopening.

The Post Primary Teachers’ Association (PPTA) Auckland region chairperson Michael Cabral-Tarry said “a good prerequisite [for schools reopening] might be 80 percent [of eligible people fully vaccinated] in those communities where Delta is still rampant.” The unions are also supporting a vaccine mandate for school staff. These measures would still leave many people unvaccinated, including all children aged under 12, and would not be sufficient to stop outbreaks.

Public health experts have spoken out against the government’s easing of restrictions in Auckland, which includes allowing people from different households to meet, and allowing outdoor recreational activities to resume. The government has forecast that it intends to allow retail and hospitality outlets to open in coming weeks.

Epidemiologist Michael Baker told the Guardian yesterday that the country’s outbreak was “on an exponential growth curve.” If the government loosened restrictions, “there’s only one way [case numbers] can go and that’s up. This is really simple. This is where every epidemiologist and disease modeler will agree 100 percent. Don’t do it.”

University of Otago senior lecturer Lesley Gray told Radio NZ on October 9: “Loosening alert levels at a time when we frankly do not have high enough vaccination rates, full stop, seems to be a very risky strategy.” She said the virus had already spread out of Auckland and further spread could be expected, adding that “we as a population should not really be prepared to accept this.”

Just 47 percent of the total population has received both shots of the Pfizer vaccine. The rate among Maori, who are among the most impoverished sections of the working class, is just over 30 percent.

Epidemiologist professor Nick Wilson told Stuff yesterday: “The government seems to be throwing up its hands,” with no clear direction after giving up on elimination. He called for a stronger border around Auckland and between the North and South Islands.

Professor Rod Jackson agreed, saying no one should travel to the South Island without being fully vaccinated and tested. He also warned that a 90 percent vaccination rate was “not good enough” to stop the disease from spreading, adding: “You don’t want people with COVID getting in until you are 95 percent vaccinated.”

Hundreds, perhaps thousands of lives are at risk if case numbers continue to expand at the present rate.

Andrew Stapleton, chair of the College of Intensive Care Medicine, told Stuff on October 7 that hospitals would not be able to cope with any surge in COVID-19 patients, unless another level 4 lockdown is imposed to reduce the overall burden of hospital admissions.

Dr Alex Psirides, from the Australia and New Zealand Intensive Care Society, told Newshub he was “afraid of the healthcare system I work in being overwhelmed” if case numbers get out of control. New Zealand has 324 staffed ICU beds at present, with 67 percent occupied. The number of ICU beds per capita is less than Australia and the UK, where hospitals have been thrown into crisis by COVID-19.

Despite these warnings, including from scientists who have advised the government in the past, Ardern told Radio NZ yesterday: “What we are doing today is no different to what we were doing on day one of this outbreak. We continue to work really hard to aggressively stamp out every case that we have.”

Indian foreign secretary visits Sri Lanka amid rising tensions with China

Vijith Samarasinghe


Indian Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla made a four-day visit to Sri Lanka last week as part of New Delhi’s efforts to pressure Colombo to break its close ties with China.

Indian Foreign Minister Harsh Vardhan Shringla [Source: Wikimedia]

Shringla met with President Gotabhaya Rajapakse, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse and other top officials, including finance and foreign ministers Basil Rajapakse and G.L. Peiris respectively. He also visited the strategic Trincomalee oil storage facility on the eastern coast and Jaffna in the Northern Province.

The visit occurred as the US and its allies, including India, are intensifying war preparations against China across the Indo-Pacific. It follows last month’s military agreement involving Australia, the UK and the US. Known as AUKUS, the deal, which will see the US supply Australia with nuclear-powered submarines, is targeting Chinese naval activities in the Pacific Ocean.

The trip also coincided with Colombo’s preparations for a ground-breaking ceremony at the Chinese-built Colombo Port City (CPC) on reclaimed land adjoining Colombo harbour. The CPC is part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative to counter US attempts to encircle China. New Delhi wants to remind the Rajapakse regime of Indian and US concerns about Beijing’s influence in Sri Lanka. Two weeks ago, the Indian and Sri Lankan foreign ministers held talks during UN General Assembly meetings in New York.

Shringla began his tour with a visit to the main Buddhist Shrine in Kandy, a token gesture of assurance to the Sinhala-Buddhist ruling elite, and then travelled to the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm near the strategic deep-water port. The Indian Oil Company (IOC) currently operates 15 of the 99 tanks at the facility. New Delhi is seeking a new agreement that gives it extensive control over this key facility. Colombo has so far sidestepped these demands.

In Jaffna, Shringla inspected progress of some Indian-funded projects, including the $US11 million Jaffna Cultural Centre building. New Delhi sees these projects, which were offered by India following the bloody ending of the 30-year communal war in 2009, as a means of establishing its influence on the island and particularly in Sri Lanka’s north.

Back in Colombo, Shringla held talks with President Rajapakse, reportedly on issues that had been “straining relations” between the two countries. These include, security, growing Chinese influence and Indian investment projects. He also called for full implementation of the 13th Amendment to Sri Lankan Constitution, which was part of 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord that established provincial councils with limited devolution of powers, as a concession to theisland’s Tamil elite.

New Delhi wants Colombo to implement these power-sharing arrangements, not out of any concerns about democratic rights of the island’s Tamils, but as a lever to pressure Colombo to break its close ties with Beijing and more closely integrate with the US-India military-strategic partnership against China. The Indian elite also hope to use the Tamil elite in Sri Lanka to further its influence in Colombo.

President Rajapakse told Shringla: “Sri Lanka would not be allowed to be used for any activity that could pose a threat to India’s security.” New Delhi, he said, should “not … have any doubts” about Sri Lanka’s relationship with China. The president explained that his vision was to “reinstate India-Sri Lanka relations to the level that existed in 1960s and 1970s under Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike.”

However, reflecting Colombo’s aversion to any power-sharing with the Tamil elite, Rajapakse added the caveat that it was necessary to “understand the weaknesses as well as the strengths of the 13th Amendment.” He cynically declared that his government was committed to developing the North and East and resolving postwar issues, such as returning the land seized by the military and compensating the families of missing persons from the war.

Shringla addressed an event marking the inauguration of Indian Development Corporation projects in Sri Lanka, declaring that these projects would “employ local companies” and “use Sri Lankan material and labour.” He also met with the representatives of Tamil bourgeois parties, including the Tamil National Alliance and Tamil Progressive Alliance, as well as the Ceylon Workers Congress, the main plantation workers’ union.

New Delhi is increasingly concerned about Colombo’s economic dependence on China. Since Rajapakse became president in November 2019, China has secured several key infrastructure and investment projects and completed the first stage of the CPC, with construction of its second stage starting soon.

India and the US regard these projects as a flouting of their authority in the Indian Ocean region. New Delhi is also concerned that some Indian investment plans are being held back by Colombo, while Chinese projects are proceeding.

Early this year, Sri Lanka unilaterally withdrew from a $500 million deal with India and Japan to develop the partially-built Eastern Terminal of the Colombo Port. Late last month, however, the Sri Lankan Port Authority signed a $700-million agreement with India’s Adani Group to build a Western Terminal in Colombo Port.

The Rajapakse government has tried to appease Indian concerns over cancellation of the Eastern Terminal project. The Indian media has commented, however, that the cancelled port deal “hurt the credibility of the Sri Lankan government” and India will continue to push for its resumption.

There is anxiety within the Sri Lankan ruling class about the potential political repercussions of a falling out with the US and India. The Rajapakses in particular are nervous. In 2015, Mahinda Rajapakse was ousted as president in a Washington-orchestrated regime-change operation that brought the pro-US Sirisena-Wickremesinghe regime to power.

While Colombo is reliant on Beijing to keep Sri Lanka’s heavily-indebted economy alive, it is trying to maintain advanced strategic and military ties with the US and India initiated by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe regime.

The eighth “Mitra Shakthi”—joint army exercises between India and Sri Lanka—were held during Shringla’s trip. The Indian foreign minister also discussed this year’s forthcoming Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) meeting. The CSC, which is a security and intelligence network involving India, Sri Lanka and Maldives, will soon induct other Indian allies in the region, such as Bangladesh, Seychelles and Mauritius.

The Rajapakse regime’s political balancing act is untenable, amid growing geo-political tensions between the US and India on one side and China on the other. 

11 Oct 2021

Nobel Prize in medicine awarded to the discovery of the cellular mechanism behind the sense of touch

Benjamin Mateus


This year the Nobel Committee for Physiology or Medicine awarded the prize in medicine to two researchers from the US for their efforts in elucidating the molecular and genetic mysteries behind the sense of touch. The recipients, Dr. David Julius of the University of San Francisco and Dr. Ardem Patapoutian of Scripps Research in La Jolla, California, were jointly awarded this week “for their discoveries of receptors for temperature and touch.”

Drs. Ardem Patapoutian and David Julius, Nobel laureates in Medicine 2021

Professor Abdel El Manira, a neuroscientist and member of the Nobel committee, explained that “without the receptors we would not be able to sense our world, to feel the urge to pull our hand from a flame, or even stand upright. The discoveries have profoundly changed our view of how we sense the world around us.”

There is, perhaps, an unstated irony that the Nobel Committee has decided to award, during such a cataclysmic pandemic where people have been placed in lockdowns and asked to social distance to stem the tides of repeated infections and deaths, their prestigious prize to an issue that is literally skin deep.

But a closer look leads one to appreciate the importance of these discoveries that have eluded scientists until recently. The findings offer a far more compelling evaluation of human society and provide a deep dialectical connection between the physical world and life. In other words, life, more than just replicating, interacts with the world. But it does so through the confines enforced on it by the physical world. And through that interaction, it learns to change.

Dr. Patapoutian, in a review article published in the journal Nature last year, wrote, “From the sound of a whisper to the strike of a hammer on a finger, many familiar environmental cues occur as mechanical forces. Mechanotransduction, the conversion of mechanical perturbations into electrochemical signals, is conserved across all domains of life. It is possibly the most ancient sensory process and may have protected early protocells from osmotic and mechanical forces that threatened to break their membranes.”

The award for understanding the mechanism behind touch and temperature is only the latest, perhaps the last, recognized by the Nobel Committee. During the press conference following the announcement, Dr. Julius said, “It’s been the last main sensory system to fall to molecular analysis … for things like temperature and pressure sensors, we really didn’t have examples of the types of molecules [used in vision and smell] that we could look for.”

In 1961, George von Békésy, a Hungarian biophysicist, was awarded the Nobel prize for his work on the impact of sound on the human cochlea, translating the frequencies of sound waves into nerve signals leading to the brain. In 1967, three recipients, Ragnar Granit, Haldan Keffer Hartline and George Wald, shared the award “for their discoveries concerning the primary physiological and chemical visual process in the eye.” Then, in 2004, Dr. Linda Buck and Dr. Richard Axel were recognized for discovering hundreds of receptors in the nose for odors and how the olfactory system was organized and connected to the brain.

Dr. Julius’s discovery built on the work that Hungarian researchers in the late 1940s first conducted. The use of high doses of capsaicin, the active ingredient in chili peppers that causes the sensation of heat, rubbed into laboratory mice relieved pain. Though drug discoveries followed that could help lower body temperature, decrease inflammation and help blood vessels dilate, no one understood how these mechanisms worked until Dr. Julius and his team set out to systematically find the molecules responsible for sensing capsaicin.

After an exhaustive trial and error process, his team identified one gene in sensory nerve cells that responded to the “burning” ingredient. That gene, now known as TRPV1, instructs the cell to build a protein known as an ion channel that allows the cell to perceive heat as painful and react to it.

Ion channels are particular proteins (or gates) lodged into a cell’s membrane that allows physical communication with the cell’s external environment through the influx and efflux of various ions. These ions act as chemical signals that lead to a cascade of secondary and tertiary signals to which the cell responds, leading to a concerted response by the living organism.

Julius and Patapoutian’s work converged, though independently, when they both used menthol to discover the receptor for sensing cold, named TRPM8, including several others that have intermediate responses.

Patapoutian then set to conduct research to identify similar ion channels that involved response to mechanical forces. This entailed working with cell lines that emitted a small burst of electrical signals when prodded with a micropipette, a fine-tipped instrument for collecting tiny quantities of liquids. Through the iterative process of switching off genes in these cells, they identified the crucial protein for sensing pressure, an ion channel they named PIEZO1.

In a thought-provoking statement reviewing the discovery of numerous mechanical-electrical ion channels, authors Dr. Dominique Douguet and Dr. Eric Honoré, writing in the journal Cell, said, “The opening of mechanosensitive ion channels at the plasma membrane of mammalian cells, in the microsecond range, is the earliest event occurring upon mechanical stimulation.” Precisely, the shear forces that stretch and bend a cell lead to opening these gates with the ensuing response that converts the mechanical stimulation to a chemical reaction that leads to the formation of a sensation at the molecular level with exorbitant speed.

Since then, numerous mechanically activated ion channels have been identified that provide a conscious sense of touch and the unconscious sense associated with blood pressure regulations and other organ functions involved in the life process. This ability for our cells to sense mechanical forces is a fundamental process conserved in the evolution of life.

Figure 1: abnormal enlargement of heart muscle cells involving PIEZO receptors. When heart muscles are on stretch, the PIEZO ion channel opens leading to the induction of a signal increasing the size of the muscle cells.

As the Nobel Committee statement noted, “The laureates identified critical missing links in our understanding of the complex interplay between our senses and the environment. The groundbreaking discoveries … by this year’s Nobel Prize laureates have allowed us to understand how heat, cold, and mechanical forces can initiate the nerve impulses that allow us to perceive and adapt to the world around us.”

However, Professor Patrick Haggard of University College London’s Institute of Cognitive Neuroscience said it best. “It is about the closest scientists have got to a truly mechanistic understanding of our own conscious experiences.”

Turkish government normalizes mass deaths as COVID-19 pandemic rages

Ulaş Ateşçi


As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to intensify in Turkey, with all necessary public health measures lifted and workplaces and schools fully reopened, President Recep Tayyip ErdoÄŸan’s government is normalizing mass infections and deaths.

On Saturday, ErdoÄŸan declared, “As was the case with the times of the pandemic, Turkey possesses the necessary capacity, infrastructure, administrative capability and the political will to successfully manage the post-pandemic era as well.” He then added, “As I always say, Turkey will emerge stronger from this period.”

Despite ErdoÄŸan’s claim to “success” against the virus, 7.4 million people have contracted COVID-19 and more than 66,000 people have lost their lives in the country, according to official figures. Moreover, the number of “excess deaths” during the pandemic period is 189,000, as filmmaker Güçlü Yaman, who conducts research on extra deaths in Turkey, stated on September 23. For weeks, Turkey has led the world in reported daily new cases, surpassing 30,000 last week for the first time since April.

The banner reads “As They Tell A Success Story, We Are Dying.” Doctors of the Istanbul Medical Chamber stand in homage to Dr. Salih Kanlı, who died of COVID-19, on October 20, 2020 in Istanbul. [Credit: Istanbul Medical Chamber]

Assistant Professor Emrah AltındiÅŸ of Boston College warned that if no measures are taken, the number of daily deaths in the winter could double. “Turkey has been among the first 3-5 countries with the most daily cases for a long time. I would like to warn you again, we are entering the winter with 30,000 cases per day. Even today, 200-250 people die every day—and in my opinion, the official numbers [that] are underestimates. These deaths can be in the range of 500-1,000 in winter.”

The government has pursued a policy of “social murder” based on keeping workers at work without interruption, placing profit before human life. With the opening of all workplaces and schools, it has abandoned any social distancing measure. As for vaccination, virtually the only tool still used in the so-called fight against the pandemic, only 54 percent of Turkey’s population is fully vaccinated.

According to the weekly incidence data for September 25-October 1 announced by Health Minister Fahrettin Koca on Saturday, the northwestern city of Zonguldak leads with 557 cases per 100,000 people; in only 8 of Turkey’s 81 major cities is it less than 100 per 100,000. It is 252 in Istanbul (population 16 million) and 363 in the Turkish capital, Ankara.

The reopening of schools and then universities in September, as expected, caused many youth to contract the disease and aggravated the pandemic. According to data collected by the education union EÄŸitim Sen, more than 1,500 classrooms are quarantined each week, while more than 5,000 students and teachers have tested positive for COVID-19.

According to a statement of the Student-Parents Association last week, at least 153,000 students have been quarantined since schools reopened in September. A 17-year-old high school student in Kütahya reportedly died of COVID-19 last week; government ministries refuse to disclose the infection and death rates among teachers and students.

Moreover, there is no free and mass testing in schools. Stating that the cases among children doubled after schools re-opened, Prof. Dr. Mehmet Ceyhan made clear the gravity of the pandemic. “We can see only one-tenth of [cases] because we only test those who have symptoms, but since 85 percent of all cases and 90 percent of the infected children are asymptomatic, those groups are not tested anyway. Therefore, I estimate that the number of active cases of 460,000-470,000 at the moment is in fact at least around 4.5 million.”

The Health Ministry has taken the government’s de facto herd immunity policy one step further, slashing the mandatory quarantine period of students from 10 days to 5 days. Children who are asymptomatic will be able to return to school if they have a COVID-19 test after the fifth day of isolation and the test is negative.

The government’s attempt to get parents back to work by reopening schools in line with the profit interests of the ruling class has caused an explosion of cases among youth, as in other countries that have followed the same path all over the world. Health Minister Koca admitted this last month, stating, “With schools staying open for the last three weeks, the number of cases between the ages of 0-17 has doubled. Our average [number of] active cases is currently 400,000. A quarter of them are in the 0-17 age group. Previously it was 10-11 percent.”

Trying to normalize preventable deaths and diseases, Koca added, “The increase in cases was not reflected in the number of [patients in] intensive care units and intubations. Therefore, there is nothing to be worried about in this sense.” Since the end of August, the daily death toll has hardly fallen below 200. The number of new cases, at around 20,000 per day before schools reopened, is now around 30,000. On Wednesday, Koca announced that more than 50 percent of active cases are young people under the age of 30.

Nonetheless, President ErdoÄŸan declared that his government insists on keeping schools open. “For the last month, education and training activities have been carried out successfully in schools affiliated to the National Education Ministry without any serious problems. Our aim is to continue in-person education at all levels by pushing the conditions to the end.”

The government is implementing this policy with the support of the bourgeois opposition parties, pseudo-left groups and the trade unions. While admitting that it was not possible to reopen schools safely under pandemic conditions, EÄŸitim Sen nonetheless supported the government and advocated the reopening of schools. Now, it is again declaring, “We will not be silent about the risk of [terminating] in-person education!”

However, there is growing opposition to this criminal policy, which allows the virus to spread among children and the entire population causing mass death, infections and unknown long-term damage. Almost every day on social media, students, parents and teachers are demanding the transition to remote education, emphasizing that schools are not safe.

A parent whose 7-year-old child recently caught COVID-19 at school tweeted: “This tweet should be highlighted by mothers and fathers the most. Schools are the most dangerous place for our children. Look how your children are playing hand in hand at break times. I told the principal that I will not send my child to school. He/she fails the class, the principal said. #UrgentOnlineEducation. [Health Minister] @drfahrettinkoca you didn’t protect my child better than me. Nothing happened [to] my child for 2 years.”

The widespread anger and opposition among workers, parents and students must be given a conscious expression. There is only one way forward in the fight against the pandemic: a global eradication strategy. It is imperative that nonessential workplaces and schools be closed until zero cases are reached, together with mass vaccination, widespread testing, contact tracing and isolation of infected persons and other public health measures. There must be full income support for all workers affected by these measures.

Opel-Stellantis: Short-time working heralds closure of auto plant in eastern Germany

Dietmar Gaisenkersting


The Stellantis Group, the result of the merger of the PSA Group (Peugeot/Citroën), Fiat Chrysler Autos (FCA) and Opel/Vauxhall, announced last Thursday that production of the Opel SUV Grandland X model at the Eisenach plant will terminate by the end of this year.

All of some 1,360 workers at the factory have been placed on short-time work. Production at the Opel plant in Aspern, Austria, near Vienna, is also on hold until the end of the year. The company justified the moves by pointing to the worldwide shortage of semiconductor chips.

Opel plant in Eisenach (Photo by CEphoto, Uwe Aranas)

When production in Eisenach was suspended in August, the shutdown was regarded as a temporary response to the fact that a supplier of electronic components in Malaysia had been forced to halt production following an outbreak of COVID-19.

The workforce in Eisenach now fears that the current production stoppage heralds the closure of the plant. The company’s announcement that production will resume at the beginning of 2022 “if supply chains allow” is understood by many workers to mean that a resumption of production in three months is by no means guaranteed.

There are indications that the production halt will be used to transfer production of the current Grandland and a facelift model to the company’s plant in Sochaux, France, although production of the new model was originally intended for a factory in eastern Germany. Workers report that warehouses are being completely cleared out, and material is being shipped to other plants, including the one in Sochaux.

Just two days before the company announced the three-month production shutdown, workers in Eisenach assembled for a factory meeting. At the meeting, no mention was made by the works council of the planned short-time working. After the company’s announcement, the IG Metall trade union and works council angrily declared that they had not been informed. “This is a disaster,” Uwe Laubach, the first representative of IG Metall in Eisenach, told the magazine Automobilwoche.

This is very hard to believe. According to Germany’s system of “co-determination,” management is obliged to inform the union of important changes, such as the introduction of short-time working or any other change in the company’s working hours. The works council, which said nothing at the factory 48 hours before the short-time working was announced, had to have been informed and in all likelihood had already agreed to the measure. Why, then, did its representatives not report it, and what else do the works council and the union know that they are hiding from the workforce?

The current state of affairs mirrors developments during the past few years. The works council, the union and management work together and have perfected their roles in implementing the cuts demanded by Stellantis. Bernd Lösche, the chairman of the Eisenach works council, plays a central role. He has been a member of Opel’s supervisory board since June 2019, is vice chairman of the company’s general works council and has been a member of the IG Metall executive since 2013.

Lösche and the union are supported by Germany’s Left Party. The premier of the state of Thuringia, Bodo Ramelow (Left Party), vouched for the claim that the union had not been properly informed, calling the alleged omission “bad form.”

For her part, the mayor of Eisenach, Katja Wolf (Left Party), merely brushed aside the Opel workers’ fears. In an interview with Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk (MDR) radio, she expressed sympathy with the problems of the company, saying she was aware that the situation was difficult for auto manufacturers due to worldwide supply bottlenecks.

At the same time, she said she expected production to start up again as soon as possible. Wolf said she was in contact with the plant management, the Stellantis group and the works council, which were all sending “positive signals.” She included the works council, which supposedly knew little or nothing about the situation.

This type of union connivance has a long history at Opel in Germany. As early as 1990, Opel launched a joint venture with the Eisenach auto plant, home to the East German Wartburg model, and commenced production of the Opel Vectra. At the same time, a state-of-the-art Opel plant was built in the city.

In January 1991, the West German institution began organising the winddown of East Germany’s industry (the Treuhandanstalt) and ended production at the former Wartburg plant. Its 4,500 employees were made redundant, with the agreement of the IG Metall, and a year and a half later the new Opel plant opened. The new factory employed just 1,900 workers, who produced two models, the Astra and Corsa. At the time, the plant was considered one of the most productive in Europe.

After decades of job cuts and plant closures, the PSA Group and its CEO, Carlos Tavares, took over Opel/Vauxhall from General Motors in 2017. IG Metall was full of praise for Tavares, who even then was known as a tough reorganiser. The union and the works council immediately agreed with him on the “Pace” (Tempo) restructuring plan.

At that time, Opel still employed a total of about 19,500 workers in Germany, including 1,800 in Eisenach. Today Opel has a total workforce of 15,000, with 2,100 due to lose their jobs, mainly at the main plant in Rüsselsheim.

At present, only 1,360 work in Eisenach. In 2018, the works council agreed to cut between 400 and 450 jobs. The then-chairman of the general works council, Wolfgang Schäfer-Klug, explained that the transfer from General Motors to PSA was “good for the plant” because production would be increased. “The disadvantage is,” Schäfer-Klug continued, “jobs will be lost. For Eisenach, this meant the loss of 400 to 450 jobs. But we would be prepared to put up with that.”

According to IG Metall, Tavares gave assurances in 2017 that the company would refrain from compulsory redundancies and plant closures. In reality, Tavares set targets for job cuts and other savings that the works council and IG Metall pledged to implement. In doing so, the union relied on its usual bag of tricks, e.g., severance payments and so-called transfer companies.

When workers refused to yield to pressure from the works councils to “voluntarily” quit their jobs, Tavares and the company threatened compulsory redundancies and plant closures.

These are now apparently to be imposed in Germany after the recent federal election. Tavares himself has appointed former Renault manager Uwe Hochgeschurtz as head of Opel in Germany. The two men have known each other from their time together at Renault.

Hochgeschurtz worked for Renault in various management positions from 2004 onwards and then took over as Renault’s boss in Germany in 2016. Tavares started his career at Renault in 1981 and stayed until 2014, when he took over as CEO of PSA Peugeot Citroën. Now Hochgeschurtz is expected to introduce the next round of cuts for Tavares and Stellantis shareholders.

The main problem facing Opel workers is not the company’s unscrupulous management but rather the IG Metall and its works councils, which have been implementing the company’s offensive against its workforce.

The mergers of Opel and PSA, as well as the merger of PSA and FCA at the beginning of this year, were supported by the union and the works councils, which were involved in the takeovers from the beginning. In 2017, even prior to the merger between Opel and PSA, IG Metall Chairman Jörg Hofmann and the then-Opel works council chairman, Wolfgang Schäfer-Klug, praised the fact that “constructive talks” had set the course for a “European auto champion with German-French roots.”

The unions also enthusiastically welcomed the Stellantis merger, creating the fourth largest car company in the world earlier this year.

Both Schäfer-Klug, who still heads the European Works Council, and Uwe Baum, the current head of the Opel General Works Council, hold high-paying posts on the supervisory board of Opel Autos and have long been privy to all of the concern’s restructuring plans.

The basic prerequisite for a successful struggle to defend jobs is the realisation that IG Metall and its works councils are fully on the side of the corporation. Toothless union protests, such as “whistle demos,” carrying coffins through city centres and plant vigils, are aimed at obscuring this fundamental fact. Such pseudo-protests serve only to allow the union and the works councils to continue their dirty deals with the top management.

The globalisation of production creates the objective basis for strengthening international resistance and uniting workers struggles across national borders. Workers all over the world are facing similar attacks by transnational corporations on working conditions and wages. Resistance is growing.

In the US last week, over 10,000 workers at the farm equipment giant John Deere voted to strike. Earlier, 3,000 Volvo workers in Virginia walked off the job for nearly six weeks to oppose a contract involving much worsened conditions agreed to by the United Auto Workers (UAW) and worked out with management. Workers have set up independent action committees in both factories.

Taiwanese president rejects China’s calls for reunification

Peter Symonds


Tensions across the volatile Taiwan Strait intensified last weekend after Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen used her National Day speech on Sunday to flatly reject calls by Chinese President Xi Jinping for a peaceful reunification of the island with China.

Tsai declared “there should be absolutely no illusions that the Taiwanese people will bow to pressure [from China].” She said that Taiwan would “continue to bolster our national defence and demonstrate our determination to defend ourselves,” adding that “nobody can force Taiwan to take the path China has laid out for us.”

US Democratic Sen. Christopher Coons, left, speaks near Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan and Democratic Sen. Tammy Duckworth during a meeting with Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen, second right, in Taipei, Taiwan on Sunday, June 6, 2021 [Credit: Taiwan Presidential Office via AP]

The militaristic warning to China was reinforced by a rare display of weaponry as part of the National Day parade that included tanks and missile systems mounted on trucks. As Tsai reviewed the procession, fighter jets and helicopters conducted a fly past overhead.

Tsai declared that China’s “one nation, two systems” proposal, whereby Taiwan would be incorporated in China but retain its own economic and social order, “offers neither a free and democratic way of life for Taiwan, nor sovereignty for our 23 million people.”

Tsai and her pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) are opposed to any integration with mainland China, but have stopped short of declaring formal independence. Tsai, who has refused to accept that the island is part of China, has seized upon Beijing’s anti-democratic measures in Hong Kong to reject China’s overtures.

The very fact that Taiwan and China hold the same National Day, marking the overthrow of the Qing dynasty in the 1911 revolution that established the Chinese republic under Sun Yat-sen, points to the artificial character of the separation of Taiwan from the Chinese mainland.

In the wake of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) seizure of power in 1949 Chinese Revolution, the defeated Kuomintang (KMT) led by Chiang Kai-shek retreated to Taiwan and, with the protection of the US Navy, established a brutal military dictatorship. For decades, the KMT in Taipei, supported by Washington, claimed to be the legitimate government in exile of all China, even occupying China’s seat in the UN Security Council.

That abruptly changed in 1972 when US President Richard Nixon visited China, met its leader Mao Zedong and forged a de-facto alliance against the Soviet Union. The trip which resulted in the joint Shanghai Communique paved the way for the establishment of full diplomatic relations between the US and China in 1979.

Central to the lengthy negotiations over diplomatic ties was the status of Taiwan, which China insisted was part of its territory. The US recognised the “One China policy” in the Shanghai Communique and effectively acknowledged that Beijing was the legitimate government of all China including Taiwan when it ended diplomatic ties and its military alliance with Taipei in 1979.

In her speech, Tsai declared that the cross-strait situation was “more complex and fluid than at any other point in the past 72 years.” However, the chief responsibility for these dangerous tensions lies with Washington and Taipei.

The Biden administration, following on from Trump, is rapidly undermining the 40-year status quo in relation to Taiwan as part of its intensifying confrontation and military build-up against China. Biden has given the go-ahead for high-level consultations with Taiwanese officials and has declared that the US is “rock solid” in its support for Taiwan against China. At the same time, the US has stepped up military sales to Taiwan, as well as the provocative dispatch of US warships through the Taiwan Strait between the island and the Chinese mainland.

In a flagrant breach of previous protocols, the US has sent special forces troops to Taiwan to train Taiwanese military forces—the first US military presence on the island since all American forces were withdrawn in 1979. The deployment of US military trainers on Taiwan was leaked via the Wall Street Journal last week in a move calculated to further escalate tensions with China.

Washington’s backing has only encouraged Tsai and the DPP to make their opposition to any reunification with China more overt. While China called for negotiations and peaceful reunification, it has repeatedly declared that it will respond to any formal declaration of independence by Taipei with the use of force. The fear in Beijing is that the US will integrate Taiwan, strategically located just 160 kilometres off the Chinese mainland at its closest point, into war plans against Beijing.

In his National Day speech, Chinese President Xi warned against Taiwanese independence and called for cross-strait reunification as part of China’s “national rejuvenation,” reflecting his “dream” of transforming the country into a major international power. In a thinly-veiled threat, he declared: “It has never ended well for those who forget their ancestors, betray the motherland, or split the country.”

In response to US backing for Taipei, the Chinese military has stepped up its activity near Taiwan, with an increased number of flights by military aircraft into Taiwan’s self-declared Air Defence Identification Zone which extends into the middle of the Taiwan Strait. At the same time, two US aircraft carrier strike groups have engaged in drills with British, Japanese, New Zealand and Dutch warships in waters near Taiwan.

The Biden administration’s claims to be standing up for “democratic” Taiwan are utterly hypocritical. The US backed the KMT dictatorship for decades as it used police state measures to violently suppress opposition to its rule. The KMT only allowed more open elections in response to a widening protest movement and workers’ strikes in the late 1980s, with the first direct presidential election only taking place in 1996.

US imperialism is once again exploiting “human rights” to hide its predatory intentions. Having waged decades of criminal wars and occupations in the Middle East and Central Asia to shore up its strategic position, the US has increasingly targeted China over the past decade as the chief threat to its global dominance.

Under Obama, Trump and now Biden, the US has engaged in an aggressive campaign to undermine China diplomatically, economically and strategically in a bid to subordinate it to American interests. Washington is determined to prevent its eclipse by China, now the second largest economy in the world, by any means, including military.

The rapidity with which Taiwan, arguably the most explosive flashpoint in Asia, has become central to US-China tensions is a sharp warning of the dangers of war between the world’s two largest economies, both armed with nuclear weapons.

Podemos covers up neo-fascist circles in Spanish army

Santiago Guillen & Alejandro López


The Socialist Party (PSOE)-Podemos party government is actively covering up for far-right circles in the Spanish army.

Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez (PSOE), second left, walks next to Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias, second right, and First Deputy Prime Minister Carmen Calvo, left, at the Moncloa Palace in Madrid, Spain, Tuesday, Jan. 14 2020 [Credit: AP Photo/Manu Fernandez]

In July, online newspaper La Marea requested information from the Ministry of Defence on what investigations were carried out and what sanctions were imposed on active-duty officers over public displays of support for fascism by Spanish military officers while on duty.

In December 2020, La Marea had released a video showing soldiers of the Parachute Brigade (BRIPAC), based in Madrid’s Paracuellos del Jarama barracks, singing and dancing to “Primavera” (Spring) by the neo-Nazi rock band Estirpe Imperial and raising their arms in a fascist salute. The song hails Spain’s Blue Division, a 45,000-strong infantry division of volunteers sent by Spanish fascist dictator General Francisco Franco during World War II to support Nazi Germany’s war of extermination against the Soviet Union. This war left nearly 27 million Soviet dead.

This took place on December 8, 2019, during the Feast of the Immaculate Conception. Three of those soldiers, although many more were involved, were allegedly punished for a minor offence.

Another video, taken in 2017 but only reported the day after La Marea posted the BRIPAC video, showed Spanish army Alpine soldiers singing verses of at least two Estirpe Imperial songs. While marching on Atocha street in Madrid, one soldier sang these verses which the rest repeated. They are heard exalting the “Race of conquistadores, of noble and loyal people, we prefer death to traitors.”

The videos emerged amid a political crisis provoked by letters to King Felipe VI by retired top military officers, denouncing the PSOE-Podemos government as a “social-communist government,” accusing it of undermining “national unity,” and assuring the king of their “deep loyalty.” The signatories included officers whose WhatsApp chats proclaimed loyalty to Franco, boasted of being “good fascists,” and called for the murder of “26 million” left-wing voters and their families to “extirpate the cancer.” These officers received the public support of the far-right Vox party.

These videos, along with texts from a WhatsApp group of 121 active-duty officers defending the signatories of these letters, exposed the lie that Spain’s integration into NATO and in the US-led wars in the Middle East modernised and democratised the Spanish army. They expose the degraded atmosphere prevailing in NATO military forces across Europe. Only a few months later, 23 retired French generals, supported by over 7,000 officers, wrote in the neo-fascist magazine Current Values advocating a coup in France.

Above all, they exposed the false claims of then-Podemos General Secretary and Deputy Prime Minister Pablo Iglesias, who sought to downplay and cover up fascist sentiments in the officer corps. After the retired officers’ WhatsApp chats were revealed, Iglesias gave a prime-time television speech dismissing the chats as irrelevant. “What these gentlemen say, at their age and already retired, in a chat with a few too many drinks, does not pose any threat.”

Once La Marea released its videos, exposing Iglesias’s lies, Podemos tried to cover its tracks by asking the Ministry of Defence to investigate its troops. When PSOE-Podemos Minister of Defence (MoD) Margarita Robles vitriolically denounced the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) for calling for an investigation, Podemos parliament spokesperson Jaume Asens defended the PNV. Asens asked Robles to stop “with apologies for Nazism in the army,” claiming he was “alarmed” by neo-fascist “infiltration” of the army.

The MoD’s refusal last week to disclose the results of these official investigations exposes the fraud of Podemos appeals for the military to investigate its own fascist sympathies.

It is likely either that no penalties were imposed or that penalties were so light that their publication would embarrass the PSOE-Podemos government. In either case, this would expose their collusion with the pro-fascist forces in the army.

Podemos never intended to call for an investigation of pro-fascist sentiment in the army. It aims to dampen the deep and historically rooted anti-fascist sentiments in the working class in Spain and across Europe, concerned that this could intersect with rising opposition to its austerity agenda, bank bailouts and its policies on the COVID-19 pandemic, which has resulted in over 100,000 excess deaths. Such a movement in the working class, Podemos fears, can rapidly develop against its own government and capitalism.

The role of Podemos vindicates warnings made by the WSWS starting at the end of last year, amid the Spanish army’s coup threats and former US President Donald Trump’s coup plotting which culminated in a fascist coup attempt to overrun the Capitol in Washington. Workers and youth cannot place any confidence in the Biden administration holding the conspirators to account or defending democracy. In Spain, they cannot trust the “left populist” Podemos party to defend democracy against the preparation of a far-right coup.

In fact, Podemos is emerging as a political tool of the conspiracy, dedicated to suppressing social opposition to the fascist threat. A party of the affluent middle class, familiar with the history of the Spanish Civil War, it knows that a working-class movement against a fascist coup would also enter into opposition against its own government. It is therefore desperately trying to hide the stench of far-right plots in the army.

Significantly, the PSOE-Podemos government invoked the Official Secrets Law to block any disclosure to La Marea. This law was passed in 1968 during the Franco dictatorship and has remained in force ever since. It has been used by PSOE and PP-led governments, and now the PSOE-Podemos government, to avoid exposures of the state apparatus—including the role of the PSOE and former King Juan Carlos in the February 23, 1981 coup attempt; state terror against the Basque-nationalist armed group ETA; and the corrupt finances of Spain’s Bourbon monarchy.

This exposes all of Podemos’ pretences to criticise the 1978 Transition from Francoite rule to a parliamentary regime for not “fulfilling” the Spanish people’s democratic and social aspirations. The truth is that the Transition was never about bringing about democracy. The political forebearers of Podemos in the Stalinist Communist Party of Spain (PCE) strangled a developing revolutionary crisis, in exchange for getting positions in the post-Franco capitalist regime.

This filthy compromise, embodied in the 1978 Constitution of the PSOE, PCE and the Francoites and the 1977 Amnesty Law that “forgave” the crimes of fascism, allowed the Francoite ruling class to keep its privileges and wealth. The state apparatus—including the judiciary, the army and the police—remained stacked with fascists.

It would be a terrible political error to underestimate how fragile the limited democratic rights granted under the Transition are. Barely 40 years later, Podemos is using fascist legislation to cover for far-right circles in the army. The danger of a fascist coup against mounting working-class anger over social inequality, austerity and “herd immunity” policies is very real.