11 Apr 2022

Renewed strikes at German day care and social services centres

Marianne Arens


Recently renewed strikes at German day care and state social services centres express mounting popular anger. After enduring pandemic conditions for over two years, day care teachers as well as social workers and assistants who care for the disabled are demanding tangible relief, more staff, serious measures to protect their health and a salary increase to keep pace with rising inflation.

Striking workers on April 7 at the Town Hall in Offenbacher, Germany (Photo: WSWS)

The strikes are part of a growing movement of the international working class. Across Europe and around the world, workers in public services, schools, airports, industry and logistics are no longer willing to endure permanent work stress, staff shortages and health hazards, while barely earning enough to survive. The strikes coincide with protests by teachers in the US and truck drivers in Spain, general strikes in India and Greece, and a social uprising in Sri Lanka, among other demonstrations of mass discontent.

The next round of collective bargaining in the social and educational services is more than two years overdue. The previous five-year collective agreement expired at the end of 2019. The coronavirus pandemic was seized upon as an excuse for an extended delay, with negotiations on a new contract beginning only at the end of February of this year.

German day care workers are fully justified in demanding better conditions, tangible relief and more recognition, and they have the sympathy of the working class. To win their demands, however, they will have to break with the dominant service-sector union, Verdi, and establish independent rank-and-file committees to end the isolation of their struggle by connecting with others engaged in labour disputes.

Verdi will not fight for real change. The union is fully on the side of the federal coalition government, consisting of the Social Democratic Party, the Free Democratic Party and the Green Party, and the business interests the government serves. Just a few days after the outbreak of war in Ukraine, Verdi boss Frank Werneke proclaimed his full support for the anti-Russian sanctions that have fueled spiraling prices. It was “appropriate and necessary to react with sanctions,” said Werneke in Berlin on February 27.

Since then, the Verdi leadership has reconvened with the Association of Municipal Employers’ Associations (VKA) in an attempt to reassert control over the growing labour conflict in the municipal sector. On March 21 and 22, Verdi executives Frank Werneke and Christine Behle met with VKA President Karin Welge, like the union officials a member of the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The third and final round of negotiations is to take place on May 16 and 17.

Meanwhile, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) is using the war in Ukraine to launch the largest rearmament campaign since the regime of Hitler, allocating 100 billion euros to the armed forces while bleeding the public sector dry. German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier (also SPD) recently spoke openly about this, stating: “The whole truth is: many hardships still lie ahead.” He demanded not only “solidarity” from Germany’s working population, but also a “willingness to accept privations.”

This is the background to Verdi’s collective bargaining tactics in the social and educational services. Each strike is isolated from all other strikes, including those of schoolteachers, in order to avoid the spread of open resistance. The union indistinctly demands a “round of improvements,” but fails to provide any concrete figures, either in euros or percentages. Nor does it stipulate specific staffing ratios or reduced working hours.

Meanwhile, municipal employers have made it abundantly clear that their finances can bear no additional burdens. Any new demands would “lead to serious imbalances in the collective bargaining structure of the municipal public sector and to disproportionate and unaffordable increases in personnel costs,” said Karin Welge, the mayor of Gelsenkirchen and VKA chairwoman.

She took over the post from the previous head of the VKA, Ulrich Mägde, on January 1, 2022. She presides over an association that represents the interests of 10,000 municipal employers, who employ some 2.3 million workers.

As recently as December, the German Association of Cities found that municipalities were short 230,000 educators and 300,000 nurses, but Ms. Welge refused to provide what she called improvements “from a watering can.” This she justified by claiming that “working and pay conditions [in the social and educational services] were already raised significantly in 2009 and 2015.”

In reality, the 2015 day care strike won only modest improvements in pay, but these have not changed the burdensome framework of working conditions. The groups of children remain far too large, staff shortages are widespread, and the number of untrained staff is growing, increasing the workload of the trained professionals to an unbearable level. Moreover, new waves of the coronavirus pandemic continue to wash over the already ailing and overburdened municipal facilities.

And while governments are dropping all pandemic protection measures, the highly contagious Omicron BA.2 variant is sweeping through day care centres. Many facilities, such as in the state of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, are no longer able to provide regular care due to staff shortages caused by rampant coronavirus infections.

Speaking to the WSWS on April 7, during the strike in Offenbach, kindergarten teachers affirmed these grievances. “I am dead tired every evening and just glad to get home,” one teacher said.

Pre-school teachers in Offenbach, Germany (Photo: WSWS)

She described the additional burdens of a poorly implemented inclusion program. “You have in a group of 20 children sometimes several disabled children who need special attention, but you get no additional staff at all,” she explained. She added that at this stress level, she feared she would not hold out until retirement age.

“Financially, we achieved a lot in 2015 with our last big strike,” said Ulla, who works in social services. “But those gains have been eroding. Right now, we are living through the highest inflation in years. That may not be a problem for members of the Bundestag (German parliament), whose salaries are automatically scaled up, even though they are paid on another level in the first place. But it is a problem for us.”

One day care teacher added: “After the strike, the key—how many children there are for one day care teacher—was quietly brushed under the rug. It’s only gotten worse since then.”

Michaela, who has worked in day care for seven years, confirmed this. She said: “We definitely need an improvement in group sizes!”

She explained that in her facility it was normal for a trained teacher to care for a group of up to 30 children with an untrained assistant.

“Sometimes there is a third person, but they are usually lateral hires. For example, I am often all alone in the afternoons, and the children are getting picked up later and later. When you’re alone with all these children, you can’t really do anything, just keep them safe. It’s almost become just a custodial institution.”

As she reported, she herself had recently contracted the coronavirus, although as a high-risk patient she should have been provided extra protection. “It hit me hard, even though I was vaccinated and boosted,” she said. “If someone older gets even close to as sick as I got, that can be really dangerous.”

Michaela said her jaw dropped in dismay at German Health Minister Karl Lauterbach’s announcement (since rescinded): “Every infected person should decide for himself whether to stay home with the coronavirus!” She pointed out that the coronavirus policy in Germany had been inconsistently implemented from the beginning: “The schools were partly closed at the beginning, partly separated into small groups. You weren’t allowed to play sports, not even outdoors—but the kids came to school in buses that were packed!”

Katarina, an Offenbach educator, added: “Now the government suddenly has 100 billion euros for the Bundeswehr (military). Surely, that shows there’s enough money.”

She confirmed that all parties support this war policy, including the Left Party. “But I’m not that surprised about that anymore,” she said. “We already had the experience with the Greens. As soon as they got into government, they suddenly forgot everything they had said up until then.”

Thailand risks 50,000 daily cases after Songkran Festival super-spreader

Robert Campion


Last Thursday, the Thai Public Health Ministry forecast a surge of 50,000 cases following the opening of the annual Songkran festival the previous day. This acknowledgement is all the more damning, given that the government is in the process of officially declaring COVID-19 to be “endemic”—a code word for letting it rip through the population.

The Public Health Ministry report estimates that the daily number of patients suffering lung inflammation could reach 3,000, with about 900 requiring ventilation and as many as 150 dying each day. These numbers could almost double, it stated, if current health precautions were only sparingly implemented.

The Songkran festival, which marks the Thai New Year, risks worsening the spread of COVID as large numbers of people travel and take part in social gatherings. Of particular concern are the dangers to unvaccinated sections of the population, including both the elderly and children.

Local residents wait on line to receive shots of the Pfizer vaccine at the Central Vaccination Center in Bangkok, Thailand, Monday, Jan. 10, 2022. (AP Photo/Sakchai Lalit)

Dr. Sumanee Wacharasint, director of the Bureau of Risk Communication and Health Behaviour Development, reported last Wednesday that only 34.6 percent of the population has received their booster shot, including 37.2 percent of the elderly.

For the 5–11 age group, less than 50 percent were reported to have received their first vaccine dose and less than 2 percent their second.

Only seven of the 77 provinces have achieved a 70 percent target of booster shots for the elderly, including Samut Prakan, Nonthaburi, Maha Sarakham, Nan, Phuket, Lamphun and Chainat.

The Royal College of Physicians, the Preventive Medicine Association of Thailand, the Thai Society of Critical Care Medicine, the Thoracic Society of Thailand and the Infectious Disease Association of Thailand are all urging the population to get booster shots ahead of the expected surge in infections.

The government is doing the opposite. It is lulling people into a false sense of security by announcing the implementation by July of its unscientific program of declaring COVID-19 “endemic,” along with the dismantling of COVID public health restrictions.

Daily cases are currently at all-time highs with 26,081 cases reported last Thursday morning along with 91 deaths. The Worldometer ranks Thailand 10th in terms of cases, while the US Center for Disease Control (CDC) classifies it as “very high” risk.

As is the case internationally, the daily cases and deaths are greatly underestimated. Cases are already nearing 50,000 daily after one incorporates the RAT results that are left out of official totals. On April 3 for example, the Public Health Ministry reported 24,892 cases, but there were also 15,972 positive RAT results, raising the total to 40,864.

Thailand’s Rural Doctor Society (RDS) recently reported that on March 30 positive RAT results found by the organisation in just three provinces was higher than the official total of RAT-detected infections nationwide.

The country’s Center for COVID-19 Situation Administration (CCSA) reported a positive RAT tally of 16,079, yet RDS found the total for provinces of Chon Buri, Songkla and Change Rai was 16,484 cases—with 8,323, 4,839 and 3,322 cases respectively.

“We, the front-line healthcare workers, are working hard as we aim to bring the number of new infections down by containing the spread of the virus as well as we can,” an RDS Facebook statement declared.

However, it continued, “making up an ideal figure just isn’t the way to go… Reporting the actual number of new infections will instead help raise public awareness about the outbreak situation.”

Like its counterparts internationally, the Thai military-backed regime is determined to “open up” to the revive the economy and boost profits.

In the wake of the Delta outbreak last year, the Finance Ministry in January projected economic growth for 2022 of 3.5–4.5 percent, based on an improvement in the global pandemic situation. This rosy outlook made the false assumption that the Omicron variant was “mild” and would usher in a return to normality.

Instead, Thailand is now in the grip of a larger Omicron wave with increasing deaths and infections. New dangers are emerging with the arrival of variants, including reports of the recent Omicron XE, first seen in Britain in January. Omicron XE is 10 percent more transmissible than BA.2 and 43 percent more transmissible than the original Omicron (B.1.1.529), according to the UK Health Services Agency (UKHSA).

The government is desperate to revive its flagging tourism industry, which represented 20 percent of GDP prior to the pandemic. Only 427,000 foreigners visited Thailand in 2021, compared to a regular annual average of 40 million.

On April 1, the government scrapped the need for international travelers to undertake a pre-departure PCR test. It discussed plans Friday to replace PCR tests for arrivals with the less accurate Rapid Antigen (RAT) tests and institute shorter quarantine times. CCSA announced it would postpone such measures until May, pending the impact of the Songkran festival on infection rates.

The economic crisis is being exacerbated by the US-NATO war against Russia in Ukraine that has led to higher energy and food prices. Being a net importer of oil, the country faces increased risks of a trade and account deficit with rising operating costs for its manufacturing sector.

The official inflation rate rose in February to 5.28 percent, its highest in 13 years and well outside the central bank’s maximum target of 3 percent. In a bid to keep the economy on life support the bank has retained its key interest rate at an historic low of 0.5 percent.

The value of the national currency, the baht, is also falling as international investors flock to the US currency.

Government growth estimates are being questioned. Kasikorn Research Center (K-Research) recently lowered its growth projection from 3.7 percent to 2.5 percent. The World Bank has also revised the country’s annual growth from 3.9 percent to 2.9 percent.

Australian governments plan to scrap COVID-19 mitigations as cases pass five million

Martin Scott


More than 5 million COVID-19 infections have now been recorded across Australia, with an average of over 55,000 new positive tests being recorded each day over the past week.

There are currently more than 485,000 active cases in Australia, including 257,000 in New South Wales (NSW), 64,000 in Victoria, 59,000 in Queensland, 44,000 in Western Australia, 38,000 in South Australia, 12,000 in Tasmania, 6,000 in the Australian Capital Territory and 3,100 in the Northern Territory.

Around the country, 2,941 people are hospitalised for the virus, an increase of 360 over the previous week. A total of 6,550 people have died from COVID-19, including 183 in the past week.

Staff prepare to collect samples at a drive-through COVID-19 testing clinic at Bondi Beach in Sydney, Australia, Saturday, Jan. 8, 2022. (AP Photo/Mark Baker)

NSW Health Minister Brad Hazzard said on Tuesday that official infection figures in the state were “a big underestimate” and actual case numbers may be “at least 50 percent higher.” Victorian Health Minister Martin Foley warned on April 2 that the state could see “several hundred” more COVID-19 hospitalisations each day by the end of the month.

Despite these acknowledgements, Hazzard and Foley are proceeding with plans to scrap the few remaining public health measures against the virus.

As they have been all year, the NSW Liberal-National and Victorian Labor governments are in lockstep, leading the reopening drive. A spokesperson for Hazzard said last week, “Whatever decisions are being considered they will be made only after consultation with the Victorian Government to ensure coordination between the two major states.”

According to the Age, “senior government sources” in Victoria last week flagged the imminent removal of mask requirements for hospitality workers, primary school students and public transport users.

Both states are also considering slashing isolation rules for household close contacts. NSW Premier Dominic Perrottet said on Friday, “the faster we can get to a point where the close contact rule is relaxed, the better.”

Perrottet’s comment followed a demand from Qantas CEO Alan Joyce for aviation workers to be exempted from isolation rules. Joyce said up to 18 percent of the airline’s workforce was currently unable to work due to COVID-19 infection or exposure.

As they did in February in relation to the slowing of the Omicron BA.1 wave, governments are hailing the “peak” of the current BA. 2 surge as justification to abandon remaining mitigations.

The current claims of a peak are even more bogus than in earlier waves given the acknowledgement that infections are far higher than the official case numbers. Moreover, this entirely unscientific approach denies the role of the reopening drive in creating the conditions for ongoing waves, potentially with new and more virulent strains of the virus.

Several cases have been detected in NSW and Queensland of so-called “Deltacron,” a recombinant variant with properties of both Delta and Omicron. As soon as the infections were revealed, government officials asserted, without any evidence, that the variant was “mild” and unlikely to pose a great danger. At the very least, the detection of “Deltacron” indicates the extent to which the virus is mutating, posing the possibility that there are a host of variants already present in the community.

This is a product of the criminal response to the pandemic of all capitalist governments, which have allowed mass infection in the interests of corporate profit, thereby turning the world into a petri-dish for the development of new variants.

The arrival of the supposedly “mild” Omicron variant late last year was promoted by governments in Australia and around the world as a sign the pandemic was coming to an end. The fact that this was a complete fabrication was demonstrated clearly in Australia where 4,261 people—two-thirds of the pandemic total—have died from COVID-19 in just the first 100 days of 2022.

The reality is, as Dr. David Berger explained his recent testimony to the Global Workers’ Inquest, “There is actually no selection pressure on the virus to become less virulent. It infects people before symptoms. As long as that occurs, it doesn’t matter if it kills the host.”

The University of Washington’s Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) is predicting cumulative COVID-19 deaths in Australia could rise to more than 12,000 by the end of July. The modelling indicates that the reintroduction of mask mandates could reduce this to around 9,500.

New Deakin University modelling suggests 5 to 15 percent of the more than two million people infected in Australia during the first Omicron surge will suffer some form of Long COVID. The study estimated 80,000 to 325,000 people would have ongoing symptoms after three months.

While many may recover within six months, the sheer number of infections caused by the “let it rip” policies embraced by all Australian governments, Labor and Liberal-National alike, means thousands of people will face longer-lasting, potentially life-long effects.

Dr. Leonie Keall, a senior clinical neuropsychologist at Melbourne’s The Alfred hospital, told the Nine network she is treating a growing number of patients with unusual symptoms months after having COVID-19.

Dr. Keall said most of her Long COVID patients are aged between 20 and 60 and suffer symptoms including “greatly reduced mental clarity,” absent mindedness, fatigue and difficulty remembering words or phone numbers. She said one of her patients described the condition as “like her brain had been cut in half.”

Health economist Professor Martin Hensher, who worked with the Deakin team, said: “At the moment we really have no idea of the extent of Long COVID in Australia. We are flying pretty blind.”

While it is not clear how many Australian children have been or will be affected by Long COVID, the reopening of schools for face-to-face teaching has caused the infection of hundreds of thousands of students. The vast majority began the school year unvaccinated or having received only a single dose.

In NSW in the past 30 days, over 117,000 people aged 10-19 tested positive for COVID-19, almost 20 percent more than the age group with the second-highest number of positive tests. In addition, 74,000 children under ten years old tested positive.

Last Monday, 20 percent of New South Wales school students did not attend class because of COVID-19 infection or exposure. At least 20 public schools across the state were forced to cancel in-person classes because there were not enough healthy teachers to teach them.

At countless schools, large groups of students have been herded into libraries or school halls to watch movies, allowing one teacher to supervise several classes at once. Aside from shattering any illusion that the reopening had anything to do with the educational needs of children, this practice only further accelerates the spread of the virus.

A Senate Select Committee inquiry into the pandemic delivered its final report on Thursday. Committee chair, federal Labor Senator Katy Gallagher, said the Australian government’s response to the pandemic was “characterised by a failure to be prepared, a failure to take responsibility, and then a failure to get it right.” Despite this, none of the 19 recommendations contained in the report called for any reversal of the “let it rip” agenda.

The committee called for a royal commission into the Australian government’s response to the pandemic. Any such inquiry will be a whitewash, portraying the devastating and ongoing mass infection, illness and death as a natural disaster exacerbated by isolated “errors” or “miscalculations” by individuals.

Only an investigation by and for the global working class can expose the forces truly responsible for the pandemic, capitalist governments, including Australia’s, which have enforced the demands of big business that workplaces and schools be kept open and all public health measures eliminated to prevent any impediment to profits.

Budget cuts to deepen in Australian universities

Mike Head


Regardless of the outcome of the May 21 federal election, Australia’s 200,000 surviving university workers and 1.6 million students confront even more serious attacks on jobs and conditions following this year’s federal budget.

The cuts in the March 29 budget will intensify what has already happened during the first two years of the COVID-19 pandemic, in which up to 90,000 jobs have been eliminated, including those of casual academics and other workers, class sizes have blown out and hundreds of courses have been scrapped.

In another display of bipartisanship, the opposition Labor Party helped the Liberal-National Coalition government to push the budget through parliament within 24 hours. It targets higher education for further steep cuts, alongside public schools, healthcare and climate change spending, while boosting military funding in preparation for participation in US-led wars.

The main quadrangle of the University of Sydney (Wikimedia Commons)

The budget cut government funding per university student by 5.4 percent in real terms for 2022-23 and 3.6 percent for the following two years. According to the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU), this means $3 billion sliced off universities from 2017-18 to 2025-26. That seems to be an underestimate, because it is based on inflation figures that predate the global surge in prices since the start of the Ukraine war.

Without even taking inflation into account, spending on the Commonwealth Grants Scheme itself, which funds undergraduate and some masters degree courses, will fall from $7.56 billion in 2021-22 to $7.22 billion in 2023-24.

The Morrison government’s “Job Ready Graduates” scheme shifts more of the cost of courses onto students, especially those in humanities, while more narrowly focusing tertiary education on satisfying the demands of employers. The estimated student share of course costs is rising from 42 to 48 percent, loading students with massive debts.

Spending on university research is set to increase marginally, from $2.32 billion in 2021-22 to $2.92 billion in 2025-26, but that is a cut in real terms due to rising inflation. Much of the increase in dollar terms is due to the government’s pro-business “research commercialisation” scheme announced late last year to further tie universities to the research requirements of the corporate elite.

The budget cuts will intensify the pro-business gutting and restructuring of tertiary education that has been pursued by Coalition and Labor governments alike, especially since the last Labor government of 2007 to 2013, kept in power by the Greens, imposed an “education revolution.”

Labor’s “demand-driven” funding system forced universities to compete for enrolments while cutting funding by $3 billion in 2012-13, driving them to become increasingly dependent on full-fee paying international students.

That laid the basis for the current Coalition government and university managements to exploit the COVID pandemic to accelerate this offensive, with the loss of international revenue being used as a pretext to cut a swathe through jobs and courses.

University data for 2020, released last month by Acting Education Minister Stuart Robert, showed that “productivity” grew across the sector by 4.5 percent that year, a leap from 1.2 percent in 2019.

According to the Australian, this productivity calculation features cost-cutting metrics such as “students per $1 million” and “students per academic.” In other words, “productivity” means cutting spending, and academics, per student.

The only beneficiaries of the restructuring, apart from big business, have been highly-paid university executives. They have been rewarded, including via performance bonuses, for inflicting the pain on staff and students.

University of Queensland (UQ) vice-chancellor Professor Deborah Terry was paid $1.2 million last year, for example. That is about 30 times Australia’s official minimum wage of $40,000.

UQ’s 2021 annual report, tabled in the Queensland parliament, also reveals that another 10 executives were paid between $555,000 and $825,000 each. That places them firmly in the top 5 percent of the income scale.

Yet, all this is only possible because the outrage of university workers and students has been systematically suppressed by the NTEU and other trade unions, as well as the student unions, mostly aligned to the Labor Party.

When COVID-19 hit in 2020, the NTEU rushed into backroom talks with these university managements, offering wage cuts of up to 15 percent and up to 18,000 job cuts, including by forced redundancies.

After this unprecedented union-management deal provoked immense anger among university workers, the employers pulled out of it. Nevertheless, the NTEU pressed ahead by pushing through similar schemes to impose sacrifices on staff at individual universities to help managements achieve the cost cuts they demanded.

The union opposed every call by Socialist Equality Party (SEP) and Committee for Public Education (CFPE) supporters for a unified struggle against the government. At the same time, the NTEU’s protests and pleas to members of the parliamentary elite for budgetary relief predictably fell on deaf ears.

After this debacle, the NTEU began trying to corral workers back into its ranks by claiming that enterprise bargaining with individual managements provided the only means of defending even what conditions remained.

The NTEU has since dragged that process out, long past the expiry of the previous three-year enterprise agreements, effectively imposing a wage freeze and further isolating staff and students, campus by campus.

Meanwhile, the union has promoted the illusion that a Labor government would halt the assault. In a post-budget media release, NTEU national president Alison Barnes wrote: “The spotlight is now firmly on a future government to deliver the urgent reforms and funding the higher education sector needs to restore jobs and recover from the pandemic.”

This pitch not only flies in the face of the destructive role of the last Labor government, it covers up the even more reactionary plans of Labor today. Labor leader Anthony Albanese has said a Labor government would fund “up to” 20,000 extra university places in 2022 and 2023.

That is a far cry from Labor’s 2019 election promise, itself inadequate, to step up university funding by $10 billion over 10 years. The Australian calculated that the additional places would cost less than $500 million.

Moreover, Labor’s blueprint echoes the Coalition’s Job Ready regime. The new student places would focus on vocational areas such as digital and cyber security, manufacturing, early childhood, aged care and disability. The first two are priorities for the capitalist elite as it plans for military conflict and seeks to maximise the available workforce to exploit.

Last August, Labor’s shadow education minister Tanya Plibersek addressed the Australian Financial Review Higher Education Conference, an elite business gathering, presenting a Labor government as the best means of escalating the corporate restructuring of tertiary education.

Plibersek proposed a bipartisan “accord” between the two ruling parties, the unions, business, university managements, students and parents to “make university reform stick” in the interests of “national prosperity.”

The NTEU shares Labor’s pro-business commitment to “university reform.” In her budget media release, Barnes said the Coalition government was “embarrassing” because it refused to recognise that “tertiary education is Australia’s fourth largest export industry contributing $40 billion to Australia’s total exports.”

This means further subordinating tertiary education to the profit interests of the Australian capitalist class. It makes clear that the ongoing destruction of jobs, conditions and courses can be fought only on the basis of a totally opposed political perspective that rejects the dictates of the financial markets and employers. That is, a socialist program in which educators have secure jobs with decent pay, and free, first-class education is a right for all.

Lessons need to be drawn from these experiences. The NTEU and other unions do not represent the interests of workers. They function as pro-Labor and pro-employer industrial police forces.

German coalition government adopts far-right AfD's coronavirus policy

Tamino Dreisam


On the issues of militarism and rearmament for war, the coalition government of the Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and Liberal Democrats (FDP) has adopted the programme of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). With its €100 billion special defence budget fund, the coalition even surpassed the AfD's demand for armaments’ expenditure of two percent of gross domestic product. Now, with the rejection of a vaccine mandate in a parliamentary vote, it is apparent that the government's pandemic policy also aligns with the AfD's demands.

Significantly, AfD parliamentary deputy Stephan Brandner praised the official coronavirus policy even before the vote, saying, “This time for coronavirus measures is over, if it ever was there. That you have recognised this—and respect for that—you have documented in the last amendment to the Infection Protection Act. People should be released back into freedom...”

In the Bundestag (federal parliament) debate before the vote on Thursday, AfD deputy Martin Sichert appealed, “I call on all of you: join us! Show that democracy is worth something to you and vote against vaccine mandates!”

SPD candidate for chancellor Olaf Scholz, second from right, Green Party leaders Annalena Baerbock, second from left, and Robert Habeck, left, and FDP leader Christian Lindner, right, at a joint news conference in Berlin (AP Photo/Markus Schreiber)

His call was heard. In the end, a clear majority in the Bundestag voted against the motion from the ranks of the SPD and the Greens for vaccine mandates for those over 60. Some 378 deputies heeded the AfD's call and voted no. The Christian Democratic Union’s (CDU) “Vaccination Prevention Act,” to establish a vaccination register and possible compulsory vaccination in autumn, was also clearly rejected with 496 no votes.

In the debate, numerous government and opposition representatives repeated the narrative of the AfD and other far-right coronavirus deniers that a vaccine mandate would be an unacceptable state encroachment into fundamental rights and personal freedom.

Christian Democratic Union politician Tino Sorge said, “It has irritated me for weeks that we always so succinctly pass over the question of encroachment, saying: Well, it is an encroachment on fundamental rights. We are talking about weighing up fundamental rights. We are talking about encroachments on bodily integrity.”

Max Lucks of the Green Party justified his rejection of vaccine mandates by saying, “I'm worried that the exclusion of confinement for contempt of court won't stand up to constitutional challenges and individual health reasons may fall through the normative categories.”

Well-known Left Party politician Sahra Wagenknecht called on the government to “stop patronising people! Coronavirus vaccination must remain a personal decision!”

To applause from the AfD, FDP deputy federal leader Wolfgang Kubicki claimed that the pandemic was now harmless, stating, “If we can agree on these points, there must be no vaccination mandates on constitutional grounds. After all, it is not the task of the state to force adults to protect themselves against their will.”

In an earlier statement on the campaign against vaccination, the World Socialist Web Site noted, “It is always the most right-wing forces that oppose the protection of social rights by raising the banner of ‘individual rights,’ the most notorious of which is the ‘right of profit.’” This is exactly the point. The deliberate mass infection of the population in the interests of capital.

The WSWS has always stressed that vaccination alone cannot stop the virus, but only in conjunction with all other scientifically necessary measures. But it is an important tool to save lives. By rejecting vaccine mandates, the coalition government once again underlines that it is prepared to accept mass deaths. Since the SPD, Greens and FDP have formed a majority in the Bundestag, 33,800 people have already died of coronavirus—a result of the systematic dismantling of protective measures:

  • On 25 November, even before the coalition government was in office, the coalition leaders ended the designation of a “national epidemic emergency' and thus took away the legal basis for lockdowns, school and business closures, as well as other life-saving measures. At the same time, the president of the Robert Koch Institute (RKI), Lothar Wieler, warned of 400 deaths per day and hospitals were already reaching occupancy rates of up to 95 percent.
  • After presenting the government programme at the end of November, Chancellor Scholz (SPD) again explicitly spoke out against lockdowns and school closures. The only measure he proposed was a general vaccination obligation until the end of February. At that time, the death toll in Germany had just passed the 100,000 mark and hospitals were preparing to ration health treatments using a triage system.
  • In its first months in office, the criminal inaction of the coalition government led to Omicron becoming the dominant variant, driving infection figures to record levels. Despite this, on January 7, the government reduced the quarantine period from 14 to 10, then seven, and then five days. Contact tracing and public testing were also greatly reduced.
  • In early February, with 250,000 people being infected daily, the upper limit for spectators at major events was raised to 10,000 nationwide. Individual states began to lift the 2G rule limiting attendance at public venues/events to those who have recovered from COVID or are fully vaccinated.
  • On February 16, at the height of the omicron wave at the time, the federal-state conference decided to lift the 2G rule as well as the compulsory wearing of an FFP2 mask to catering establishments and clubs from March 4, and to increase the maximum capacity at large events to 25,000. At the end of March, all “extensive protective measures” were to end.
  • On March 18, the new Infection Protection Act was passed, reducing coronavirus measures to “basic protection”—mandatory mask wearing on local and long-distance transport, as well as in nursing homes and hospitals.
  • On April 4, Lauterbach announced that the quarantine obligation would be lifted completely. He later had to withdraw this proposal due to massive public outrage. This does not change anything about the “profits before lives” policy of the ruling class, which means between 200 and 300 COVID deaths every day.

The Left Party also supports the murderous herd immunity policies. Both the motion on vaccine mandates for those over 60 years old and the motion to create a vaccination register were rejected by a majority of their deputies. Numerous leading Left Party politicians, including Gregor Gysi and Sahra Wagenknecht, even supported Kubicki's motion, which explicitly opposed vaccine mandates, calling this an encroachment on fundamental rights in the style of the AfD.

9 Apr 2022

Open Society Foundations OSF – Africa Grants 2022

Application Deadline:

13th May 2022

Tell Me About Open Society Foundations OSF – Africa Grants:

OSF works globally to build vibrant and tolerant democracies whose governments are accountable and open to the participation of all people. OSF’s work is committed to Expression, Justice and Equity, with cross-cutting work around climate and intersectional justice. OSF-Africa seeks to advance similar priorities on the continent, rooted in and framed from an African perspective to meet present-day, interconnected challenges to open society.

Vision: An integrated, vibrant, self-respecting and globally-respected Africa, characterized by democratic governance, sustainable development and economic systems that deliver more just, inclusive and accountable outcomes with and for the people and the environment in Africa.

Mission: To advance gender justice and women’s rights, deepen democracy, accountable governance and inclusive development in Africa through participatory and strategic grantmaking and advocacy.

OSF-Africa supports innovative interventions with effective strategies that respond to the broader deep-seated political, justice and socio-economic roadblocks to open society in Africa. In addition to the tools of grant making, research and advocacy, we seek to seize new opportunities and deploy novel tools such as arts and culture, technology, strategic litigation and impact investment to address open society challenges.

OSF-Africa’s priority countries are Angola, Cameroon, Chad, Cote d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Eswatini, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. OSF-Africa is now seeking proposals from these countries under the following strategic pillars (NB: Pan-African and sub-regional proposals are also welcome)

What Type of Scholarship is this?

Grants

Who can apply for Open Society Foundations OSF – Africa Grants?

OSF-Africa primarily awards grants to African organizations. OSF-Africa may provide funding to Africa-based international organizations committed to African leadership, voice and agency on exception. OSF-Africa can grant to public institutions as well as sub-regional and continental organizations. We may support work undertaken by unregistered movements and/or individuals. Interested organizations must submit, in PDF format, a completed application proposal and budget (in English, French or Portuguese) and other documents stipulated in the application form. Applications not submitted with all relevant documentation may be delayed.

How to Apply for Open Society Foundations OSF – Africa Grants:

Proposals should be sent via e-mail to OSF-Africa-Proposals@osisa.orgProposals will be accepted until May 13, 2022. OSF-Africa encourages early submission of proposals. Proposals received after the due date will not be considered.

OSF-Africa receives thousands of proposals a year and the time required to review a proposal varies according to the complexity of the proposal. It may take three to six months from the time a proposal is received to the date a final decision is made. You will be advised accordingly.

The application documents are available below:

OSF Africa Proposal Submission

OSF Africa Project Budget Template

It is important to go through all application requirements before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Global protest movement grows on every continent amid worsening commodity shortages

Eric London


The US/NATO proxy war against Russia in Ukraine has triggered a wave of social protests against the rising cost of living, tapping into deep working class anger over social inequality and the devastating impact of the ongoing coronavirus pandemic. Day by day, this wave of protest grows, as the working class responds to the social impact of the war and US and EU sanctions, which have crippled supply chains and closed the Black Sea to exports of Russian, Ukrainian and Belorussian cooking oil, grain and fertilizer.

A worker restocks shelves at Heinen's Fine Foods store, Thursday, Jan. 13, 2022, in Pepper Pike, Ohio. (AP Photo/Tony Dejak)

On Friday, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) announced that the March global Food Price Index increased 12.6 percent from February, which was already the highest since 1990. FAO Deputy Director Josef Schmidhuber told reporters that food shortages threaten to spark protests on a global scale. “This is really remarkable,” Schmidhuber said. “There is a massive supply disruption.”

Imperialist concerns over growing wave of social protests

Concerns are growing in the imperialist capitals that the war drive is triggering social discontent that threatens to derail the plans to subjugate Russia, even at the risk of triggering World War III.

An April 6 article in Politico, titled “US struggles to contain a deepening global food crisis,” cited a senior US Senate staffer as saying, “We see the storm coming and we feel unprepared to deal with it.” The Politico report noted that “US diplomatic posts are in close contact with countries where people are at risk of increased food insecurity,” out of concern over the growing protest movement.

However, Washington’s efforts to stem the movement have been rendered ineffective. This is because many Republicans oppose any aid funding and because none of the major US allies has been willing to contribute from its own food reserves, out of concern that rising prices are triggering strikes and protests in the imperialist metropoles.

An April 5 letter sent to Joe Biden by a bipartisan group of senators warned of the political implications of “a grave global food security crisis that threatens to push millions of people into hunger and destabilize regions of strategic importance to the United States.”

On April 6, the US House Subcommittee on Agriculture held a hearing on the emerging food crisis. Sarah Charles, a leading official with CIA-linked United States Agency for International Development (USAID), testified.

She said: “The impacts of the current crisis on poverty, hunger, and malnutrition could be even more significant than those seen in the global food crisis of 2007-08 and the subsequent civil unrest, as the last crisis followed a period of strong global economic growth, whereas the years since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic have been characterized by an increasingly worse global economic downturn.”

Appearing at the same hearing, UN World Food Program Chief Economist Arif Husain stated: “Steep rises in international prices for basic staples—notably wheat and maize—in recent weeks have resulted in a food price environment that resembles the 2008 or 2011 crises.”

Husain warned that if the war lasts another two months, “Ukraine’s grain and wheat harvests as well as Russia’s fertilizer export ban will further constrain food production and throw hundreds of millions into starvation.”

Nor are the concerns limited to Washington. French President Emmanuel Macron and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau have issued similar warnings about the growing global food shortage, while a report from the German government-linked Friedrich Ebert Institute put the matter more bluntly, calling the emerging protests “a new phase of massive destabilization that would ultimately affect governments as well as the socially weaker population.” It continued, “As was said in the days of the French Revolution, if the population has no bread, those in power are threatened with disaster.”

As the war drags on, protests and strikes continue to grow on every inhabited continent.

Latin America

Protests continued across Peru as broader sections of workers, poor farmers and urban youth joined the ongoing strike by truckers over the rising cost of living. Protests continued despite President Pedro Castillo’s imposition of a curfew, a move he then revoked, only to announce a national state of emergency later in the week. Social anger reached a crescendo Thursday when Castillo’s Prime Minister Aníbal Torres praised Adolf Hitler at a speech in Huancayo, the center of protests.

“On one occasion,” he said, “Hitler visited the north of Italy, and Mussolini showed him a highway built from Milan to Brescia. Hitler saw this and went to his country and filled it with highways and airports and turned Germany into the first economic power in the world. We have to make an effort, make sacrifices to improve our roads.”

This week, protesters also began gathering outside of Argentina’s Department of Social Development in Buenos Aires, demanding the Peronist government address the rising cost of living. Peronist Federal Deputy Natalia Zaracho told El País Thursday that non-profits and associated pseudo-left organizations were working to prevent a social explosion. “If everything doesn’t explode, it’s because the social organizations are present in the working class neighborhoods,” she said.

In an interview with the BBC, the director of the corporate Eurasia Group think tank warned:

With this inflation, there is a high risk that the protests in Peru will repeat themselves in other Latin American countries. And the governments don’t have the money to provide subsidies. The risk is that these protests surge across the entire region and also outside of Latin America, where the increase in prices of food and gas is also generating protests, like in the Middle East and Asia.

Citing the mass protests of 2018 and 2019, he said, “The pandemic put a pause to the problem, but at the same time it was just a pause, and now the situation is far more explosive.”

Adding to regional concerns, the Bank of Mexico yesterday announced that the country hit its highest inflation rate in 21 years. It warned of the “high social cost of rising food prices” in the country.

A strike wave has also begun to develop in Brazil and is now spreading into heavy industries, including steel production.

Middle East and North Africa

Food and gas shortages have had the most immediate effect on the population of the Middle East and North Africa. Middle East Eye reported yesterday, “In Tunisia, supermarket shelves have been empty for several weeks. Flour, rice, semolina, sugar and eggs are almost impossible to find.”

The Carnegie Center for the Middle East warned recently that “this situation has the potential to become explosive.”

In Lebanon, where the explosion of a Beirut grain storage depot means the country can store only one month of food reserves, the price of the basic food basket has risen 351 percent in the last year. Yesterday, the country announced it was bankrupt and had agreed to a ruthless IMF austerity regimen that would include mass privatizations and cuts to social programs.

In Egypt, the country’s food reserves are beginning to run low, and the country has turned to short-term influxes of cash from the EU and Gulf sheikdoms to stave off the imminent prospect of mass strikes and protests.

Asia

The most politically advanced breakdown has taken place in Sri Lanka, where shortages are acute and demonstrations against the government of President Gotabhaya Rajapakse are consistent and growing.

The resignation of the president’s cabinet failed to stem the protests, as the ruling class struggled to negotiate for an IMF bailout, even though the country lacks a finance minister. Strikes have spread among nurses and doctors, teachers, electricity workers and students.

The Socialist Equality Party (Sri Lanka) issued a statement Thursday titled “Bring down Sri Lanka’s Rajapakse government! Abolish the executive presidency! No to austerity and starvation! Form action committees to fight for a socialist program of action to secure food, fuel and medicine for all!”

There are also growing warnings of social discontent in Indonesia, the world’s fourth largest country, with a population of 274 million. According to NHK Japan, a massive increase in the cost of cooking oil coinciding with Ramadan has raised the specter of protests in the largely Islamic country.

“A spike in the price of cooking oil has hit Indonesia, where the Islamic fasting month started on Sunday. Behind the price hike is an increasing global demand for palm oil produced in Asia amid concerns of a shortage in the supply of sunflower oil, which is made mainly in Ukraine and Russia,” NHK Japan noted.

Sub-Maghreb Africa

The region with the fastest growing industrial working class is also hardest hit by food and gas shortages. Mass demonstrations have continued across Sudan over inflation and shortages, while protests have begun to develop among Kenyan motorcycle taxi drivers over the cost of gas and food. One worker told Africanews, “If I don’t get fuel, I won’t return home because my children won’t have anything for food.” Another worker said, “Some are repaying loans, some are feeding families with this job. We have been here for three days [waiting for gas], and we cannot bring anything home.”

In Madagascar, the government has frozen the price of sugar, flour, rice, gas and cement for fear of social protests. Zimbabwe’s central bank raised its interest rate from 60 percent to 80 percent in a desperate attempt to stop inflation. A corporate think tank warned that South Africa is on the verge of a social explosion for which the state is not prepared.

“South Africa is likely to have entered a phase of ongoing, violent instability,” read the report from the Institute for Security Studies. The report noted that the ANC “has fewer resources for patronage politics” and warned that “the number of protests staged annually in the country has doubled to more than 1,000 since [President Cyril] Ramaphosa took office in early 2018.”

North America and Europe

Strikes and protests continue to develop across North America and Europe, engendered by the spiraling rate of inflation. Substantial demonstrations against the rising cost of living took place across the United Kingdom last week, where the number of strikes grew to the highest level in five years.

The Guardian noted that “workers are increasingly prepared to challenge inadequate pay offers and take strike action to ensure wages keep up with the sharply rising cost of living, amid signs that workplace militancy is growing in parts of the economy.”

In Germany, the cost of basic food staples has increased dramatically over last year, including eggs (16 percent), butter (20 percent), vegetables (15-30 percent) and cheese (5 percent). In the US, the rising cost of living has produced a new wave of strikes and strike votes among teachers, oil workers, shipyard workers, nurses, public employees and hotel workers, largely on the country’s West Coast, where the cost of living is highest.