23 Jun 2023

Millions losing Medicaid coverage, other benefits, after Biden-Republican deals

Kate Randall


Some 1.5 million people have been cut off Medicaid coverage over the past month, according to reports by the Associated Press and the Kaiser Family Foundation. These cuts, which are expected to swell and impact a staggering 8–24 million people, are a direct consequence of the Biden administration’s agreement with congressional Republicans last December on a budget deal that protected military spending but opened the way to massive cuts in social spending.

Millions more will lose eligibility for other social benefits as a result of Biden’s decision to end the public health emergency declaration for COVID-19. Biden allowed the PHE declaration to expire on May 11, although the pandemic continues to rage, concealed by the refusal of federal and state authorities to collect data on the impact of COVID-19 on the population. As a result, social benefits linked to the emergency declaration have expired.

Other social benefits are scheduled to expire throughout the summer. By mid-August, students with college student loan debt must begin making repayments that were suspended for the duration of the official COVID emergency. Biden’s executive action to forgive a portion of this debt, a separate measure, is currently before the Supreme Court and could be overturned by the end of this month.

Still more benefits will expire at the end of the current fiscal year, on September 30.

The summer months will thus bring a tidal wave of human suffering that hits not only the poorest sections of the population, but broad sections of young people and virtually the entire working class. This is under conditions where inflation and wage suppression, with the assistance of the unions, have steadily driven down the real incomes of working class families.

The crisis for Medicaid recipients is the most immediate. Throughout the pandemic, in return for stepped-up federal aid, state governments were barred from disenrolling Medicaid recipients except in cases of voluntary withdrawal, a move out of state, or death. With the end of the emergency, many states have begun to aggressively disqualify Medicaid recipients, a campaign pursued with special fervor by right-wing Republican state governments in Arkansas, Indiana, Utah and other states in the South and Great Plains.

Analysis by the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF), a health policy organization, shows that at least 1.349 million Medicaid recipients have been disenrolled as of June 20, 2023, based on the most current data from 22 states. Overall, 35 percent of people with a completed renewal were disenrolled, while 65 percent had their coverage renewed.

KFF places the number of people losing coverage at a low estimate of 8 million, a mid-range estimate of 17 million, and a high estimate of 24 million. Such calculations are difficult as states are not required to provide detailed figures on Medicaid disenrollment to the federal government.

A woman stands at the registration window at Nuestra Clinica Del Valle in San Juan, Texas. [AP Photo/Eric Gay]

According to publicly available reports and data obtained by the Associated Press, about 1.5 million people have already lost their Medicaid coverage in more than two dozen states that began the disenrollment process in April or May. For people whose cases were decided in May, half or more were dropped from coverage in Florida, Arkansas, Idaho, Kansas, Nevada, New Hampshire, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Utah and West Virginia.

Florida leads the way, with nearly 303,000 people losing their Medicaid benefits, according to the KFF Medicaid Enrollment and Unwinding Tracker. Sixty-five percent of enrollees lost their coverage for “procedural” reasons, while 35 percent lost coverage due to ineligibility, the most common reason being their income was too high.

Florida is one of 10 states that have not expanded Medicaid under provisions of the Affordable Care Act, which expanded coverage under the program for nearly all adults with incomes up to 138 percent of the Federal Poverty Level. The abysmally low threshold for Medicaid in 2023 is $14,580 annual income for a single adult, $30,000 for a family of four and $50,560 for a family of eight.

In Arkansas, about 140,000 people have been deemed ineligible for Medicaid coverage since April. The largest number to lose coverage in May were enrolled in ARHOME, the state’s Medicaid expansion program, followed by ARKids A, which serves children from the state’s lowest-income families.

The immediate cause for most losing their coverage in what is being dubbed the “Medicaid unwinding” is the bureaucratic systems in place for people to “reenroll” in Medicaid due to the ending of the PHE.

Many people who have already lost or will lose coverage have been dropped because of “technicalities”—they haven’t returned the paperwork, they omitted required documents, their paperwork was sent to the wrong address, they received paperwork in a language they don’t understand. State agencies tasked with reviewing reenrollment are understaffed; personnel are poorly trained. Many people facing disenrollment are not even aware that they are being dropped from coverage.

In Utah, nearly 56 percent of people were dropped from Medicaid in early reviews. In New Hampshire, 44 percent received cancellation letters within the first two months. In its first month of reviews, South Dakota ended coverage for 10 percent of all Medicaid and CHIP (Children’s Health Insurance Program) enrollees.

Miriam Harmatz, founder of the Florida Health Justice Project, told KFF Health News that some cancellation notices in the state are vague and could violate due process rules. She also said state officials have sent cancellation letters to clients with disabled children who most likely still qualify for coverage.

The bureaucratic nightmare for those seeking reenrollment is indeed real. However, as with all matters related to the COVID-19 pandemic under both the Trump and Biden administrations, the mass disenrollment is not fundamentally a result of “red tape,” but rather a deliberate policy aimed at making working people pay with their health and lives while corporations continue to amass profits and the ruling class pursues its military aims.

Medicaid was founded in 1965 as part of the Johnson administration’s “War on Poverty,” the last gasp of social reformism in the United States. The program is jointly funded by the federal government and the states, with the states primarily responsible for its management.

Under the PHE established on January 31, 2020, states were required to maintain “continuous enrollment” of Medicaid beneficiaries in return for a 6.2 percentage increase in federal spending for the program. Under the omnibus spending bill passed by Congress in December 2022, states were allowed to resume coverage terminations effective April 1, 2023.

As of February 2023, more than 93 million people—nearly 28 percent of the US population—were enrolled in Medicaid or CHIP. The latter provides low-cost health coverage for children in families deemed to earn too much to qualify for Medicaid. Children accounted for more than 46 percent of Medicaid and CHIP enrollment. Between March 2020 and April 2023, more than 23 million recipients were added to the Medicaid rolls.

Justifying disenrolling Medicaid recipients, Arkansas Governor Sarah Huckabee Sanders wrote in an opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal that “thousands of Arkansans who ordinarily wouldn’t qualify for Medicaid are taking resources from those who need that safety net.” She claimed that “those who lose Medicaid coverage can get health insurance through their jobs or the [Affordable Care Act] health care marketplace.”

The reality is different for the millions who now stand to lose their Medicaid coverage. Between February 2020 and March 2023, the official uninsured rate dropped to its lowest level on record, in early 2022. According to the Congressional Budget Office, the uninsured rate among those under 65 is projected to rise from 8.3 percent today to 9.3 percent next year, likely an underestimate.

Arkansas resident Janette Hall told CNN that she was initially told she would lose her Medicaid because she made too much money. She then realized that it must be because she began collecting Social Security at age 62 to add to her earnings as a cook for a nonprofit group.

Hall suffers from serious foot issues but said she cannot afford the $78 monthly premium she was quoted. She said she’ll focus on home remedies to keep her feet from getting infected while she searches for affordable coverage, but for now, “I’m going to be in that camp of people who aren’t going to be going to the doctor. That’s what you do when you don’t want to get that bill coming to you.”

The great “unwinding” of Medicaid is of a piece with the targeting of the Social Security retirement program and the Medicare program for deep cuts and ultimate privatization or elimination. The omnibus budget bill passed by Congress and endorsed by President Biden in December raised military spending by $76 billion, or roughly 10 percent, to a record $858 billion.

But as the WSWS has noted, “The proportion of the budget devoted to activities which could conceivably benefit working people is well under 20 percent.” In addition to allowing states to begin kicking people off Medicaid, the Democrats dropped a proposal that would have restored the child tax credit to the levels that prevailed in 2020-21 as part of pandemic relief.

Despite the Biden administration’s insistence that the pandemic is over, it continues to sicken and kill. Official figures place the US death toll at more than 1.1 million and millions the world over suffer from debilitating Long COVID. The ruling class has ended the collection of data on the disease, ended all mitigation measures, and refuses to promote and fund any technologies to protect workers on the job or students and teachers in schools.

Similarly, millions face destitution through being cut off from Medicaid and food stamp benefits, even as rents, mortgage rates and prices for basic necessities rise—and cuts in real wages are imposed on those who are working.

Germany’s highest labour court rules: No to equal pay for equal work

Justus Leicht


A ruling by Germany’s Federal Labour Court (BAG), at the end of May explicitly confirmed that the principle of “equal pay for equal work” does not have to apply to temporary agency workers.

“Fairness looks very different!” - Workers of a Lufthansa subcontractor campaign for equal pay, Rhein-Main Airport 2016 [Photo: WSWS]

The complaint of a temporary worker was thereby rejected after a third hearing, despite an earlier ruling by the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The BAG ruling is not only an expression of class justice, it also bases itself essentially on the role of the trade union bureaucracy, which make this system of modern slave labour possible in the first place.

In principle, temporary agency work means that a temporary worker is provided to a hiring agent to perform work for a limited period of time. The temporary worker is employed by a personnel service provider or temporary employment agency under an employment contract. For this purpose, the temp agency and the hiring company conclude a so-called “Temporary Employment Contract.”

Temporary work is often sold as a first step to regular employment. In practice, however, companies have mostly used it to undermine wages and rights won by their “core workforce.” In 1972, against a background of rising class struggle around the world, the “Temporary Employment Contract” (Arbeitnehmerüberlassungsgesetz, AÜG) was introduced in Germany.

The AÜG was then largely abolished following the introduction of the pro-austerity Hartz reforms and infamous Agenda 2010 by the Social Democratic-Green Party coalition government headed by Gerhard Schröder. The declared aim was to build up a large scale low-wage sector, and this is what has taken place. In the meantime the German ruling elite has created the largest low-wage sector in Western Europe.

The number of temporary workers rose from about 300,000 in 2003 to almost 900,000 10 years later. Today it is slightly lower, at 816,000 according to Statista, and Germany is ranked eighth worldwide in the number of temporary workers.

Temporary workers earn significantly less than members of the permanent workforce. According to statistics from the Federal Employment Agency, as of 31 December 2021, the average monthly gross pay of full-time employees was €3,516, but just €2,083 for temps. This means temporary agency workers earned on average a full 40 percent less in 2021 than “normal” employees!

A key element in this process is the cynically named “Equal Treatment Principle” in the AÜG. It states that the same essential working conditions should apply to temporary workers as to permanent employees—with the following legal exception: “A collective bargaining agreement may deviate from the principle of equal treatment.” In plain language: the principle of “equal pay for equal work” need no longer apply when the trade unions negotiate with the employers to treat temporary workers worse than the permanent workforce.

According to a cynical “reform” of the AÜG in 2017, introduced under the Grand Coalition of the Christian Democratic Union and Social Democratic Party by Minister of Labour Andrea Nahles (SPD), such unequal treatment agreed to in collective bargaining agreements could last up to nine months and, under certain conditions, up to 15 months. According to a study by the industrial trade union IG Metall from the same year, that suits perfectly the vast majority of employers. In the second half of 2016, 58 percent of temporary employment relationships lasted three months or less, and only 24 percent lasted three to nine months.

In another ruling, in September 2022, the BAG gave its blessing to a further expansion of temporary agency work. The BAG stated: “In the case of the temporary [employment] of workers, a collective bargaining agreement concluded by the parties to the agreement in the sector ... may stipulate a different maximum [temporary employment] period deviating from the legally permissible period of 18 months. This is also applicable for the temporary worker and his employer (temp agency), irrespective of whether they are bound by the collective agreement.”

In the case in question, IG Metall had agreed a temporary employment period of up to 48 (!) months with employers. This was also binding on the plaintiff, the federal labour judges explained to the temporary worker—even though he was not even a member of IG Metall.

Last December, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) delivered its judgement on temporary agency work. It made clear in its ruling that temporary workers should have the same protection and conditions as their permanent colleagues. According to the ECJ ruling, temporary workers may only be paid less if such unequal treatment is compensated for—e.g., through additional time off.

The BAG judges, who had submitted this question to the ECJ, responded with their typical legal sophistry in their ruling. Such compensation, they said, was the legal right to continued payment of wages during non-hiring periods. In other words, the judges considered as “compensatory” the fact that during the period when a temporary worker is not on loan to any company, the temporary employment agency continues to pay him the agreed wage.

One would think that this would be a matter of course: In the vast majority of companies, wages must continue to be paid to permanent employees even if the employer has no work for his employees. For the BAG judges, it is nevertheless a “compensation” that less money may be paid for the same work.

In the case of the plaintiff, the difference was considerable: instead of the €13.64 gross per hour paid to permanently employed workers, she received just €9.23, a third less per hour.

The BAG judges made no secret of the fact that they are fully aware of the role played by the trade unions. According to tagesschau news, the trade unions “confronted a question from the Federal Labour Court judge, Rüdiger Linck, asking why they conclude collective agreements, which permits worse pay. After all, without the collective agreements ‘equal pay’ would apply. The answer was not forthcoming.'

No wonder that collective bargaining coverage is nowhere as high as in temporary agency work, standing at 98 percent. Temporary agency work highlights the thoroughly corporatist role of the trade union bureaucracy. They are closely intertwined with the state and corporations and play a key role in worsening wages and working conditions while organising the extreme exploitation of workers.

22 Jun 2023

Children from Gamete-like Cells: Dishing up a Eugenic Future

Tina Stevens & Stuart A. Newman


An induced pluripotent stem cellAn induced pluripotent stem cell

An induced pluripotent stem cell Photo Credit: Sony Biotechnology.

Research on the manufacture of egg-like and sperm-like cells for the purpose of producing laboratory-crafted human children is proceeding rapidly. The objective is to turn ordinary body cells of prospective parents into artificial eggs and sperm. Though ostensibly developed to facilitate reproduction in individuals for whom this capability is impaired or unavailable, the use of laboratory produced eggs and sperm represent an opening for the routine production and commercialization of “designer babies.”[1] These are individuals whose hereditary components are technologically modified to meet one or more specified objectives.

Researchers refer to creating eggs and sperm (gametes) in the laboratory as in vitro gametogenesis or IVG. The experimental process begins with “somatic” or body cells, e.g., from adult blood or skin. These cells are not those that evolved to produce gametes during embryonic development. The somatic cells are modified with extra DNA or RNA, or by exposing them to proteins or drugs, which has the effect of turning some of them into induced pluripotent stem cells (iPSCs). The iPSCs are next exposed to other biomolecules or drugs, to convert them into cells resembling the specialized cells of the body, such as eggs or sperm. Molecular tests of artificially differentiated cells invariably show them to be not identical to their natural counterparts (also see below).[2]

Promoters suggest that IVG would make it possible for medically infertile people to have biologically related children without seeking authentic eggs or sperm from a donor. Additionally, advocates for the technology’s clinical use argue that it will help people have biologically related children who are not medically infertile but who could be considered “socially” infertile. This category would include same sex couples or gay individuals as well as people past the age of viable medical reproduction.[3] The technology would also make it possible for a fertile person wanting to become a single parent of a biologically related child to do so without gametes (egg or sperm) donated by an identifiable second person (solo IVG).

If it works, the technology will also make it possible to assist a “uni-parent” to reproduce; that is, a person from whom both synthetic eggs and sperm are derived. There are also possibilities for assisting “multiplex parenting” where more than two individuals want to have genetic ties to a single child.[4] For all these categories, the preferencing of genetically related children over adopted children is implicit.

The technology, should it find its way into fertility clinics, may reduce the number of donor gametes that are necessary, but it is likely to vastly increase the need for women to serve as surrogates, especially for same-sex males seeking to reproduce genetically, unless the creation of artificial wombs, currently an actively researched prospect, becomes a reality.[5] Proponents of IVG, acknowledging the health risks and discomfort associated with egg extraction, count as a benefit the expected reduced demand for women’s eggs. They fail to note, however, that for many decades the fertility industry has ignored calls for it to include health warnings on advertisements seeking young women to supply eggs and to investigate the long-term health risks for egg donors by establishing a national health registry.[6] This does not bode well for how the increased number of surrogates would be targeted, especially in impoverished and patriarchal countries where patterns of coercive paternalism work against the ability of women to consent freely to function as surrogates.

From April 19-21, 2023, The US National Academies of Sciences (NAS) held a three-day workshop titled, “In Vitro Derived Human Gametes as Reproductive Technology: Scientific, Ethical, and Regulatory Implications: A Workshop[7]. Here, we offer a critique of that NAS workshop.[8]

We observe, first, that there was no sustained discussion at the workshop about whether clinical application of this exotic technology should be allowed. Instead, the event’s unquestioned presumption was that the technology would advance to clinical use. While some invitees evinced concerns about moving forward with this technology, no one put forth a vigorous challenge to employing gametogenesis in fertility clinics. Some debate may have occurred in break-out sessions, but the proceedings of those were not shared with the public. In the plenary sessions, however, no one articulated significant opposition to the idea that commercial laboratories should be permitted to manufacture synthetic embryos for implantation and eventual birth. Our analysis of workshop deliberations suggests that, confined by structure and topical framing, while reservations about IVG may have been aired they were not debated. Based on the state of the relevant science and the lack of any pressing health need we conclude that IVG for reproductive purposes should be strongly opposed.

Corralling cautions and setting the agenda

The framing of the workshop’s agenda and labelling of its subsections discouraged consideration of whether synthetic gametes should be used to create functionally equivalent human embryos for implantation.[9] Indeed, Yale University reproductive scientist Hugh Taylor enthused early on that, impressed by how quickly the field was evolving, he was confident that it was not a matter of ‘if’ this technology would be available for clinical practice but ‘when.’ He speculated that availability of dozens, hundreds, or even thousands of embryos would increase opportunities for expanding embryo screening. That creating large numbers of embryos makes it possible to select for “desirable” traits was acknowledged as problematic, but did not dampen enthusiasm for moving forward.[10] Boosters of the technology must have been gratified to hear Peter Marks, director of the Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), share with them the advice he likes his staff to offer lawmakers: “[y]ou’re not going to put the genie back in the bottle.  It’s going to progress, whether it progresses here in the US or elsewhere.  If we don’t get into this…you’re just putting ourselves behind the 8 ball of [not] being able to take some leadership in making sure it’s done correctly.” No one rejoined that the US could alternatively take leadership in curtailing its progress and avert a global scramble to the ethical bottom. Indeed, as the workshop wound down, Stanford Law Professor and bioethicist, Hank Greely, had heard nothing to dissuade him from the optimistic view that it was a matter of, “when this ultimately gets adopted.”

The agenda’s printed objectives for the social, ethical, and legal consideration of IVG and for how to engage the public, channeled critique into categories that presumed that fertility clinics would, eventually, offer IVG. Operative concepts included imagining pathways to clinical trials, facilitating governance of the technology, identifying challenges to securing equitable patient access, identifying “stakeholders,” and highlighting best practices.

During discussions, concerns were raised about how IVG amplified the possibility of eugenic outcomes, and was likely to exacerbate social inequities, especially in the global south where the demand for women to serve as surrogates would increase. There was also mention of the importance of ensuring safety for children born in this way. Notwithstanding all this, no one argued that ethical concerns about IVG were of a sufficient magnitude to support calls for a moratorium, a ban, or a prohibition of any aspect of IVG. A few non-scientist attendees lamented the lack of a presentation from a disability rights perspective, the intended panelist having cancelled owing to health concerns. Perhaps a more powerful consideration of how eugenic proclivities inhere in the very idea of IVG would have emerged had the cancellation not occurred.

Some concern was expressed about how the “genetic essentialism” of IVG carried an implied devaluing of children born using donor gametes. Yale Law School lecturer, Katherine Kraschel, noted that the gay community is not a monolith. Where some might welcome opportunities to have biologically related children as do their heterosexual counterparts, others, with an eye to challenging entrenched values, may be discomfited by the devaluing of children conceived using donor gametes.[11] But no one made a sustained case for how this technology, marketed as preferencing the desirability of biologically related children, socially de-values adopted children, whether to gay or straight families, around the globe. Their status was implicitly sub-texted by gametogenic promoters as a substandard substitute for “the real thing.”

Only briefly referenced, but not discussed much less debated, is that embryo selection at the scale expected is eugenics. Moreover, manipulative intervention to bring about traits (in addition to those already offered through conventional prenatal selection in reproductive markets, such as sex, eye color, and presumed life prospects) will be unavoidable given the inherent commodification of the enterprise. Eugenics is not a possibility that can be avoided. It is inherent in the undertaking and is already underway. [12]

Conflicts of interest

Biographies of presenters listed academic affiliations and scientific institutional or science society affiliations. None, however, listed bio-companies that scientists either founded or with which they were affiliated. Similarly, the biographical summaries of legal-bioethical presenters, some of whose presentations were clearly facilitating moving the technology into clinical use, listed no connections to named commercial bio-labs. Once the workshop was underway, a few presenters made disclosures of their corporate ties or funding sources.[13] How these might function to compromise neutral analysis of the technology was also not discussed. One funder of the workshop itself was also a funder of ongoing IVG research.[14] There was no assessment of how those who stand to profit lavishly from the normalization of commercially produced gamete-like cells might be compromised as presumed sources of balanced social and ethical analysis of the technology. There was no recognition that clinicians operate as part of a multi-billion-dollar IVF industry that constitutes a massive global profit-focused concern. Fortune Business Insights, which conducts market studies of global businesses, reports that the global market for in vitro fertilization is estimated to reach USD 36.39 billion by 2026.[15] The American Society for Reproductive Medicine (ASRM), a self-described professional society, possesses powerful and operational lobbying capacity. One workshop conferee was its president-elect. Another, also a member of the planning committee, was an ASRM past president. A balanced analysis of IVG might include their points of view and input. But to avoid explicitly discussing the influence such connections may have on the conference framing, structure, and proposed policies suggests that disclosure of a conflict of interest is considered by the NAS to magically neutralize the effects of its possession. Registering any concern to the contrary did not appear to be an option.

Regulators or midwives?

Whereas the workshop format limited critical discussion, there was ample space for considering whether and how IVG could be shepherded into socio-legal acceptance and clinical use given the current regulatory landscape. This calls into question what it is that constitutes the role and social function of the National Academy of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine (NAS.)   Is it meant to function as advocate for controversial technology? The self-described raison d’être of the NAS is to, “provide independent, objective advice to inform policy with evidence, spark progress and innovation, and confront challenging issues for the benefit of society.”[16]  The workshop on IVG, however, was less an independent, objective consideration of the scientific, regulatory, and ethical implications of reproductive use of gametogenesis, than a brainstorming opportunity to think through what it would take to assist IVG into becoming a legally accepted, societally normalized feature of clinical practice.

Scientists summarized their research, explaining how they are learning to make and mature gametes (actually, gamete-like cells) from stem cells, and they related what limitations they have encountered, given scientific, ethical, and regulatory constraints. In response, bioethical techno-boosters energetically shared advice on how to overcome obstacles to moving forward. This included speculating on how to skirt regulations and gain FDA approval by redefining terms and potentially parsing the creation of IVG embryos as not involving eggs and sperm, per se, but ‘manufactured products’.

Harvard Law professor and bioethicist Glenn Cohen asked scientists what questions they needed answered to “get their experiments off hold.” Alta Charo is Professor Emerita of Law and Bioethics at the University of Wisconsin. After disclosing several conflicts of interests (including serving as a paid consultant to Conception Bioscience, whose CEO was also presenting at the workshop) her presentation and Q & A discussion analyzed the Dickey-Wicker Amendment, and a 2016 budgetary rider that prohibits federal funding of, “research in which a human embryo is intentionally created or modified to include a heritable genetic modification.”[17]  Would this apply to embryos made from IVG gametes? The language is, Charo advised, susceptible to multiple interpretations. But the original motivation behind the language would preclude it being liberally interpreted: “You might get away with the current language, you could have an interpretation that gives you the freedom, but I’d say that there’s an excellent chance that at the state and federal level, somebody’s going to catch on and pass something else that clarifies that this, too, is not allowed.”

Matt Krisiloff, CEO and Cofounder of Conception Bioscience, (and patent applicant) suggested that it could be argued that gametogenesis was less manipulative than other technologies, adding later that it might be possible to designate it as therapy and thereby evade prohibitions.

Peter Marks, director of the Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research of the FDA, fielded the question as to whether IVG embryos could be regulated as standard commercial biological products? Would the 12-year exclusivity period apply? Or would this be considered more of a human cell/tissue product? Marks responded that, “You’d like to refer to it as a cell or tissue product but given how it’s made, it’s more manipulated than that.…The reasons why I love what I do is that you’d probably have to find another pathway or adapt another pathway to make things work here. The concept of a human embryo having 12-year exclusivity is ‘off the rocker.’ But we’ve had to do worse…I never thought we’d be regulating human stool, and I’m doing that right now. So, we’ll find a way to adapt. We’d obviously have to do it in a humanistic way because, at the end of the day…you don’t want these children…you don’t want somebody to be growing up and feel like they were…figure out some nice name for new product – that that’s what they were. We’d want to figure out a way that would make this humanized.” There is an irony in fretting over how not to dehumanize non-existing future children while ignoring the present devaluing, if not dehumanization, of people with disabilities, adopted people, people born of donor gametes, and children of some ethnic groups who, owing to their disproportionate representation among the poor, do not participate in reproductive technologies.

No one questioned why it was appropriate for a representative of the FDA to be counseling IVG promoters concerning what it will take, in terms of defining terminology, to see the technology approved in advance of public consideration of whether it should be approved. Quite the contrary, bioethicist Hank Greely counseled Marks that he might want to think about ways of expediting the approval process.

Johns Hopkins bioethicist, Jeffrey Kahn counseled that when seeking approval, promoters might get traction with legislators if they talked about the issue of competitive leadership. Peter Marks agreed: talking about advanced technology leaving our shores gets some people “woken up.”

Near the end of the workshop, UCLA stem cell biologist Amander Clark admitted that, “It makes me very nervous to think of a [human] embryo as a manufactured product.” But this comment immediately followed her approvingly anticipating that “…we will be manufacturing a gamete that is then used to generate an embryo.” The cognitive dissonance is striking. How can an entity, constituted in a laboratory from manufactured gametes, not itself be a manufactured product? Either way, the terminological gymnastics of IVG advocates lands them on shaky ground. On the one hand, declaring the lab manufactured entity to be an embryo makes for an easier sell to potential parents who do not wish to burden their child with the stigma of being a product; on the other hand, declaring the entity to be a product could, arguably, avoid triggering federal funding prohibitions which applies to embryos (see above and footnote 17).

There is another key aspect concerning terminology that the NAS workshop overlooked: scientist-entrepreneurs are not manufacturing true gametes but, rather, “gamete-like” cells. The administrators and bioethicists at the NAS meeting went along with the scientist-entrepreneur business principals in referring to IVGs as gametes: i.e., eggs and sperm. Relevant to this is that IVG research is part of a larger program of scientific investigation devoted to deriving cells of all types from laboratory-engineered “induced pluripotent stem cells” or iPSCs. Scientists working in this area, both outside and inside the reproductive context, continually acknowledge that differentiated cells derived from IPSCs only resemble the real thing. They fall short in ways that can be measured genetically. Much of the field of IPSC research is devoted to bringing the gene expression profiles of experimental products in line with in vivo[18] cell types. By this criterion the engineered cells that give rise to IVGs are “germ cell-like cells,” not actual germ cells. [19]

The acceptance by clients (potential parents) of this procedure will depend on their being seduced into thinking there is no difference between gamete-like cells and actual gametes. It is possible that there will be no way to produce completely normal gametes by these methods. There is a range of variations among normal gametes and there will be a different range for IVGs. There will be an overlap, but when hundreds of expressed genes are at issue (which is likely to be the case) normality cannot be rigorously defined. The criteria for calling something an egg or sperm cell are likely to be arbitrary and nonrigorous.

Opposing lab-manufactured humans

The most compelling reason to move forward with reproductive gametogenesis, declared Hank Greely, is that those who desire to have a biological child but cannot are suffering; because they are suffering, they deserve to be helped. The only good reason not to move ahead, he asserted, would be lack of safety guarantees. His framing went unchallenged at the workshop: any other ethical hesitations offered at the conference lost standing as justifications for curtailing the technology.

There is, of course, good reason to be concerned about safety. At what point can a child resulting from a synthetic embryo be considered safe from unintended consequences? The definition, health, and suitability for reproduction of authentic gametes depend on hundreds of thousands of factors whose coordinated function has been refined over millions of years of evolution. There is no way to test exhaustively if an IVG cell, concocted from a somatic cell in the lab, fulfills these criteria. While they can be used in fertilization and possibly yield something that looks like a normal embryo, how can its lack of procedure-introduced anomalies be confirmed? What are the criteria for determining safety? Over how many generations?

Conferees recognized the difficulties of tracking these human experiments, i.e., children born from IVG. Parents could give their consent to following the fate of their own children. But, at some point, the children themselves would need to give consent. And what about those children’s children? How many generations need to be tracked before IVG can be considered safe? Is intergenerational consent possible? If such human experimentation fails and children down the road are found to have developmental anomalies or impairments, who along the chain of production would be liable? If experimentation is not controlled (in the sense of comparative treatments with critical factors omitted), if accountability is impossible, is the program ethical? Enthusiasts were troubled but not deterred by the difficulties of long-term tracking of generations of children. The question of whether one can conduct a rigorous on-going scientific experiment without adequate data collection went unanswered. The even more fundamental questions of whether one can ethically experiment on prospective humans, the human gene pool, the human species, and with evolution itself went unasked.

Conclusion: Who wants synthetic eggs and sperm?

The National Infertility Association, RESOLVE, is a patient advocacy group for medically infertile people seeking to build families. When its representative at the workshop was asked if her clients were seeking synthetic gametes she replied, somewhat reluctantly, that they were not. Her answer opened an inquiry that was inadequately considered. But at a later session, University of Cape Town Professor of Sociology, Amrita Pande, asserted that, “demand for many things can be created…it’s not just about supply meeting demand…”. The observation begs questions: who, right now, is asking for IVG and what does it tell us?

Conception Bioscience is a company working to develop egg-like cells to be fertilized, implanted, and gestated. Its CEO Matt Krisiloff, mentioned above, reported that his company is often contacted by people wanting to have biological children. Such desires represent potential demand. IVG boosters in attendance shared ideas on undertaking patient advocacy to stimulate market demand, including selecting the most appealing first human experiment candidate to trigger sympathetic appeal (proposed as a young, female cancer survivor.) But, at present, there is scant call for synthetic eggs or sperm from medically infertile people seeking to have a child.

By contrast, entrepreneurial scientists with patent applications want in vitrogametes. Venture capitalists want them. IVF industry clinicians, in anticipation of an assumed demand, want them. Privately funded companies, like Conception Bioscience, which came into existence to capitalize on the expectant emerging disease category of the “socially infertile,” want them. Anyone with the incentive to invest in the technology wants them. And this raises a question: should individuals and contingents with such financial motivations be leading the opening volley on whether society should experiment so dramatically with the human species and, while doing so, embrace the ultimate human commodification: children.

Much disliked by techno boosters is the 1997 dystopian film Gattaca, describing as it does a future where, through freely chosen genetic selection, society has devolved into eugenic classes, the genetic “haves” and “have nots” (the movie’s “valids” and “invalids”). In 2015, a Nature editorial counseled its professional readers not to participate in discussions of the film, and a science writer for the NY Times called for “an international ban on invoking” it.[20]Similarly, at the NAS workshop, Alta Charo prefaced her remote presentation with the off-hand instruction to colleagues in the room that it’s a good idea to avoid engaging the topic of eugenics.[21]

In The New Yorker’s coverage of startup companies behind gametogenesis, “The Future of Fertility,” Emily Witt quotes Hank Greely predicting that, “…in the next twenty to forty years sex will no longer be the method by which most people make babies (“among humans with good health coverage,” he qualified). No wonder promoters of genetic reproductive technologies advise not talking about eugenics or its film avatar, Gattaca. If Greely’s prediction is correct, the film’s prescience (along with that of Aldous Huxley’s equally dystopian 1931 novel Brave New World) would be amply supported. While estimates vary, IVG users would be implanting their fabricated embryo after selection for experimental success (suitable traits, lack of evident errors) from scores or hundreds of similar ones. This would be assembly-line eugenics, with predictable social effects.[22]

The NAS workshop on IVG was an occasion for interested parties to think through what it will take to enable IVG to become a legally accepted, societally normalized feature of clinical practice – an option on fertility clinics’ menu of services. The gathering was structured to dissipate the impact of objections to using IVG to create fabricated embryos for implantation and gestation. Rather than offering a balanced assessment of what is at stake for humanity should gametogenesis be clinically employed, the conference functioned to fine-tune public lobbying for normalization of an exotic and controversial technology. Advocates of the technology suggested instituting public outreach programs. Programs could include science museums for children that introduce them to eggs, embryos, and IVG; outreach should instill a degree of scientific literacy, pitched to a grade-school level, and sympathetically packaged. But there was no mention of teaching about the always-present risks of powerful technologies, or the need for social-science literacy, one that takes seriously critical considerations that advocates at the workshop did not see fit to engage.

The concept of the “technological imperative” is that new technologies, considered useful by their promoters, will inevitably be developed and applied. Even so, public debate fittingly ensues as to whether chatbots are conscious, whether AI paintings are art, or whether the imitative properties of lab-manufactured meat warrants the nutritive deficits required to accomplish them. Elite science society meetings should not obscure the fact that manufacturing synthetic embryos will blur the boundaries between humans and objects and, further, provide an incentive for “quality control” that develops, inexorably, into a platform for eugenics.[23]

California coda

Technologies can stray far afield from their originally approved contexts. Conception Bioscience’s Matt Krisiloff explained, for example, the choice of California for its corporate base: it is a state that permits the creation of embryos. But California did not legalize the creation of embryos to enable manufacturing them, up to scale and on demand, to create children. Rather, California permitted creating embryos to facilitate researching embryonic stem cells to assist in finding cures for an array of diseases. Will a company be able to secure an enabling environment when the originating approval was for an entirely different reason? Should it be allowed to? Just how far can technologies be allowed to stray from their original contexts.[24]

California has a lot at stake in getting the answer right. It may be a state that permits the creation of embryos but it is also a state that acknowledges its own shameful role in promoting 20th century eugenics. In March 2003, Governor Gray Davis apologized to all those affected by California’s eugenics movement.[25] In June 2003, the California Senate passed Senate Resolution SR 20 acknowledging that: “The goal of the eugenics movement of the twentieth century was racial betterment through the elimination of hereditary disorders or genetic defects by means of sterilization, selective breeding, and social engineering.” It urged all citizens to become familiar with the history of the eugenics movement and resolved that: “this resolution addresses past bigotry and intolerance against the persons with disabilities and others who were viewed as “genetically unfit” by the eugenics movement…” [26] There has been sustained effort to compensate the victims of state sponsored eugenics.[27] Additionally, in 2018, faculty at the University of California, Berkeley uncovered that the university was receiving ongoing research funding from the Genealogical Eugenics Institute Fund. The funds were frozen, and in 2020 its payouts were repurposed to educate the campus community and the public about eugenics’ cruel history.[28]

Promoters of technologies with eugenic capacity often attempt to distinguish between state sponsored eugenics, on the one hand, and the mere aggregation of choices made in a free market, on the other. The distinction is disingenuous. Twentieth century eugenics is replete with examples of “Fitter Family Contests”.[29] What could be more free market than competition? As public debates on reproductive gametogenesis get underway, California needs to consider its leadership role. Will it undo the singular moral impact of denouncing its infamous leadership in 20th century eugenics only to launch a new chapter, leading the nation in 21st century techno-eugenics?

Stuart Newman is Professor of Cell Biology and Anatomy, New York Medical College, Valhalla, New York, and a member of the board of directors of the Alliance for Humane Biotechnology (AHB), San Francisco, California. Tina Stevens is Lecturer Emerita of History, San Francisco State University and Director of the AHB. They are the authors of Biotech Juggernaut: Hope, Hype, and Hidden Agendas of Entrepreneurial Bioscience (Routledge, 2019). This article is based on an AHB White Paper.

A quarter of Canadians report being impacted by record-breaking wildfire season

Niles Niemuth


More than one-quarter of Canadians report being impacted directly or indirectly by the record-breaking wildfire season, which has ravaged communities across the country and sent choking smoke across the North American continent. The Leger poll, conducted online last week, also found that 23 percent of US residents also report being affected by the fires. 

Driven by the effects of capitalist-induced climate change, fires are continuing to burn out of control across the country, from Quebec in the east to British Columbia in the west and the Yukon and Northwest Territories in the north. As of Tuesday, 409 fires were burning, with 202 deemed by the Canadian Wildland Fire Information System to be out of control. 

An evacuation order was put in place Tuesday night for those residents of Val d’Or, Quebec, living in the rural communities of Lac Gueguen, Lac Matchi-Manitou and Lac Villebon. The mining town in western Quebec is home to more than 32,000 people. Another community, Lebel-sur-Quévillon, approximately 160 kilometers north, was on standby for possible evacuation as smoke choked the sky. The city’s mayor has advised its 2,000 residents to keep their doors and windows closed and wear N95 masks if they have to go outside. Across the province, the use of fireworks has been banned ahead of June 24 Saint-Jean-Baptiste Day celebrations and Canada Day festivities on July 1. 

So far this year, 2,700 wildfires have consumed more than 59,000 square kilometers of land, roughly 10 times the size of the province of Prince Edward Island, and forced tens of thousands to flee their homes. 

Hundreds of structures have been destroyed since fires began erupting in early May, including 100 homes on the Fox Lake 162 reserve in northern Alberta and 150 homes in rural subdivisions of Halifax, Nova Scotia. 

The Donnie Creek fire in northeastern British Columbia has grown to be the largest individual fire in the province’s recorded history, having consumed more than 5,344 square kilometers of boreal spruce forest. The fire has burned through an area more than twice the size of Metro Vancouver and is continuing to burn out of control.

More than 1,900 international firefighters have deployed to assist in fighting the blazes, including 100 from Mexico, who arrived Monday, in Thunder Bay, Ontario. Firefighters have also been sent to assist from France, Portugal, Spain, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, Costa Rica, Chile and the United States. Moreover, 350 members of the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) and Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) were deployed for six weeks to help with the battle against blazes in Alberta and the evacuation of stranded residents. 

Meteorologists expect that the record-breaking heat and dry conditions which fueled the early eruption of Canada’s wildfire season will continue through July and August, meaning that there will be further events like the smoke event which sent the air quality index soaring to extremely toxic levels, and blotted out the sun in New York City and across the northeastern United States. Smoke from Canada’s fires has spread as far south as Florida and been carried across the Atlantic Ocean to northern Europe. 

The inhalation of the fine particulates of wildfire smoke is known to cause immediate negative health impacts—including asthma attacks and heart attacks—and contributes to the development of lung cancer. It can also exacerbate conditions for those who recently suffered pneumonia or myocarditis, common conditions for those infected by COVID-19. At least 6 million people globally die due to the effects of poor air quality every year, making it one of the leading causes of death. 

It has been well established that climate change is driving both the growth of the size of extreme wildfires and the length of the annual fire season. This year’s massive fires and their international impact clearly demonstrate that the effects are not a long way off in the future but are being felt now. 

As Ryan Ness, director of adaptation research at the Canadian Climate Institute, recently explained to CTV, “In addition to a warmer overall climate, which creates a greater risk for things to dry out and to ignite in the case of wildfires, we’re also seeing drier weather and we’re seeing more weather that creates lightning as a result of more energy in the atmosphere, which drives more wildfires as well.” Furthermore, insects which kill trees, including the mountain pine beetle, have been able to move further north and thrive as the climate warms, creating more fuel for fires.

Despite the clear connection between climate change and the growth of wildfires, far-right Alberta premier Danielle Smith, who has taken anti-scientific positions on the COVID-19 pandemic and supports Big Oil’s right to unhindered profits, has dismissed the issue, instead focusing on arson as the cause of the fires. “We are bringing in arson investigators from outside the province,” Smith announced earlier this month when she was asked about the role of climate change. Smith was also playing to far-right conspiracy theories, which posit that the fires across Canada have been intentionally set. While a significant share of fires are sparked by human activity, it is almost always unintentional. 

Meanwhile the Liberal Trudeau government has raised the potential for establishing a national force to coordinate firefighting. Currently, each provincial government is responsible for their own wildfire response and coordinating with each other. However, the prime minister has reassured the public that there will be enough resources to fight the fires this year despite “very serious projections.” 

While the Trudeau government has pledged billions of dollars to combat climate change, a review by the Toronto Star published last week found that it has not been following through on its announced initiatives. The paper found that out of $15.03 billion budgeted for climate programs between 2016-17 and 2021-22, $7.78 billion went unspent or was used at a slower rate than projected. In one example, the $455 million Disaster Mitigation and Adaptation Fund saw only 23.5 percent of its budget spent by 2022. 

Meanwhile, amid the raging fires, the Conservative opposition leader Pierre Poilievre has continued his calls for the end to Canada’s carbon tax, which puts a cost of $50 per tonne of carbon dioxide equivalent emissions, one of Trudeau’s main initiatives in relation to climate change that is supposed to curb the emission of greenhouse gasses.

Ukrainian counteroffensive falters amid mass casualties

Jason Melanovski


Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky admitted in an interview with the BBC on Tuesday that the country’s long-awaited “counteroffensive” was moving “slower than desired.”

“Some people believe this is a Hollywood movie and expect results now. It’s not,” he told the BBC.

“What’s at stake is people’s lives,” Zelensky absurdly stated as he pushes tens of thousands of Ukrainians forward into heavily-mined Russian fortifications and almost certain death.

While Ukraine on Monday claimed to have taken the town of P’yatykhatky, this was contradicted by the governor of the Zaporizhzhia province, Yuriy Malashko, who reported yesterday that fighting between the two sides was ongoing. “Right now the fighting continues there, and not only there—along the entire front line,” Malashko stated.

This still image from a video published by the Russian armed forces showed destroyed Leopard 2 battle tanks and Bradley infantry fighting vehicles that were used as part of Urkaine's offensive operations.

Even Ukraine’s highly censored media has begun to comment on the changes in the Ukrainian government’s line on the offensive. The popular news site Strana reported on Wednesday, “For several days now, the Ukrainian authorities have been demonstrating a change in rhetoric on the counteroffensive in the south. If earlier the main theme was ‘silence,’ which must be observed in order not to interfere with the Armed Forces of Ukraine, now the narrative is different—‘the offensive is underway, but it will not be easy.’”

Last week, the Russian Ministry of Defense claimed up to 1,000 Ukrainian soldiers were being killed per day in the counteroffensive, with 30 percent of its Western supplies of tanks already destroyed in counteroffensive operations. Ukraine has not denied these figures and conversely claimed it had killed or injured 4,600 Russian soldiers. 

This would indicate that well over 10,000 Ukrainian soldiers have already been slaughtered in the two-week-old offensive that has resulted in a grand total of eight small villages and just 113 square kilometers of territory seized by Ukraine. Many more will have been wounded.

These tens of thousands of dead and injured come on top of 200,000 Ukrainians, who were estimated to have been killed in the NATO-provoked war in the first year of the war in a country with a pre-war population of under 40 million. Even using conservative casualty estimates, with a population of just over 20 million men, Ukraine is quickly approaching a situation where a huge portion of its working age men are either dead or injured. This horrific bloodbath has clearly made manpower a significant problem for the Ukrainian army.

As the number of experienced soldiers dwindled due to the mass slaughter in Bakhmut, Ukraine’s Armed Forces spent the last year attempting to man quickly assembled assault brigades trained at American bases in Germany. Ukrainian youth and workers with no military experience whatsoever are routinely grabbed off the street and forced into service. As a result, many Ukrainian soldiers arrive poorly trained and equipped and with low motivation at the front, where they can get killed within days, if not hours. 

As Yevhen Udovyehenko, 37, a commander in an assault group in the 122 battalion of the 81st brigade, told a Guardian reporter near the village of Velyka Novosilka in Donetsk province, “The situation is not good. We don’t have enough weapons and armoured vehicles. We were almost encircled in Bilohorivka, just one way in and out.

“We need better training,” he added. “I tell the recruits that they must pee in a bottle and then they leave the trench and are shot dead.”

Speaking to the New York Times last Friday, two anonymous US officials confirmed that Ukraine was suffering heavy casualties and equipment losses “as expected.” Indeed, the mass losses come as no surprise to Zelensky and his imperialist backers. In an interview with the Wall Street Journal just before the beginning of the “counteroffensive,” Zelensky announced that “a large number of soldiers will die.”

While the full scope of the slaughter remains unknown, it is clear that Ukraine’s much publicized counteroffensive has already begun turning into an outright debacle both for Kiev and its NATO backers, who have spent the past year and billions of dollars on preparing the biggest military operation in Europe since World War II.

But the apparent setbacks of the counteroffensive in no way signify that the danger of the conflict further escalating into a full-scale war between Russia and the NATO powers has diminished. On the contrary, as throughout the entire conflict, the response of the imperialist powers and the crisis-ridden Zelensky regime to the military setbacks has been a further doubling down on the war effort and the evermore direct intervention of NATO. 

In an indication of the dangers of an imminent further escalation of the war, on Tuesday, Russia accused Ukraine of planning to attack Crimea with US-supplied HIMARS long-range rocket systems and British-supplied Storm Shadow cruise missiles. Should Kiev follow through on the attack, Moscow warned that it would view both the United States and UK as full participants in the ongoing proxy war.

“The use of these missiles outside the zone of our special military operation would mean that the United States and Britain would be fully dragged into the conflict and would entail immediate strikes on decision-making centers in Ukraine,” Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoigu told a meeting of military officials on Tuesday.

The Zelensky regime, which has already attacked the Kremlin, assassinated several Kremlin supporters, and carried out a number of attacks within Russia using neo-Nazi forces, has proven time and again that it is ready to carry out the most reckless provocations on behalf of NATO.

Earlier on Sunday, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg reiterated his support for the counteroffensive and made clear that the aim of the war is to subjugate Russia militarily so that it can no longer complicate the aims of Western imperialism in Ukraine and the former Soviet Union.

“We all want this war to end. But for peace to be sustainable, it must be just. Peace cannot mean freezing the conflict and accepting a deal dictated by Russia,” the Stoltenberg said in an interview with the German newspaper Welt am Sonntag.

Stoltenberg also said that “only Ukraine alone can define the acceptable conditions,” which according to Kiev’s current demands would mean retaking all of the Donbass region and Crimea.

“We need to make sure that when this war ends, there are credible agreements for Ukraine’s security so that Russia cannot rearm and attack again and the cycle of Russian aggression is broken,” Stoltenberg said, politely ignoring the fact that the current war marks the third time in a bit over a century that German imperialism has attempted to seize control of Ukraine, Russia and the vast resources of the region.

Following his visit to China, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken met in London with Ukrainian Minister of Foreign Affairs Dmytro Kuleba on Monday. Indicating that soon even more weapons and money will be flowing into Ukraine, Kuleba stated that he and Blinken had “discussed next steps to bolster Ukraine’s counteroffensive capabilities, preparing the Vilnius summit deliverables on Ukraine’s NATO membership perspective, and growing the global support for the Peace Formula.”

Just last week Kuleba implored his Western backers through Facebook not to falter on the road towards a potential nuclear war as the counteroffensive sputters.

“The crucial thing for [Ukraine’s] partners is to not be afraid of global changes and to not stop supporting Ukraine. Life without a modern Russia is possible. And we continue to work on new weapons for Ukraine’s defense forces, on strengthening the international coalition to support [Ukraine’s] Peace Formula, and on restoring Ukraine every single day. All this will come,” Kuleba wrote.