5 Sept 2023

Effects of China slowdown spreading

Nick Beams



Auto assembly at World Robot Conference at the Etrong International Exhibition and Convention Center outside Beijing, Thursday, Aug. 17, 2023. [AP Photo/Andy Wong]

The effects of China’s economic slowdown, reflected most graphically in the ongoing turmoil in the real estate sector, a key driver of growth, are starting to ripple through the global economy. The major impact so far is in East Asian countries where indices of manufacturing are turning down.

Last week it was reported that purchasing managers’ indices in manufacturing for August had come in at below 50—the border between expansion and contraction—for Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.

The contraction in South Korea was the 14th consecutive monthly decline, the longest downward run in the history of the survey, while the index for Japan showed its fifth monthly decline in a row.

Describing the situation in South Korea, the Financial Times (FT) said the manufacturing slump had “extended to its longest in nearly half a century” while other big exporters were also being hit by slow demand.

It said South Korea was viewed as a “bellwether” for the region’s technology supply chains “which has helped underpin global growth for decades.”

In another indicator of the extent of the slowdown, South Korean exports in July fell at the sharpest rate in more than three years with one of the main factors being the lower shipments of computer chips to China.

So far this year South Korea’s exports to China, which account for around 20 percent of its total, have fallen by 25 percent year-on-year in the first eight months of this year.

The situation is being regarded with increasing alarm in the South Korean political establishment and the country’s finance ministry has set up a special task force to monitor the economic situation in China.

“Korea is unlikely to see a recovery any time soon, unless the Chinese economy turns around rapidly,” Park Chon-goon, head of research at Standard Chartered in Seoul told the FT.

But there is virtually no possibility of a major lift in the Chinese economy because the Xi Jinping regime is opposed to providing the kind of stimulus measures employed in the past—increased government spending and an expansion of credit—because it fears such action will only exacerbate debt and financial problems.

There is some tinkering around the edges with financial authorities easing credit and lowering interest rates but nothing remotely approaching the measures of the past.

The longer-term significance of the China slowdown is revealed in the fact that from 2010 to 2019, when the world was still suffering the effects of the global financial crisis of 2008, its growth rate averaged around 9 percent. This year, the official target is just 5 percent, the lowest level in more than three decades, with some estimates that it will come in lower.

The effect of China on the global economy can be seen in an analysis by the International Monetary Fund. It has calculated that every percentage point increase in China’s growth adds 0.3 percentage points to the global growth rate.

Besides the three key East Asian industrial economies, South East Asian countries are also being hit by the China slowdown.

Vietnam, which exports garments, textiles, footwear and some electronic products, has reported that exports in the second quarter have fallen by 14 percent from a year ago. Growth rates in Malaysia and Thailand are also reported to be slowing.

The Asian economies are among the first to feel the effects of the China slowdown, but they will not be the last, according to an analysis by the Gavekal research organisation, which has a focus on China.

“As China’s economy weakens, foreign suppliers that grew fat supplying raw materials and machinery face lean times. The cratering of China’s property market will not quickly reverse, and conditions may worsen before they improve,” it said.

Two economies that fit that category are the US and Australia. The US firm Caterpillar, which supplies construction machinery, has said that the fall in Chinese demand for its products used on building sites is worse than expected.

Australia is a major supplier of industrial raw materials, in particular iron ore and coal. While exports have held up so far, providing needed tax revenue for the Albanese Labor government, the fall in the value of the Australian dollar, widely regarded as a marker for the Chinese economy, is an indication that this situation may not last.

Australia, along with Brazil and other raw material exporters, was one of the major beneficiaries of the previous stimulus measures. But they are not going to be repeated.

In a speech to the China International Finance Annual Forum held in Beijing on Sunday, Cai Fang, a leading labour market economist and policy adviser to the People’s Bank of China, outlined some of the reasons why.

Noting the decline in the Chinese population last year, the first ever recorded, he said China had entered a “new normal” which would create new conditions for the economy.

He said a shrinking and ageing population would ultimately affect long-term national growth.

“China’s potential in [economic growth] will fall further, even beyond original expectations,” Cai stated.

There have been predictions that China’s expected growth rate of 5 percent—already well below the 8 percent level that the government used to maintain was necessary to maintain “social stability”—could drop to around 3 percent by the end of the decade.

Dealing with more immediate questions, Cai said there was a mismatch between the labour market and changes in the industrial sector requiring production efficiencies which meant it would be hard to provide jobs, including for young people.

Over the past months the urban unemployment rate for young people aged 16 to 24 has been hitting new records, reaching 21.3 percent, prompting the government to stop publishing the data last month. But past methods to boost the economy are not going be carried out again, Cai told the forum attended by bankers and business chiefs from around the country.

“We need to recognise that traditional stimulus, which concentrated on infrastructure construction, is not going to work under the current economic situation,” he said.

“These would not be able to create many jobs, nor would those jobs created be suitable for the young population.”

Germany to acquire hypersonic anti-ballistic missile system—another step towards nuclear war

Gregor Link


In mid-August, the Israeli Defence Ministry announced it had received permission from the US to sell the Arrow 3 missile defence system to Germany. The procurement of the system by the German Defence Ministry still has to be confirmed by the parliaments of both countries, but this is considered a formality, according to observers. The German parliament’s budget and defence committees already approved the purchase in June. The move has far-reaching military and geo-strategic implications. According to the German air force, Arrow 3 could be operational as early as 2025.

Launch of an Arrow defence missile

Surrounding the new acquisition is discussion of preparations for nuclear war. The system consists of mobile missile units with a range of up to 2,400 kilometres and three radar systems. Deployed in Germany, Arrow 3 would cover all of Europe, including Moscow and Crimea, as well as half of Turkey and parts of Algeria and Libya. The projectile reaches more than ten times the speed of sound, can engage missiles at altitudes of up to 100 kilometres and can also be used against satellites. It is particularly suitable for combating weapons of mass destruction such as medium- and long-range missiles.

Costing almost four billion euros—paid for out of the 100 billion euro “special assets” fund for the German army—this is the largest arms deal in Israeli history. Ron Prosor, Israeli ambassador to Germany, welcomed the US approval, saying, “This is a historic day that marks a turning point in relations between Israel and Germany.” For the first time, he said, “an Israeli system will protect the skies over Germany and all of Europe.” Steffen Seibert, Germany’s ambassador to Israel, said the move would “add a very significant element to our military relations”.

While the procurement of Arrow 3 shines a spotlight on the close diplomatic and military ties between Germany and Israel, the decision also marks a shift away from other “marketable” missile defence systems, such as the US Terminal High Altitude Area Defense or a version of the French-Italian SAMP/T (MAMBA), which was delivered to the Ukrainian military in May and June.

War against nuclear powers

The acquisition of anti-ballistic hypersonic missiles is directly aimed at further escalating NATO’s proxy war against Russia in Ukraine. It is the military corollary to the insane statements of leading NATO politicians and military strategists that the west should not be “deterred” by Russian nuclear weapons from realising its military aims in Ukraine. According to Israeli sources, the weapon system is also capable of fending off the nuclear-capable Kinschal hypersonic missile, which has been used by the Russian military against Ukrainian positions since March 2022.

The development of its own strategic and tactical missile defence by Germany is also intended to enable the air force to wage war against Russia and other nuclear powers independently of US military support. The Arrow programme stems from an Israeli-American project initiated in 1986 to integrate Israel into the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) of the United States. US President Ronald Reagan had declared three years earlier in an infamous televised speech that SDI would give the US military “the means to render nuclear weapons ineffective and obsolete” and “eliminate the threat of strategic nuclear missiles”.

At the same time, the Arrow 3 deal is part of Germany's biggest arms build-up since World War II and is integral to the comprehensive great power agenda of the ruling class. It is aimed at politically and militarily weakening the historical rivals of German imperialism—especially Poland and France, but also Italy and Britain—and thereby placing the smaller powers of Europe under German “protection”.

Chancellor Olaf Scholz had already elaborated these plans in a keynote speech at Prague’s Charles University in August 2022, where he held out the prospect of a massive upgrade of the German air force and called for a “jointly built air defence system in Europe” to strengthen the “European pillar of NATO” and take action “against threats from the air and from space”. Germany will “design this future air defence system from the outset in such a way that our European neighbours, such as the Poles, Baltic countries, the Dutch, Czechs, Slovaks or our Scandinavian partners can also participate”.

To this end, Arrow 3 is to be integrated into a comprehensive air defence system as part of the European Sky Shield Initiative (ESSI), which aims to establish Germany as the leading military power on the continent. Defence Minister Boris Pistorius (SPD), Defence Committee Chair Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann (FDP) and Green Party Defence Spokesperson Sara Nanni all told the press that the system would “protect our neighbouring states”. The states in question “would only have to acquire ‘Arrow’ missile units for their defence,” according to a Tagesschau news report. The radar data would come from a central airspace surveillance system in Germany.

European Sky Shield Initiative

The ESSI was launched in October last year on the initiative of the German government on the sidelines of a NATO meeting in Brussels to create “a European air defence and missile defence system” following Scholz’s speech in Prague. The associated memorandum was signed by the defence ministers of the Czech Republic, Germany, Belgium, Hungary, Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, the United Kingdom, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Norway, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia, and is “open to other interested states”.

This year, Sweden and Denmark, as well as Austria and Switzerland, joined the initiative. In a separate declaration, Switzerland absurdly stated that participation in the European military pact was in line with the neutrality clause enshrined in both the Austrian and Swiss constitutions. In direct contradiction to this, a Germany army (Bundeswehr) document states that it is “intended to integrate the expanded or newly created capabilities of the joint procurement initiative into the air defence of the NATO area led by the NATO Commander for Europe”.

Details are being kept secret from the public. The Bundeswehr merely states that, in addition to Arrow 3, it also plans to procure further German missile defence systems of the type IRIS-T SLM, as well as US Patriot models for the “near and immediate vicinity” in the course of ESSI.

In fact, ESSI is an informal “coalition of those willing to rearm” whose relationship to NATO and “Europe” is completely opaque. For example, the ESSI signatories Sweden, Austria and Switzerland are not members of NATO; Switzerland, Norway and Great Britain are not EU states. Key EU states such as France, Poland, Italy and Spain, which maintain close arms industrial relations with Germany within the framework of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), are also not part of the initiative.

The current Arrow 3 procurement plans actually compete with two other European missile defence projects that have been pursued behind the scenes for years. These are the French-coordinated PESCO project Timely Warning and Interception with Space-based Theatre surveillance (TWISTER), whose hypersonic missile is currently being developed by MBDA, and the Hypersonic Defence Interceptor (HYDEF), which was awarded by the European Commission to a Spanish-led missile consortium in July 2022. Although Germany is a major participant in both systems, government officials have claimed that they will not be operational in time to merit consideration.

Domination of Europe

The German ESSI initiative has been roundly rejected and publicly criticised by France. At a conference on European air defence on the sidelines of the Paris Air Show, French President Emmanuel Macron warned against the purchase of non-European weapons systems. These are “less manageable, tied to timetables, queues and priorities, sometimes subject to third-country approval” and are “too dependent on the outside world”. Scholz’s initiative was not agreed with Paris and “prepares problems for tomorrow”. Macron then announced the joint procurement of several hundred French-made Mistral short-range missiles together with Estonia, Hungary, Belgium and Cyprus.

Representatives of the German military then accused Macron of defending French interests and “putting Europe’s air defence at risk”. A recent paper by the government-affiliated German Institute for International and Security Affairs entitled “Germany’s Weak Leadership Role in European Air Defence” complains that “quite a few partners have major reservations about Germany’s idea” with regard to ESSI. Although “the participation of France and Italy is indispensable for the success of the initiative”, Berlin “has not (yet) succeeded in allaying the concerns of important partners about its leadership role”.

The paper concludes that Germany must rearm even more comprehensively and assert its claim to military leadership in Europe all the more vehemently. The goal must be to close the “capability gap” of strategic missile defence “as quickly as possible without weakening or endangering European development programmes”.

The paper goes on to say that Germany, as coordinator of the ESSI, must set a good example in financing Europe’s air defence. Around 5 billion euros from the special fund are only a first step. In addition,” regular funds from the defence budget” are needed for technical improvements and new acquisitions. Also, “high costs for operation, exercises and maintenance” had “not yet been taken into account in the Bundeswehr's financial planning”.

4 Sept 2023

Hong Kong PhD Fellowship Scheme 2024/2025

Application Deadline: 1st December 2023 at Hong Kong Time 12:00:00

Offered Annually? Yes

About Hong Kong PhD Fellowship Scheme: The Hong Kong PhD Fellowship Scheme (HKPFS), established in 2009 by the Research Grants Council (RGC), aims to attract the best and brightest students in the world to pursue their PhD programmes in Hong Kong’s institutions. About 300 PhD Fellowships will be awarded this academic year. For awardees who need more than three years to complete the PhD degree, additional support may be provided by the chosen institutions. Financial aid is available for any field of study.

Eligibility: Candidates seeking admission as new full-time PhD students in the following eight institutions, irrespective of their country of origin, prior work experience, and ethnic background, should be eligible to apply.

  • City University of Hong Kong
  • Hong Kong Baptist University
  • Lingnan University
  • The Chinese University of Hong Kong
  • The Education University of Hong Kong
  • The Hong Kong Polytechnic University
  • The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology
  • The University of Hong Kong

Applicants should demonstrate outstanding qualities of academic performance, research ability / potential, communication and interpersonal skills, and leadership abilities.

Selection Criteria: While candidates’ academic excellence is the primary consideration, the Selection Panels will take into account factors as follows:

  • Academic excellence;
  • Research ability and potential;
  • Communication and interpersonal skills; and
  • Leadership abilities.

Number of Awards: 300

Value of Hong Kong PhD Fellowship Scheme: The Fellowship provides an annual stipend of HK$331,200 (approximately US$42,460) and a conference and research-related travel allowance of HK$13,800 (approximately US$1,760) per year for each awardee for a period up to three years. 300 PhD Fellowships will be awarded in the 2024/25 academic year*. For awardees who need more than three years to complete the PhD degree, additional support may be provided by the chosen universities. For details, please contact the universities concerned directly.

Selection Panel: Shortlisted applications, subject to their areas of studies, will be reviewed by one of the following two Selection Panels comprising experts in the relevant board areas:

  • sciences, medicine, engineering and technology
  • humanities, social sciences and business studies

Application Process for Hong Kong PhD Fellowship Scheme:

  • Eligible candidates should first make an Initial Application online through the Hong Kong PhD Fellowship Scheme Electronic System (HKPFSES) to obtain an HKPFS Reference Number by 1 December 2023 at Hong Kong Time 12:00:00 before submitting applications for PhD admission to their desired universities.
  • Applicants may choose up to two programmes / departments at one or two universities for PhD study under HKPFS 2024/25. They should comply with the admission requirements of their selected universities and programmes.
  • As the deadlines for applications to some of the universities may immediately follow that of the Initial Application, candidates should submit initial applications as early as possible to ensure sufficient time to submit applications to universities.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for More Details

WAAW Foundation Undergraduate STEM Scholarships 2024

Application Deadline: 17th November, 2023

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Young women from all Africa countries

To be taken at: Applicants home country

About the Award: The Working to Advance African Women (WAAW) foundation aim to increase the pipeline of African women in Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) related disciplines, and work to ensure that this talent is engaged in African innovation. Scholarships are renewable annually, following proof of the student’s continued academic performance.

Eligible Fields of Study: Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM)-related courses at any African university;

  • a. All fields of Engineering
  • b. All computer science
  • c. Science & Mathematics related fields; Industrial chemistry, environmental sciences
  • d. Medical courses; Pharmacy / Biomedical, Biochemistry, Zoologye. Agriculture, Geography, Statistics, etc.

Not Accepted Courses:

a. Core medical courses like Medicine and Surgery, Nursing, etc

b. Social Science courses

c. Art courses.

Type: Undergraduate

Selection Criteria and Eligibility: WAAW foundation’s annual scholarship initiative is aimed at supporting need based African female STEM-focused college education. Please read the eligibility criteria before you apply. All non qualifying applications will be automatically deleted! Criteria for eligibility includes:

Please read the eligibility criteria before you apply. All non-qualifying applications will be automatically deleted! Criteria for eligibility include:

  • Female students of African origin, living and studying in Africa.
  • Currently enrolled in an undergraduate B.S.degree program.
  • Studying STEM-related courses in a University or college in Africa.
  • Demonstrable financial need
  • Excellent Academic Record.
  • Proven leadership, volunteering, and community service
  • Below the age of 32 years.
  • Only students in their first and second year are eligible to apply. And also students in their third year if studying a five-year course.

Please note that WAAW does not fund graduate (masters, MBA, or Ph.D.) programs, second or subsequent degrees, students older than 32 years, non-STEM focused courses, or Diploma degrees. There are NO EXCEPTIONS to these requirements.

WAAW Foundation awards annual scholarships to students who demonstrate need and prove their status as full-time students in a STEM-related course in an African University. Recipients will be required to start a STEM Outreach Chapter at their university.

Number of Scholarship: Not specified

Value of Scholarship: Scholarship recipients will receive an award of $500 for the academic year, or the equivalent in their country’s local currency. Scholarship recipients may reapply for renewal the following year, with proof of continued excellent academic performance.

Duration of Scholarship: Scholarship is a onetime fund but is renewable annually, following proof of the student’s continued academic performance.

How to Apply: Your application will include the following:

  • The application form should be filled out completely.
  • Personal and Contact Information.
  • Educational background and Family Information.
  • A statement of need should describe why scholarship funds are needed and what the funds will be used for if received.
  • Essays are vital criteria in determining candidates who are shortlisted. Responses to essay where to buy modafinil online reddit questions that address career goals and how you expect the WAAW scholarship will assist in your education. Please have your essay responses ready before you begin the application.
        3. In 500 words or less, what is your proudest achievement to date
      1. Two academic/professional references. Note recommendation letters and transcripts ARE NOT REQUIRED at the time of application. ONLY after a candidate has been shortlisted. However, you must provide the names of 2 references in your application.

      ONLY Shortlisted candidates will be required to send the following additional items in order to complete this process.

      • 2 references; one MUST be written by a professor from your institution of study and the other from an academic supervisor/advisor or mentor to be emailed by your referee to us.
      • A copy of a current signed and sealed transcript from your University is to be emailed to transcripts@waawfoundation.org
      • A copy of the student’s School identity card must be scanned and emailed to us.

      Please do not email inquiries until you have reviewed all the requirements above,  including the list of accepted and unaccepted courses in the FAQ link above.

      Please visit our FAQ page for answers to your questions

      For further information or inquiries please email: scholarship@waawfoundation.org

      Apply Here

      Visit Programme Webpage for Details

      China’s Rise Hits a Wall

      Mel Gurtov



      Over the last decade or so, the tendency among China watchers has been to see China’s rise as an endless upward progression. Just as happened during the Cold War when the Soviet Union was viewed as a colossus that in fact had feet of clay, China’s economic and diplomatic successes are significant but often have been exaggerated, while its weaknesses have been ignored or underestimated. Only now, amidst bad news for China’s economy, have observers awakened to certain Chinese realities.

      Chinese Realities

      The first reality is that China’s post-COVID economy is sputtering. It faces deflation—falling prices amidst stagnant domestic demand for goods, a collapsing real estate market, declining exports and imports, and very high government debt.

      For a regime that relies on domestic strength as the foundation of foreign policy success, this economic weakness has to be troubling. Xi Jinping has made internal security the hallmark of his administration, and if the economy isn’t delivering growth with equity, political trouble may lie ahead—which helps explain efforts to reinforce communist party discipline in the military, double down on repression in Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Tibet, and deal harshly with dissidence among lawyers and human-rights activists. In short, there’s considerable unrest and uncertainty in the empire.

      The second reality is abroad. China’s principal partners, Russia and North Korea, are liabilities as well as assets. Putin’s war on Ukraine undermines Chinese diplomacy in Europe and adds to China’s America problems, while North Korea’s nuclear and missile threats bring a dangerous instability to the Korean peninsula.

      In Central Asia, China is competing with, and actually out-competing, Russia in relations with the former Soviet republics: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.

      In South and Southeast Asia, China inspires both fear and awe. Most countries accept the need to accommodate China, which is their dominant trade partner. But while China has predominant political influence in Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar (Burma), other governments, including India, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Thailand, look to the US as a balancing power against China. Polling of citizens and elites in Southeast Asia points to more positive feelings toward the US than toward China.

      Before the Ukraine war, even the closest US allies, Japan, South Korea, and Australia, were willing to accommodate China: Japan, by refusing to commit to defending Taiwan in case of war and by restraining its military capabilities; South Korea, by forging a close trade relationship and not fully embracing THAAD, a missile defense system aimed at both North Korea and China.

      But now, all three have re-committed to tight security ties with the US and with each other. Japan and South Korea concluded their first summit in twelve years in March, and this weekend at Camp David, they joined the first summit hosted by a US president, where the three countries agreed to respond as one to regional threats—meaning, of course, from North Korea and China.

      Korea and Japan are also imposing export controls on high-end computer chips normally sent to China. Japan has also embarked on a military buildup aimed directly at China. Australia and India have followed suit, becoming part of the Quad security dialogue and the AUKUS group.

      Money Doesn’t Always Talk

      China’s chief calling card is money, specifically, its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) loan program that has spent hundreds of billions of dollars globally, mainly to developing countries. Most Asia-Pacific countries have joined the BRI.

      Some analysts think the BRI is a very successful effort to meet developing countries’ needs without imposing onerous conditions (in contrast with loans from the World Bank and IMF). Others see BRI as a debt trap that creates dependence on China, leading to sacrifices of sovereignty such as control of ports. Serious studies of the BRI show that it is neither all one nor all the other. But one thing is clear: the BRI has become a Chinese debt burden, and given China’s economic woes, chances are good that Beijing will not be nearly as generous as in the past.

      Some Chinese actions are undermining the BRI’s appeal.

      Take the Southeast Asian neighbors that rely on the Mekong River for fishing. Chinese dams are taking a large bite out of their fishing industry, arousing anger. Mongolia, long economically dependent on China, is now reaching out to the US for trade and has just struck a major deal with Google for computer assistance.

      Competing territorial claims in the South China Sea have put China at odds with Vietnam and the Philippines. Vietnam and the US have just agreed to a strategic partnership, and President Biden will visit Vietnam September 9.

      The Philippines, which under Rodrigo Duterte had accommodated China, now, under Ferdinand Marcos Jr., has reverted to a strategic partnership with the US in response to Chinese pressure in the South China Sea. Most recently, a heavily armed Chinese coast guard vessel tried to block a Philippines supply boat from reaching a beached ship that marks its claimed territory in Mischief Reef.

      The Philippines is opening four additional military bases to the US, and is restarting joint naval patrols with the US. But it has rejected a Chinese invitation to conduct joint patrols—a strange request considering that China still uses its nine-dash line to claim a vast swatch of the South China Sea.

      In sum, if you’re looking at the world through the eyes of Chinese leaders, you see obstacles on the home front that demand attention and resources at the very time a new Cold War looms over Asia, with the US massing its allies to contain the presumed China threat.

      What Xi Jinping has found, just as Chairman Mao did, is that domestic weaknesses constrain Chinese actions abroad. Chinese leaders will always give priority to security at home over priorities abroad. Xi Jinping’s concept of “comprehensive security” makes that plain. That perspective should inform the analysis of China hawks in Washington.

      Poland’s school system on the brink of collapse

      Martin Nowak


      On August 31 summer school holidays ended across Poland, at the same time as new figures reveal the dilapidated state of the country’s educational system. Some 26,000 teachers were sought by headmasters of private and state schools on the official website of the education authority in July. That is a 30 percent increase compared to last year and continues a protracted negative trend.

      Students protest in Warsaw in support of striking teachers

      The Polish Education Minister PrzemysÅ‚aw Czarnek and the government are playing down the latest figures. They say that these relate to normal staff changes between school years and that only a small percentage of the country’s 700,000 teachers is lacking.

      However, the fact that the official figures are deceptive has been demonstrated for several years by the teachers’ initiative “Dealerzy Wiedzy,” which has compiled its own long-term database. One of its founders, Robert Górniak, an English teacher and deputy headmaster at a private school in Sosnowiec, explained the mechanism of official job advertisements in an interview with Gazetta Wyborcza.

      For example, the advertisements placed simply disappear after an automated expiry date in the middle or at the end of the month. That is why the number dropped by 6,000 at the end of July and 4,000 were added at the beginning of August. However, it remains unclear how many positions have been filled and in which cases school headmasters have simply given up hope of finding teachers at short notice. But even these official figures increase by 30 percent from year to year, as Górniak makes clear.

      The main reason for the difficulty in hiring is the meagre wage paid to teachers. Linguists, psychologists and computer scientists can earn much more in business than in a school. Basic salaries for new entrants, for example, are 3,690 ZÅ‚oty gross (around 800 euros [$US863]), i.e., a minimum wage level, and increase only slightly over time to the equivalent of 1,000 euros.

      In big cities, where rents are comparable to Western Europe, the problem is particularly evident. “About half of all job offers come from Warsaw. This is not surprising: the [pay] rates for teachers are the same in every city while the cost of living and rent varies significantly between big city Warsaw and a village in the Carpathian foothills,” says Górniak.

      The same problem exists in pre-schools and kindergartens, where there is a shortage of over 500 teachers for the coming school year in Warsaw alone. The city administration has reacted by paying education allowances equivalent to the amount paid to class teachers from September 1. However, this sum of 84 euros (380 ZÅ‚oty) is just a drop in the ocean.

      Behind this trend is a fundamental development. The Polish state has increasingly offloaded the costs of schooling onto the municipalities. In the early 1990s, for example, the share of municipal subsidies averaged 20 percent, but last year, the municipalities had to cover 60 percent of education costs.

      Now, once again the government has decided to pay out similar shabby handouts. One day before the forthcoming parliamentary election, every teacher will receive a one-time payment of 1,125 ZÅ‚oty (about 250 euros). In view of a salary increase of only 7.8 percent this year while inflation was twice as high, many teachers feel the offer is an insult.

      “A trainee teacher earns a little more than 2,800 ZÅ‚oty,” says Magdalena Kaszulanis of the teachers’ union ZNP, “and that often means he or she won’t be able to make a living in the city where they studied.” According to ZNP, there are as many as 40,000 teacher vacancies, and each teacher works an average of 3.3 hours of overtime per week.

      In rural areas, the cost of living is lower, but the small schools do not have enough weekly hours, especially for subject teachers, to employ them full-time. So teachers have to commute from school to school. Last year, the case of a headmistress from Krynica Morska came to light, who drew up joint timetables with six other schools because they all employed the same teachers. At the same time, teachers often look for side jobs, especially during the holidays.

      According to the professional journal GÅ‚os Nauczycielski (Teachers’ Voice), every fifth teacher has a part-time job. The news portal wydarzenia.interia reports about a teacher who has been working as a kitchen assistant for six days a week in summer for six years. “All this so that I can pay for electricity and fuel in winter. It’s not possible on a rural teacher’s salary.”

      Another teacher, Dagmara, explains she has been a trainer and sports teacher for over 20 years. “For as long as I can remember, I have been working on the holidays. When I started working in this profession, it was an absolute necessity because the salary was so meagre that I would not have been able to make a living without the help of my parents and extra work.”

      Even teachers at private schools are hardly better off in terms of salaries. The flight of the urban middle classes to private schools has caused their classes to overflow just as much as those of state schools. In Warsaw, for example, every fifth pupil now goes to a private school. Their parents face the same problem despite paying between1,000 to over 3,000 ZÅ‚oty per month: lessons in assembly line mode. “Just the thought of going back to school makes me cringe. My stomach turns, my throat tightens,” one teacher told Gazetta Wyborcza.

      In a survey conducted by GÅ‚os Nauczycielski at the beginning of the school year among 33,000 teachers, only 4 percent said they started the school year rested and positive; 46 percent chose the answer, “I feel despair, fatigue and burnout.” Some 27 percent answered, “I’m scared, I’m very worried about the changes in education.”

      While the opposition wants to blame the country’s right-wing PiS (Law and Justice) government for the problems confronting schools and teachers, the fact is that Polish schools have long been being cut to the bone. With the massive rearmament for the Ukraine war, which is supported by the opposition Civic Platform (PO), social cuts are now escalating. “This is the biggest staff collapse I can remember, and I’ve worked in education for 20 years,” Gazetta quoted school headmaster Beata Molik.

      Like workers in other countries, Polish teachers can only wage a successful struggle in opposition to the country’s corporatist unions. In 2019, the ZNP teachers’ union declared a 17-day strike with more than 300,000 participants, but none of the strikers’ demands were met. It was the first national strike since 1993. The sellout of the strike was accompanied by phrases like: “We are suspending the strike, but the struggle continues to the end!” Now the ZNP has organised another harmless protest in front of the Ministry of Education on September 1.

      Last year it limited protests to an “education village” in front of the ministry. It thus followed the example of the medical unions, which in 2021 dissipated the fighting spirit of 40,000 nurses, caregivers, pharmacists, physiotherapists, hospital technicians and paramedics after a powerful protest for higher wages and better working conditions developed in Warsaw in the “BiaÅ‚e miasteczko” (White City), where workshops and numerous rounds of talks with politicians and the media led nowhere.

      In view of the unresolved problems, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic that killed over 100,000 people, the medical unions also held a day of protest on September 30–to “initiate a social debate,” as Sebastian Goncerz, head of the PR OZZL union, said.” We don’t currently expect to force the current government to do anything. But we want to make sure that the new government—whoever comes to power—takes the problems of the health system seriously, and more seriously than before.”

      In other words, the trade unions are organising symbolic actions six weeks before the general election on October 15 to dissipate workers’ anger and align themselves as partners with the future ruling party. In the election campaign, the ruling PiS party and the opposition PO are outbidding each other with demands for more rearmament, nationalism, racism and anti-Russian war hysteria.

      The trade unions are the extended arm of these reactionary parties and act as stooges of the super-rich, who have profited from the looting of the former state property of the Stalinist People’s Republic of Poland and now also from the Ukraine war.

      For example, WiesÅ‚aw Klimkowski, president of the chemical company PCC Rokita, set a new gigantic record last year with annual earnings of 43.3 million zÅ‚oty (9.7 million euros). PCC Rokita profited from exploding world market prices for caustic soda as a result of the Ukraine war. A Polish worker would have to work 488 years to earn Klimkowski’s income for one year.

      The evolution of the Omicron variants and the policy of forever COVID

      Benjamin Mateus


      Allowing the SARS-CoV-2 virus unimpeded access to billions of people has raised the alarm among scientists that viral evolution will most likely lead to another event similar to the one experienced in late 2021 with the emergence of the Omicron BA.1 variant that harbored 35 distinct mutations in its spike protein from the original wild-type variant that emerged in Wuhan, China, in late 2019.

      The unprecedented global wave of infections with BA.1 at that time, with estimates of 125 million daily COVID infections in mid-January 2022, resulted in an excess death count of over three million worldwide in just three months. And since that massive wave, viral evolution has spawned numerous versions of the Omicron lineage that number in the hundreds, with multiple waves of global infections by those that have become dominant. These have become hallmarks of the policy of the ruling elites to acclimatize the population to endless infections with COVID-19, as the pandemic now approaches the end of its fourth year.

      In particular, the latest Omicron subvariants are developing much more complex immune-evasive characteristics and improved transmission capabilities. For instance, the new BA.2.86 variant (dubbed Pirola), first detected in Denmark on July 24, 2023, and later classified by the World Health Organization (WHO) as a Variant Under Monitoring on August 16, based on just four sequences, has 34 distinct mutations in its spike protein compared to its immediate ancestor, BA.2. It has 36 mutations relative to XBB.1.5, the strain used for the latest iteration of the COVID vaccine, and 58 mutations relative to the early Wuhan strain.

      This undated, colorized electron microscope image made available by the U.S. National Institutes of Health in February 2020 shows the Novel Coronavirus SARS-CoV-2, indicated in yellow, emerging from the surface of cells, indicated in blue/pink, cultured in a laboratory. [AP Photo/NIAID-RML]

      As of this writing, the Pirola strain has now been detected in 14 countries across the globe where some semblance of viral sequencing remains in place. In the US, as of September 1, five states—Michigan, New York, Virginia, Ohio and now Texas—have reported this variant, which means it is already widespread regardless of the small number of cases so far detected.

      Preventive medicine and infectious disease expert at Vanderbilt University Medical Center, Dr. William Schaffner, told ABC News, “It is starting to spread here in the United States, as well as in other parts of the world. It’s clearly contagious, as are all of these subvariants of Omicron. As we all know, these COVID viruses are not localized just to one country or another. They don’t need a passport. They’re capable of spreading… and can spread rapidly around the world.”

      Recent analysis done by Dr. Yunlong Richard Cao and his team at Peking University BIOPIC on the Priola variant showed that although it has a lower infectivity than XBB.1.5 (Kraken) and EG.5 (Eris), it has significant ability to escape immunity derived from XBB infection or vaccination. Cao remarked on social media, “Indeed, BA.2.86 can induce significant antibody evasion of plasma isolated from convalescents who experienced XBB breakthrough infection or reinfections. BA.2.86’s immune evasion capability even exceeds EG.5 and is comparable to ‘FLip’ variants (XBB.1.5 + L455f&F456L).”

      Although the Pirola variant’s infectivity appears to be lower, which may dampen its transmission potential, its antigenically distinct features may mean that a variant has emerged that can infect concurrently with the other variants. In other words, it might complement their ability to transmit their genetic materials, which poses the risk of simultaneous infections which might lead to recombinant features where virulence, immune-escape, and receptor binding can be further enhanced.

      As University of Guelph evolutionary biologist T. Ryan Gregory warned following the publication of Cao’s results, “Remember XBB (immune evasive but compromised ACE2 binding, didn’t do much) vs XBB.1.5 (restored ACE2 binding, became globally dominant). It’s the descendants we need to think about as much as the current variant.”

      Unsurprisingly, excess deaths have remained stubbornly elevated, hovering around 8,000 to 10,000 daily deaths above what is expected, despite attempts to cover for these policies through the purposeful dismantling of nearly all necessary epidemiologic data on the ongoing pandemic.

      Yale immunologist and Long COVID researcher Dr. Akiko Iwasaki, who has described the mass disabling event of Long COVID as a “pandemic in a pandemic,” recently told Austrian media outlet Der Standard that the conservative estimate that 65 million people could be suffering from Long COVID “may be too low.”

      Iwasaki noted that “the fact that the pandemic is no longer defined as a public health emergency does not mean that the virus is gone… I understand that it is important for society and for economic reasons to reopen. But wearing masks in crowded spaces or improving ventilation to make workplaces and other indoor spaces safer must continue.”

      She added, “Long COVID is one of the post-acute episodes of COVID. But there is also an increased risk of other consequences such as heart failure, stroke, or diabetes. We may see in ten years that other risks will also increase after a SARS-CoV-2 infection: autoimmune diseases, neurocognitive or neurodegenerative disease... If we could avoid infections altogether, that would be a solution to all these problems.”

      At present, due to the dismantling of surveillance systems globally, wastewater levels of SARS-CoV-2 genetic material provides the only means of assessing the current surge of the pandemic. This global wave, as characterized by accessing data for the US through Biobot Analytics’ COVID-19 wastewater monitoring, the only comprehensive platform available to the public, indicates that the summer surge that began in late June is only continuing to build. Since the return to public schools and universities by tens of millions of children, adolescents and young adults, the surge is beginning to accelerate. For the US, this translates into almost 622,000 daily COVID infections, with 1.9 percent of the population, or 6.3 million people, currently infected with COVID-19.

      Last week, Dr. Deborah Birx, former White House Coronavirus Response Coordinator under Donald Trump, commented on the Biden administration and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) policy of allowing mass infections to run rampant in the US, without an inkling of concern about the implications posed by this anti-scientific and anti-public-health strategy.

      Birx explained, “We’re living in this, a bit of a fantasy world, where we’re pretending that COVID is not relevant. But I can tell you, if you can hear my voice and you know two to three people who have COVID, that means that 5 to 10 percent of your friends already have COVID. That means that there is a lot of COVID out there, and we’re not testing for it and we’re not telling people to get tested.”

      Responding to a question regarding the promise of the as of yet unmaterialized fall boosters, Brix said:

      The important thing is, this is the booster that would have been appropriate for the summer wave. This booster is most likely not going to work with the winter wave, because we already have a pretty significant escape mutant or escape variant out there that’s beginning, just like the current variant, began like eight weeks ago. We are already beginning to see some evidence of a new variant for which the vaccine probably is not well matched.

      Birx suggested that the administration and CDC should be preparing and making COVID vaccines that target the Priola variant for December, in order to combat the expected winter wave in January. Birx then admitted that unfortunately immunity derived from infections and vaccines is “short-lived,” where in some cases people are susceptible within four weeks or as late as three to six months. These have significant implications for immunocompromised people, numbering in the tens of millions, who may have to be on a more intensive vaccine schedule, taking into account the latest variants, to ensure the vaccines are appropriately selected.

      The scientific and epidemiological realities of the capitalist “forever COVID” policy, which is now a global social phenomenon, demonstrates the real meaning of the CDC’s reactionary policies on infection controls and masking, as well as the recent comments by former director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases Dr. Anthony Fauci, where he declared that older people, the ill and disabled, “will fall by the wayside” during the current surge.

      The supposedly “mild” Omicron has a lethality up to four times higher than the flu, and is far more transmissible and omnipresent regardless of the seasons. It remains one of the top five leading causes of death in the US.

      This viral Frankenstein’s monster has been created by capitalism’s diktat that profits will always supersede considerations of the population’s well-being and life. Public health as a democratic and social right of every person has been completely uncoupled from the social functioning of the state’s responsibility.

      The speed with which the virus is moving ahead seems to have caused a paralysis of will, like watching the fires run ablaze across a town, a building, or the countryside. This is not a problem of individual policy-makers, however, but an expression of the dead end of the capitalist system which demands adherence to the requirements of “the economy,” i.e., profits, even at the expense of human survival.