21 Aug 2024

Central bankers meet at Jackson Hole as economic problems mount

Nick Beams


The official subject for discussion at the conclave of central bankers, academics and financial journalists which starts on Friday at Jackson Hole, Wyoming, is “Reassessing the Effectiveness and Transmission of Monetary Policy.”

Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome during the Jackson Hole Economic Symposium near Moran in Grand Teton National Park, Wyoming Friday, August 25, 2023. [AP Photo/Amber Baesler]

The central attention, at least as far as Wall Street is concerned, will be directed to what Federal Reserve chairman Jerome Powell says about interest rates in his keynote address on Friday morning.

Parasitic deals made by the financial oligarchs when money was virtually free are now coming under increasing pressure because of the elevated interest rates of the past two years.

They want more than an indication that a 25-basis point cut (0.25 percentage points) is on the table for September, which Powell looks set to give. They want a clear sign this will be just a start and that rates will come down 75 or even 100 basis points by the end of the year.

Echoing widely held sentiments, Eric Beiley, in charge of wealth management at Steward Partners, told Bloomberg: “If traders hear cuts are coming, stocks will react favourably. If we don’t hear what we want, that would trigger a big selloff.”

The most recent round of turbulence was at the beginning of the month when Wall Street took a dive following the lifting of interest rates by the Bank of Japan. It undermined the so-called carry trade in which investors made big bets using billions of borrowed yen. It was compounded by data showing a lower-than-expected increase in new jobs created in the US in July.

The market has risen since then with the S&P 500 only 2 percent shy of its all-time high, but the markets and the underlying financial system are so dependent on debt that it only takes a small, unexpected movement to set off turbulence.

One of the areas most affected by the increase in interest rates is high-tech start-ups using venture capital (VC) in the hope of becoming the next “big thing” or selling their firm to one of the major existing tech giants.

As the Financial Times reported this week: “Start-up failures in the US have jumped 60 percent over the past years, as founders run out of cash raised during the technology boom of 2021-22, threatening millions of jobs in venture-backed companies and risking a spillover to the wider economy.”

The article reported that Carta, which provides information to private companies, found that some 254 of its venture-backed clients had gone broke in the first quarter of this year. The rate of bankruptcies was seven times higher than when it began reporting in 2019.

Some of the numbers are not small. Earlier this month, a financial technology company, Tally, which was valued at $855 million in 2022 and had raised more than $170 million from VC firms, announced that it was “unable to secure the necessary funding to continue our operations.”

In a recent note, reported by the FT, Morgan Stanley analysts said the jump in bankruptcies was because “an abnormally high number of companies raised an abnormally large amount of money during 2021-22.”

It said VC-backed companies employed 4 million people and should the rise in bankruptcies fail to slow this would impact on the rest of the economy.

Another area of concern is the so-called non-banking financial institutions which have undergone an explosive growth since the financial crisis of 2008 and the establishment of an ultra-low-interest rate regime. They hold nearly half of all global financial assets.

While these institutions claim to be separate from the traditional banking system, they actually have intimate ties with it because the banks, searching for profits, provide them with money.

A case in point is that of the First and People’s Bank in Kentucky. According to a report in the FT it is on the edge of bankruptcy because of its partnership with a financial technology company, part of the shadow banking system, has resulted in soured loans running into the tens of millions of dollars.

The failure of First & People’s would be significant because, as FT noted, “it would be the first community bank collapse in the US to stem from an ill-fated excursion into the world of shadow lending, putting some $200 million of customers’ deposits at risk.”

What has happened in Kentucky has been replicated in other parts of the country. Businesses and households put their money into what they regard as conservative and sound community banks without knowing they are engaged in potentially risky operations in the largely opaque shadow banking system.

A report prepared by economists from New York University and the Fed earlier this year found that some shadow lenders received a significant amount of money from traditional banks.

“Traditional approaches to financial sector regulation view banks and non-bank financial institutions as substitutes. We argue instead that banks and [shadow banks] are intimately interconnected,” it said.

The lending of banks to non-banks has been rising rapidly and is now over $1 trillion. In the case of First and People’s the proportion of its loans to shadow banks went from nothing two and a half years ago to 53 percent.

While the official mantra is that with inflation starting to come down, preparing the way for interest rate cuts, and with the unemployment rate not showing a major leap, the US is headed for a “soft landing.”

This scenario, however, ignores developments in the real economy. There is a jobs bloodbath underway in the auto industry as companies gear up for an intensified global war for markets. High-tech companies are also engaged in layoffs.

The global steel industry, the backbone of the industrial economy, is at the start of a major downturn. It is centred in China, which produces half the world’s output, and is sending out shock waves to the rest of the world, threatening to set off a price-cutting war leading to closures and job cuts.

At the end of July, the Wall Street Journal published a report in which it noted the factory boom, which developed after the lifting of anti-COVID measures, was “running out of steam.”

“Higher interest rates, rising operating costs, a strengthening US dollar and lower selling prices for commodities are dampening activity at factories across the country,” it said.

“Executives for makers of long-lasting items such as cars, crop-harvesting combines and washing machines are projecting challenging business conditions for the remainder of the year.”

It gave as an example the situation at John Deer, the world’s largest manufacturer of farm equipment. It has laid off 2,100 production workers, or 15 percent of the hourly workforce, since last November.

The downturn in the industrial economy is reflected in the spot price for steel. It has fallen 22 percent from a year ago and is off by 40 percent since the start of the year, according to S&P Global Commodity Insights.

On Thursday evening Kamala Harris will deliver her acceptance speech as presidential nominee to the Democratic party’s national convention. It will be no doubt full of Hollywood-scripted blather about how well the economy has done under the Biden administration and how it will do even better under one she leads.

A more significant address will be given by Powell the next morning with Wall Street threatening turmoil if it does not meet its demands for more money, but whatever Powell says, one thing is certain. He will provide no solution, any more than Harris, to the growing financial and economic problems besetting the US that are driving it to world war and social counter-revolution.

Japanese PM resigns amid scandals and widespread unpopularity

Ben McGrath


Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida announced on August 14 that he would not run in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) leadership contest slated for September 27. Whoever is selected as the president of the ruling party will replace Kishida as prime minister, with the next general election not scheduled until October 2025. Kishida’s three-year tenure in office has been marked, in particular, by the buildup of the military in preparation for war in league with the US against China.

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida announces Aug. 14, 2024 that he will not run in the upcoming party leadership vote in September, Wednesday, Aug. 14, 2024 [AP Photo/Philip Fong]

Kishida has been under pressure to resign for months stemming from different party scandals. This includes revelations last November that different LDP factions had established slush funds by under-reporting hundreds of millions of yen (millions of dollars) in political donations. There also continues to be ongoing fallout from the exposure, following the assassination of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in July 2022, of the party’s longstanding ties to the Unification Church, a rightwing cult also known as the Moonies.

Kishida tied his resignation to the slush fund scandal, stating, “It is necessary to firmly present a newly born LDP to the people.” He added, “What is left for me to do is to take responsibility as the head of the LDP (for the scandal).” Kishida claimed he would not back a candidate to replace him, although he will almost certainly exert his influence behind the scenes.

Kishida has become widely unpopular. An Asahi Shimbun poll conducted in July, for example, found 74 percent of people were opposed to Kishida remaining prime minister in contrast to an 18 percent support rating. However, there was no clear support for any of Kishida’s potential replacements.

The ruling class is not concerned with corruption or Kishida’s personal responsibility for it. It is worried that Kishida will not be able to assert Japan’s imperialist interests internationally and suppress the growing opposition of the working class at home to attacks on their living conditions and to the danger of war.

There are no doubt concerns in ruling circles that the protests against the government’s support for Israel’s genocide in Gaza, ongoing since last October, will grow as the danger of war in the Indo-Pacific looms greater.

The pressure on Kishida to resign intensified following Joe Biden’s announcement in July that he would not run for reelection this November. With an eye towards a Trump victory, a former cabinet member told the Asahi Shimbun, “The job of prime minister can only be filled by someone who can deal with a heavyweight (US) president.”

The comment reflects concern that that carefully laid plans for war with China could be upended and Tokyo sidelined in the region should Trump return to the White House. During his first term, Trump eschewed traditional alliances while placing economic pressure on Japan. A Trump presidency would not lessen the danger of war, but could undermine the US-Japan alliance and further destabilize the Indo-Pacific.

Whoever replaces Kishida will continue and intensify Japan’s remilitarization. This includes the de facto doubling of military spending to two percent of GDP by 2027, the acquisition of offensive weaponry, and the solidification of de facto alliances with countries like South Korea and the Philippines under the direction of Washington. Tokyo has also played a leading role in antagonizing Beijing over Taiwan by increasingly questioning the One China policy.

Potential replacements for Kishida include Shigeru Ishiba, who has previously held high-ranking positions including defense minister; Sanae Takaichi, the current Minister of State for Economic Security in Kishida’s cabinet; and Toshimitsu Motegi, the LDP’s secretary-general and a former foreign minister.

Ishiba stands out for his pro-war positions among a party of far-right warmongers. He espouses tearing up Article 9 of the Constitution, known as the pacifist clause, which bars Japan from fielding a military. Eliminating the clause would represent a new stage in Tokyo’s remilitarization, allowing Japanese imperialism to assert its interests overseas militarily without any restraints whatsoever.

In an interview with the Diplomat in December, Ishiba stated that Kishida’s goal of raising military spending to two percent of GDP was “misguided” and called for more spending. “Some say that NATO countries spend two percent of GDP on defense, so Japan must follow suit. But Japan’s security environment is worse than NATO countries’, so two percent of GDP may not be enough,” he said. Ishiba also hinted at the idea of Japan acquiring its own nuclear weapons, something he has called for in the past.

Sanae Takaichi ran in the 2021 party leadership election with the backing of Shinzo Abe. She is a pro-war, anti-China hawk. Shortly before the 2021 contest, she directly appealed to the most hawkish elements of the party by holding talks with then-President Tsai Ing-wen of Taiwan, and calling for increased military ties between the two countries. She has on numerous occasions visited the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, a symbol of Japanese militarism, which enshrines class-A war criminals from World War II. Her most recent visit came on August 15, the anniversary of Japan’s defeat in the war.

Toshimitsu Motegi has also exacerbated tensions with Beijing. He declared in May that Tokyo “intends to deepen ties further,” following the inauguration of pro-independence Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te. “Taiwan is an important partner and irreplaceable friend with which we share the basic values of freedom, democracy and the rule of law,” Motegi declared after a 30-lawmaker delegation travelled to Taiwan for Lai’s inauguration. As foreign minister at the beginning of Kishida’s government in October 2021, Motegi raised publicly and explicitly for the first time the possibility of Japan’s involvement in a conflict between Beijing and Taipei.

None of these candidates represent Japanese working people who will have no say in who becomes prime minister. In the first round of voting, all LDP lawmakers from both houses of parliament are given a vote. This represents 50 percent of the total while the other half is determined by a vote of the LDP’s approximately 1.1 million dues-paying members, meaning each LDP member’s vote has only a tiny fraction of weight of that of a member of parliament.

Should one candidate receive a majority, they will be elected party president. If not, the top two candidates will compete in a run-off in which the lawmakers will again have one vote while the LDP chapter from each of Japan’s 47 prefectures will also have one vote based on which candidate won the prefecture.

For all the talk of standing up for democracy in the Indo-Pacific and around the globe, these are the anti-democratic measures by which the Japanese ruling class ensures its grip on power while running roughshod over the will of the population.

20 Aug 2024

ARES Belgian Government Scholarships 2025

Application Deadline:

The application deadline for the ARES Belgian Government Scholarships 2025 for Masters and Continuing Education (Fully Funded) is 18 October 2024 at noon.

Tell Me About The ARES Belgian Government Scholarships 2025:

The ARES scholarships provide nationals from ARES partner countries with the opportunity to enhance their skills in development-related fields. Eligible candidates who hold a higher education degree and have relevant professional experience can pursue a one-year advanced bachelor’s or master’s degree, or a 2-to-6-month continuing education program at a higher education institution in the Wallonia-Brussels Federation, Belgium.

Which Fields are Eligible?

The following fields are eligible:

Specialized Bachelors degree

  • Bachelier de spécialisation en Business Data Analysis

Specialized Masters

  • Master de spécialisation en droits humains
  • Master de spécialisation en gestion des risques et des catastrophes à l’ère de l’anthropocène
  • Master de spécialisation en gestion intégrée des risques sanitaires
  • Specialized Master in International and Development Economics
  • European Microfinance Programme
  • Specialized Master in Public Health Methodology
  • Master de spécialisation en sciences de la santé publique – analyse et évaluation des politiques programmes et systèmes de santé internationale
  • Master de spécialisation en transport et logistique
  • Master de spécialisation – Design d’innovation sociale
  • Master de spécialisation en Nexus Eau-Énergie-Alimentation

Continuing Training Courses

  • Certificat d’Université en Science des Données pour la Santé Mondiale
  • Formation internationale en pédagogie universitaire numérique
  • Certificat interuniversitaire et interdisciplinaire en justices transitionnelles
  • Formation continue – Comprendre et gérer les dimensions humaines des projets de changement en développement durable
  • Formations continues en assurance qualité et contrôle en qualité des médicaments et produits de santé
  • Formation continue en système d’information géographique libre

Type:

Scholarship

Who can Apply For The ARES Belgian Government Scholarships 2025?

Also, applicants must meet the following eligibility criteria:

  • Be a national of, reside in and work in one of the 31 eligible countries (list below);
  • Be a holder of:
    • a diploma comparable to a 2nd cycle diploma (300 ECTS credits) from a Belgian university for specialised masters and continuing education courses;
    • a diploma comparable to a 1st cycle diploma (180 ECTS credits) from Belgian higher education for specialisation baccalaureates.
  • Demonstrate at least two years of relevant professional experience in an ARES partner country.

Which Countries Are Eligible?

The following countries are eligible:

  • Africa: Benin, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Guinea, Kenya, Madagascar, Mali, Morocco, Mozambique, Niger, DR Congo, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Tunisia, Uganda and Zimbabwe.
  • South America and the Caribbean: Bolivia, Cuba, Ecuador, Haiti, Peru.
  • Southeast Asia: Cambodia, Indonesia, Nepal, Philippines, Vietnam.
  • Asia: Palestinian territory.

Where will the Award be Taken?

Belgium

How Many Awards?

Not specified

What is the Benefit of the Award?

Additionally, successful applicants will benefit the following:

  • International travel expenses;
  • Subsistence allowance;
  • Exceptional costs associated with visa applications (only for bachelor’s degrees and specialised master’s degrees);
  • Tuition fees (only for bachelor’s degrees and specialised master’s degrees);
  • Indirect mission expenses (for continuing education only);
  • Insurance costs.

How Long Will the Award Last?

12 months 

How to Apply:

  1. Have a Giraf account (create one or use your account if it has already been made and validated by ARES).
  2. Access the application form by clicking on Application for international training > My TasksCompetitive calls.
  3. Fill in the form (it can be filled in several times. You can find it in Competitive calls > My tasks).
  4. Submit your application by clicking on Submit my application. Once submitted, you can consult your file in the My Submitted Files table. However, you will no longer be able to modify it.

Visit the Award Webpage for Details

The Economics Behind the Fall of Autocracy in Bangladesh

Tarique Niazi





Photograph Source: Rayhan9d – CC BY-SA 4.0

Naheed Islam was not yet born in 1996, when prime minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh began her first term in office. In 2009, when she was elected to her second term, Islam had just turned 11. On August 5, he brought an abrupt end to Hasina’s 15-year long autocracy.

The 26-year-old Islam, a sociology major at Dhaka University, led the democratic uprising against Hasina’s patronage hires that had solidified her power base. Ostensibly, this patronage was meant to reward the relatives of those who fought for the country’s independence in 1971, when Bangladesh broke away from the mother country Pakistan. Over the years, however, this pretense thinned out as a fig leaf for stacking the government with party loyalists. The Awami League, which Hasina’s father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman founded, and she led, dished out jobs to those who pledged fealty to the party. Patronage hires, in turn, helped suppress dissent and accelerate concentration of power in the ever-grasping hands of Hasina.

During the democratic uprising, Hasina called on her party loyalists government-wide to crush the protesters whom she contemptuously slurred as Razakars (hired assassins). Those beholden to her answered the call with ardor, swarming the streets confronting, bullying, and even slaughtering protesters. Dhaka University, which was the epicenter of the uprising and Naheed Islam’s headquarters, saw countless bloody encounters in which party loyalists unleashed brutality against protesters. Similarly, security services were merciless to protesting students and their allies. Yet, in the face of lethal violence, protesters stood their ground while dying in the hundreds.

What fortified protesters’ determination to push back against state violence was their uncertain economic future. College and university students who swelled the ranks of protesters were dejected at ever-scarce jobs in the private sector, which was dominated by textiles that account for 80 percent of the country’s exports. Despite its staggering contribution to the GDP, the textile industry cannot soak up thousands of freshly minted graduates each year. The textile sector employs around 4 million workers, but it is a highly gendered sector: 80 percent of all textile workers are women. That’s why public-sector employment became ever more attractive. But to land such jobs, college and university graduates had to grease the party machine with party loyalty.

As many as 30 percent of government jobs were reserved for patronage hires that party bosses would distribute to those who swore fidelity to the party, i.e., the Awami League. This led to the political capture of government by one party and one person who brooked no dissent, which she ruled unpatriotic. Dissidents found themselves jailed or exiled. Khaleda Zia, leader of the main opposition party, Bangladesh National Party (BNP) and the political nemesis of Hasina, had to spend the past 15 years in jail or house arrest. She was released the day after Hasina fled into exile.

Zia’s freedom owes itself to mass disaffection over quota jobs, which had been simmering for years. Hasina had been see-sawing with protesters: suppressing them when she could, retreating when she couldn’t. In 2018, she suspended the quota after mass protests by students. But in June this year, she had the Supreme Court restore the same on appeal that ignited a new round of protests in July through early August.

A month of democratic uprising brought Hasina to heel. She was, however, hopeful of surviving the mass revolt, as she did in the past. Hours before her motorcade of over a dozen vehicles headed for a nearby military airbase to fly her out of Dhaka, Hasina was still huddling with her defense and security chiefs. She was instructing military leaders to follow the example of her police and paramilitary forces that had sternly dealt with protesters. By then, they had already slain over 400 of them. The chief of army staff, who is Hasina’s relation by marriage, pleaded with her that violence was not the answer to a mass movement that had swept the country and whose advancing throngs were within striking distance of her residence. Hasina was adamant that the protest movement could be tamed by the strategic deployment of violence. As this back and forth continued, Hasina’s sister, who was visiting her, intervened and called her sibling out of the huddle to have a word in private.

Minutes after, Hasina returned to the meeting unpersuaded. By then, the chief of army staff had Hasina’s son, who lives in the United States, on the phone to speak with her. The son politely told his mother that it was over. By the time Hasina came around to the chief of army staff’s pleading, she didn’t even have time to write her resignation. She hurriedly gathered what came to hand and left her residence. Her motorcade had to make several detours to evade the frightening surge of protesters. Hours after her departure, protesters were swarming her palace, helping themselves to food, flowerpots, fans, and wall clocks ripped off the mansion’s walls. A young woman was seen getting a workout on a treadmill. The chaotic scenes evoked the images in 2022 of protesters breaching the mansion of the Sri Lankan president, who also had to flee the country in the face of public protests.

Hasina, however, presided over a booming economy that quadrupled on her watch from $102 billion in 2009 to $437 billion in 2023, making Bangladesh the second largest economy in south Asianext only to India. The country’s per capita GDP of $2,529 in 2023 was highest in the entire south Asia. More importantly, she saw the poverty rate slashed from 44 percent in 1991 to 18.7 percent in 2022. The unemployment rate, at 5.1 percent in 2023, was the lowest on the subcontinent.

What, then, caused the mass eruption against her and her government?

It began with the pandemic in 2020 that put immense pressure on the household economies. Bangladesh, having been a textile-dominated economy, endured a dramatic dip in garment orders. About a million workers, one-fourth of the entire textile sector’s workforce, were rendered jobless. On top of that, the Russian invasion of Ukraine caused a steep spike in fuel prices that Bangladesh massively subsidized. To make matters worse, multilateral institutions forced the government to cut fuel subsidies in half. This cut raised the price of everything that needs fuel to operate: electricity, food, transportation, groceries, and all manner of everyday staples. Remittances that finance the current account (trade balance) and keep the foreign exchange reserves replenished dropped as well. This sent food and fuel prices soaring. Faced with a gathering financial drought, the government went to the IMF in 2022 to seek $4.5 billions in loans to pay the bills.

It is tempting to paint former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina as the villain of the piece. But in the grand scheme of things it is the neoliberal economic order that felled her. Similar trends are sweeping across south Asia. In 2022, Sri Lanka, once a prosperous economy, suffered the collapse of government after going into default. The same year, the Pakistani government fell, again over fears of default. This year, India’s ruling Bhartiya Janta Party was humbled at the ballot box, losing its absolute majority in parliament because it courted crony capitalism.

And now Hasina’s government. She suspects that the United States played a role in her ouster since she refused to give it St. Martin Island, whose strategic location could help surveille the Bay of Bengal and the entire Indian Ocean. The State Department laughed off the suggestion. It seems that every fallen leader finds it seductive to claim cheap martyrdom by blaming their fall on the United States. True to this pattern, Imran Khan, a former prime minister of Pakistan, accused the United States of toppling his government in 2022 because he denied it military bases, a canard that even Noam Chomsky debunked as nonsense. That said, Hasina is as much victim of the neoliberal reality as she is a villain to her detractors.

The bottom line is that the bottom line led to Hasina’s ouster.

The global mpox emergency and the destruction of public health

Benjamin Mateus


The declaration by the World Health Organization of a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) for the more lethal variant of mpox (clade 1b, also designated 1 MPXV) underscores the dangers facing the world’s population from the systematic destruction of public health services under capitalism.

The mpox emergency comes amid a blistering ninth COVID-19 wave that has driven up infection rates the world over, while at the same time the rapidly evolving H5N1 bird flu virus threatens human populations.

There has been barely a word mentioned by the leaders of the major capitalist countries on the threat posed by yet another deadly virus, on top of outbreaks of polio, cholera, dengue, measles and other diseases in many parts of the world.

In the US elections, neither Democrat Kamala Harris nor Republican Donald Trump has said one word about the mpox emergency declaration and its implications. Both treat COVID-19 as a thing of the past, except as a weapon in their efforts to demonize China.

Meanwhile, the WHO has yet to find the paltry $15 million in funding to address the most acute needs of bringing trained personnel and supplies to a conflict region, the eastern portion of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to suppress the mpox outbreak. 

This is the third PHEIC since the WHO Director General Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus declared the COVID-19 emergency on January 30, 2020. The second was in July 2022, when a multi-country outbreak of mpox occurred with the less deadly strain of the virus, which began in May of that year in conjunction with the complete lifting of all social precautions against COVID-19. The emergency declarations for both COVID-19 and the mpox clade 2b were prematurely ended in May 2023 despite ongoing infections and the threat to the safety of the public. 

The first mpox outbreak led to 100,000 confirmed cases across 116 countries, with 208 reported deaths, according to the latest figures. But the more virulent strain of mpox which has now spread outside the DRC to neighboring countries in Africa, as well as through travelers outside the continent, could have far more dire consequences.

Although health authorities have repeated that the mpox virus is spread only through direct and close contact, recommendations by the European and US CDC have suggested that respiratory precautions be taken and that only healthcare workers vaccinated against mpox should care for patients. Whether this particular strain is capable of airborne transmission or may be able to become so needs to be disclosed and appropriate precautions taken in the firmest manner possible.

The public health response to the more virulent mpox strain shows the same troubling pattern as with coronavirus and the previous mpox outbreak: worsening situation reports, punctuated by continued inaction and a laissez faire attitude about the dangers posed by these pathogens, both to the local population immediately at risk and to the global population.

Since the beginning of 2022, health authorities have identified 37,583 confirmed and suspected cases of mpox clade 1b with 1,451 deaths, a case fatality rate (CFR) of 3.9 percent across 15 African Union member states. This figure is well above the 2-3 percent CFR worldwide from COVID-19 first cited in 2020. A further review in 2021 placed that figure even lower at 1 percent for the general population. Mpox could thus be three or four times as lethal as COVID-19.

Unlike COVID-19, where the fatality index is higher among the oldest patients, the reverse is true with the current virulent strain of mpox. As WHO data shows, children are nearly four times more likely to die from the virus than adults. While the case fatality rate is 2.4 percent for adults, it jumps to 8.6 percent among those 15 and younger. Of the mpox deaths reported in 2024, 62 percent were among children under five.

Once infected, there is an incubation period of 2-3 weeks before symptoms, when patients experience fevers, aches, fatigue and enlarged lymph nodes; then a few days later, the characteristic rash develops. Additionally, patients with confirmed or suspected infection or exposure must also be isolated for at least four to eight weeks until they are cleared of harboring the virus, or the disease is allowed to run its course, and they are no longer infectious. Depending on their symptoms, they need constant evaluation and monitoring by medical professionals.

In the war-torn region of eastern DRC, in the capital of North Kivu, Goma, where the population of 2 million is predominately composed of refugees and internally displaced people seeking safety from the rebel militias, there are ample opportunities for the mpox virus to run through the makeshift camps and infect people. The healthcare centers are flooded with patients beyond any normal capacity.

As one epidemiologist and mpox expert said to Save the Children, “The worst case I’ve seen is that of a six-week-old baby who was just two weeks old when he contracted mpox and has now been in our care for four weeks. He got infected because hospital overcrowding meant he and his mother were forced to share a room with someone else who had the virus, which was undiagnosed at the time. He had rashes all over his body, his skin was starting to blacken, and he had a high fever. His parents were stunned by his condition and were scared he was dying.”

For the whole of 2023, there were close to 15,000 mpox cases reported in African countries, a 78.5 percent increase compared to 2022. In the first seven months of 2024, health authorities have identified 14,250 cases, nearly as many as in the entire previous year, and representing a 160 percent increase over the same period in 2023. The number of deaths, 456, is up 19 percent from the same period last year. So far, 96 percent of all cases and deaths have occurred in the DRC.

With last week’s confirmation of mpox clade 1b in a person, who sought care in Stockholm a day after the PHEIC declaration, it is reminiscent of the same scenario that played out two years earlier, when authorities offered assurances that the threat posed to the public was minimal before mpox spread quickly to every corner of the globe. Even though the European CDC has stated that they expect more cases with the deadlier strain, they continue to assert the overall risk remains low.  

This completely turns on its head the precautionary principle in public health, a fundamental tenet that asserts the need to prevent disease rather than adopting a passive wait-and-see approach.

The driving force of public health policy under capitalism is not saving lives or preventing debilitating illness, but minimizing the impact on capitalist profit-making. This has produced devastating consequences in the still-raging coronavirus pandemic: deaths of tens of millions, hundreds of millions becoming infected and re-infected with SARS-CoV-2 each year, and the emergence of Long COVID as a mass disabling disease that has become as common as heart and circulatory disorders combined. Estimates at the end of 2023 place the number of Long COVID cases at a staggering 410 million people.

The long-term consequences on the generations of working class people who continue to face the brunt of Long COVID remains unknown, but early indications suggest that things can continue to worsen. There exists a very real possibility of higher rates of chronic respiratory, cardiac and neurological disorders not only for the elderly or immunocompromised, but for even the youngest patients and those who suffered only asymptomatic infections. There is also growing evidence that cancers are appearing at an earlier age and assume more aggressive characteristics.