6 Feb 2025

Mass jobs cull continues at UK universities

Henry Lee


A wave of mass job losses is engulfing UK universities, with higher education the latest public service suffering from the Labour government’s austerity agenda. The cuts are exemplified by Cardiff University, which has announced plans to eliminate 400 full-time posts, around 7 percent of all jobs.

Cardiff University is the largest university in Wales with over 32,000 students. It is a member of the prestigious Russel Group, indicating that the major financial crisis in higher education is affecting more than the smaller and less well-funded institutions.

The main building of Cardiff University [Photo: Stan Zurek]

The University and College Union (UCU) pointed to the university’s £500 million in financial reserves in an effort to persuade management that the job losses are avoidable. However, the cuts are not simply a response to a short-term crisis but part of a long-term plan to restructure the university along the lines of a profitable business.

As it has done in all disputes over job losses since the COVID-19 pandemic began, the UCU has only said that it opposes compulsory redundancies, meaning that job losses can be made on a supposedly voluntary basis. The university borrowed the same line and said that it would cut jobs through voluntary redundancies unless “absolutely necessary”. This an absurd claim when the university plans to close entire courses—including nursing, modern languages and music—and reduce staffing levels across almost every discipline.

Cardiff University also plans to reduce its intake of UK students, while stating explicitly in its consultation document that student to staff ratios will increase “in order to achieve financial sustainability”. It suggests increased ratios “will pose some immediate challenges and will require adaptions to workload” for remaining workers; a euphemism for yet another increase to already high workloads.

The Cardiff cuts are just the tip of the iceberg. Durham University is also planning to cut 200 jobs this year, Newcastle University is cutting 300 and Queen’s University Belfast has opened a voluntary severance scheme which unions say could cut 270 jobs. UCU members have voted to strike against the threat of job losses at the University of Dundee and the University of Sheffield International College, and a ballot is running at the University of East Anglia.

Worse is yet to come, as the Office for Students projects that three-quarters of universities will be in deficit this year, and one quarter are already making budget and staff cuts. The Times Higher Education reported that 10,300 jobs were lost across the whole sector during the 2023-24 academic year, “up from 7,300 the year before, and an average of 100 per institution.”

These were the figures from the 103 universities that have posted financial accounts. Between them they have spent more than £200 million on severance pay, showing they are “investing” their financial reserves in cutting as many jobs as possible like corporate asset-strippers.

Up to 10,000 further jobs could go this year with almost one in four leading universities cutting budgets and reducing staff. The Guardian noted Saturday that “About 90 universities are currently restructuring alongside compulsory and voluntary redundancy schemes to lower their wage bills.”

The Starmer government has made clear it will do nothing to prevent institutions from making major cuts in order to remain “competitive.” Baroness Jacqui Smith, Labour’s Minister for Skills in the Department for Education, has repeatedly made clear that universities are to be included in the government’s plans for austerity and attacks on migrants.

Labour is able to push ahead thanks to its partnership with the trade unions, which it relies on to suppress workers’ opposition to cuts and intensified exploitation. Nowhere was this clearer than in a fawning interview of Smith by the UCU’s general secretary Jo Grady, posted on the union’s YouTube channel on Wednesday.

The video was an apologia for Labour, despite the viciously anti-working-class policies pushed through in its first six months in power. UCU members were asked to submit questions to the minister, and told “Together we can influence the government to take action.”

But in her enthusiastic introduction, Grady was unable to point to a single positive action of the government, claiming that the main benefit of Labour over the Conservatives was a “clear tone shift” and that “At least we are in dialogue now… we don’t feel under constant attack”. She is speaking for the union bureaucracy, not workers.

Smith was given ample room to promote the government’s forthcoming education white papers and made vague promises that “unproductive competition” would be replaced with more collaboration and cooperation between universities—likely a veiled reference to suggestions that universities merge or share services to further cut staff.

When finally asked about the financial crisis and job cuts, Smith claimed that, as universities are supposed to be autonomous, it was inappropriate to even ask her about Coventry University—where the vice-chancellor was given an £80,000 bonus despite the threat of 300 job losses.

Echoing the 2010 Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition government’s justification of the “age of austerity”, Smith feigned sympathy with higher education workers facing mass job losses but insisted, “We have inherited an enormously difficult fiscal position”. She reiterated, “There will not be a major reform of the way that we fund higher education. … There is not going to be a large injection of taxpayers’ money.”

The door was left open for imposing a greater burden on students and graduates with further increases to tuition fees.

Smith also ruled out reversing restrictions introduced last year on international students bringing dependents to the UK—despite absurdly claiming to have abandoned the Tories’ demonisation of migrants. She took the opportunity to state that Labour must “demonstrate an understanding of the impact of migration”.

The resources and technology which exist in modern society could easily make the higher education sector a source of good jobs and quality education, but this will not happen through any amount of pressure on the Labour government, which is committed to reshaping society entirely in the interests of the rich.

The UCU and the other unions are working to keep the many local disputes against job losses isolated, avoiding any confrontation with its Labour “partners” in government. Hence their opposition only to compulsory redundancies and insistence on “consultation” over cuts—to save face while agreeing to the jobs massacre made inevitable by Labour’s policies.

UCU members already voted in a consultative ballot at the start of December to take industrial action for a 5.5 percent pay increase. The same month, its Higher Education Committee voted to begin the balloting process for a strike that could take place in April.

But not until the last week, as the scale of job losses became clear, did the union say anything about organising any fight. And this had nothing to do with organising the industrial strength of tens of thousands of HE workers, but centred on appeals to the Labour government to do the right thing. Posting on X on January 28, Grady pleaded, “We have a Labour government in Wales. We have a Labour government in Westminster. Our political leaders must intervene.”

The same day, Grady, seeking to contain growing anger at the jobs cull, was cited in the Times saying, “If vice-chancellors do not step back from the brink and work with us to protect jobs, serious industrial unrest cannot be ruled out”.

5 Feb 2025

Study exposes COVID-19’s dire social impact in Brazil

Fátima Ferrante



Food distribution to homeless population in Curitiba, in southern state of Paraná. (Credit: Valmir Fernandes [Photo by Coletivo Marmitas da Terra / CC BY 4.0]

A study released by Brazil’s Health Ministry has exposed the dire social impact of the “COVID forever” policy initiated by the government of fascistic president Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022) and continued under the current president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Workers Party - PT)

Entitled “Epicovid 2.0” the study is the result of the largest population-based study on COVID-19 in Brazil. Presented on December 18, the study’s data was obtained through 33,000 interviews conducted through home visits in 133 cities in all 27 Brazilian states.

The study shows that the pandemic has exacerbated already extremely acute social inequality in Brazil, with the poorest population being the most severely impacted by COVID-19 and its multiple effects. Almost 15 percent of respondents reported the death of a family member due to COVID-19, and 21.5 percent of them reported that a child or teenager in the household had to interrupt their studies at some point during the pandemic.

Almost half of the respondents said they had suffered food insecurity at some point, reporting a lack of money and/or a reduction in their own food to feed the children in the household. In addition, almost 35 percent lost their jobs, and 48.6 percent experienced a reduction in their family income. All of these outcomes occurred more frequently among the poorest sections of the population and in households headed by women.

This situation caused informal work at the start of the pandemic to explode in Brazil and, even though it is decreasing today, it remains at high levels. Almost half of the workforce in Brazil was informal in mid-2021, shortly after the second deadly wave of the pandemic, a figure that has fallen to 40 percent today.

One of the study’s significant findings is that 65.2 percent of those infected with the novel coronavirus have or have had Long COVID, that is, some 40 million people (18.9 percent of the Brazilian population). Of this total, almost 18 million people still have a series of persistent post-COVID-19 symptoms or complications. According to the study, the most prevalent symptoms among those with Long COVID are memory loss, difficulty concentrating, hair loss, joint pain, anxiety and tiredness.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO) definition, Long COVID is the “continuation or development of new symptoms 3 months after the initial SARS-CoV-2 infection, with these symptoms lasting at least 2 months without further explanation.” The condition can strike anyone, regardless of age or severity of illness, and affect different organs and systems of the body, with more than 200 symptoms recorded to date.

Concluding the presentation of the study, researcher Pedro Hallal, Full Professor at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign (USA), said that “the impacts of the pandemic on the Brazilian population are great and long-lasting,” while at the same time “the pandemic has exacerbated historical health inequalities in Brazil.”

Despite important findings about the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil, the study presents the pandemic as a thing of the past. The virus, however, continues to circulate in Brazil and around the world, causing infections, deaths and a series of debilities associated with Long COVID – a situation totally ignored by the Lula government.

During the presentation of the study, the Health Minister of the PT government, Nísia Trindade, said that “Epicovid 2.0” is the continuation of “a broad, comprehensive study on COVID [that] was carried out during the pandemic,” but was shut down by the “denialism” of the Bolsonaro government.

Hallal also explained that the first version of the study had the objective of “monitoring the spread of the virus” of COVID-19 in Brazil, while the second version, adapted to a “new moment in public health in Brazil”, has the objective of “evaluating the impacts that the pandemic had”.

Between May and July 2020, Hallal coordinated the largest epidemiological study on the pandemic in Brazil, funded by the Bolsonaro government's Health Ministry. Although discontinued by the Bolsonaro government, the study at the time showed a six-fold underreporting of cases in Brazil and that the risk of contamination among indigenous people is five times higher than the national average, and among the poor twice as high.

Hallal has become one of the targets of Bolsonaro and his political allies, who have attacked the monitoring of the pandemic as part of their “herd immunity” policy. After receiving a series of threats, particularly for his participation in the 2021 Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry convened by the Brazilian Senate that exposed the criminal policy of the Bolsonaro government, Hallal was forced to move forward a trip to the US at the end of 2021.

Despite denouncing the Bolsonaro government's “herd immunity” policy, Hallal and other researchers ended up adapting to strong class pressures as vaccines became widely available and capitalist governments around the world began to falsely pledge that they would contain the pandemic. The foremost representative of this policy was the US government headed by Joe Biden.

At the beginning of 2022, during the Omicron wave, Hallal used his scientific authority to fraudulently claim that this new variant “will infect a lot of people and very quickly, but it is less aggressive” and that “it can make this disease live among us, just as others do”. He also argued that “there is a positive side to Omicron. There is the possibility that the Omicron is the first step towards COVID-19 becoming an endemic disease and no longer an epidemic or pandemic.”

The Lula government’s boosting of Hallal's scientific authority says a lot about its response to the pandemic. Since coming to power in early 2023, it has ended the daily reporting of cases, has failed to implement any educational campaigns about COVID-19 and has followed the policy of the world’s capitalist elite of restricting its response to vaccinating the population against COVID-19.

However, even this last measure has not been universal, has not used the most up-to-date versions of the vaccines and has suffered from numerous failures. Since the end of 2023, COVID-19 vaccines have only covered priority groups, leaving out the vast majority of the population between the ages of five and 60. The last time a person who is not part of these groups had a COVID-19 vaccine in Brazil was almost two years ago.

Reports of a shortage of vaccines against COVID-19 and other diseases have been frequent in the pages of the Brazilian corporate media since the middle of last year. In September, around 8 million doses expired, while municipalities reported a shortage of the vaccine. Between November and December, the National Confederation of Municipalities carried out a study and found that 65.8 percent of the 2,895 municipalities that took part in the survey are short of various vaccines, including those against COVID-19, chickenpox and whooping cough.

In addition, from 2023 to 2024, the health ministry incinerated almost R$2 billion worth of medicines, vaccines and supplies from the Unified Health System (SUS), a waste three times greater than during the entire Bolsonaro government and a record for a 10-year period (2015-2024). Vaccines against COVID-19 account for the largest losses, totaling R$1.8 billion.

As much as the Lula government tries to distance itself from the Bolsonaro “herd immunity” policy, in practice it has subjected the population to successive waves of infections, trapping the working class in a new normal of chronic diseases.

Although vaccines don't prevent infection, they do reduce the risk of infection, hospitalization and of developing the numerous sequelae associated with Long COVID. Since the early years of the pandemic, it has been clear that the protection offered by the vaccine wanes after months, which is why booster doses and annual vaccinations were soon recommended to maintain immunity.

A significant study published in July 2024, led by Dr. Ziyad Al-Aly, one of the most prominent Long COVID researchers, showed that vaccination reduced the incidence of Long COVID by almost half. In the context of the free circulation of SARS-CoV-2, the authors note: “The large number of people infected during the Omicron era, the large number of new infections and ongoing reinfections, and low adherence to vaccination may translate into a large number of people with [post-acute sequelae of COVID-19].”

This and countless other studies expose the Lula government's claim to “follow the science” against COVID-19 as part of a supposed “reconstruction of Brazil” after the Bolsonaro government's years of destruction. Significantly, the publication of “Epicovid 2.0” marked the first time that officials from the Lula government spoke out about Long COVID. This was not accompanied, however, by any awareness campaigns to educate the broad Brazilian population about this chronic condition, let alone any explanation of the best way to avoid it: not getting infected with COVID-19.

In an interview recently published on the WSWS, which had major repercussions on social media, Dr. Arijit Chakravarty, one of the main scientists warning about the risks of COVID-19 for public health, defended a “multifaceted strategy” over the “vaccine only strategy”. According to him, society “has a fighting chance” against a virus with an evolution like SARS-CoV-2 only with such a strategy that “limits the spread of long-term infections, develops combination therapies for long-term infections, uses the multifaceted approach to reduce viral load, including the deployment of items such as HEPA filters and distant UVC light and the monitoring of viral load in public spaces.”

The continued presence of SARS-CoV-2 and new outbreaks of diseases that had been controlled for decades is not an uncontrollable accident, but the consequence of an intentional policy against public health. Decades of accumulated public health knowledge provide the means to eliminate COVID-19 and countless other diseases.

UK Labour government to impose massive welfare cuts and criminalisation of benefits claimants

Dennis Moore


The UK Labour government is putting forward proposals that will see long-term sick benefits claimants forced to look for work as a condition for receiving sickness payments. Another proposal being mooted is for some claimants to have their benefit payments cut by up to £5,000 a year. Another would make it more difficult for claimants with mental health conditions to claim separate disability benefits.

The changes, spearheaded by work and pensions secretary Liz Kendall, would be the most ferocious attacks on the welfare system for over a decade. There are 2.4 million benefit claimants claiming incapacity benefits who are currently not required to look for or prepare for work.

Liz Kendall, the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions [Photo by House of Commons/Flickr / CC BY-NC-ND 2.0]

Many are in significant distress over whether their benefits will be stopped or reduced. The Disability News Service reported on a recent survey carried out via a question posed on social media by Inclusion Barnet’s Campaign for Disability Justice (CDJ). CDJ asked disabled people how they believed they would be affected if the government went ahead with the cuts.

Of the 100 respondents, 12 percent said they would have to cut back on food, with some saying they would have nothing. Other said they would no longer be able to afford food necessary for their dietary needs. One in 10 said they have to cut back on heating and one in seven feared they would even lose their home if the government went ahead with cuts to their benefits. Nearly a third of respondents, without any prompting from CDJ, said cuts to their benefits would cause a deterioration in their health.

Inclusion Barnet had to contact approximately a fifth of the respondents with information on how they could access support with their mental health, after many had disclosed suicidal thoughts.

Labour’s proposals are a continuation and extension of Tory plans to cut at least £3 billion from disability benefits, put forward amid screaming denunciations from the right-wing media about a forecast £8.6 billion welfare “overspend” this year. Much has been made of the fact that the proportion of the welfare budget going towards the sickness benefits has increased rapidly in the last decade.

To distract from the fact that this reflects both the sharp cuts to other payments like low income benefit and the raging mental and physical health crisis in the UK—caused in large part by these cuts and exacerbated by the COVID pandemic—Labour has launched a vicious campaign aimed at further demonising benefits claimants. The centrepiece is its New Public Authorities (Fraud Error & Recovery Bill), which entails extraordinary attacks on democratic rights.

The legislation allows those accused of benefit fraud to be banned from driving for up to two years if they fail to reimburse the money owed—if it exceeds £1,000 and the DWP have made repeated requests to the claimant that the money is paid back and the requests ignored. DWP investigators will also be empowered to apply to the courts for search warrants, for the first time giving them the power to enter and search premises—with police in attendance—and seize computers and smart phones for “evidence gathering”.

The bill also legally compels a bank or employer of a person suspected of fraud to comply with the retrieval of money that is suspected of being owed to the DWP. The DWP will have the powers to authorise payments to be made from an employed person’s bank accounts, without their authorisation. These measures build on the powers the government already has to investigate the bank accounts and request bank account transaction details on a case by case basis of those suspected of benefit fraud—under the Social Security Fraud Act 2001 and the Social Security Administration Act 1992.

The new powers will also apply to payments that the DWP makes in error to a claimant, treating the recipient in the same way as if they had made a fraudulent claim.

According to government estimates, the Fraud Error & Recovery Bill will claw back £1.5 billion over the next five years and is part of the government plans for £9.2 billion in savings from measures to tackle fraud and error in the welfare system. Its measures amount to a crimination of welfare recipients, with Kendall declaring, “We are turning off the tap to criminals who cheat the system and steal law-abiding taxpayers’ money”.

Campaign groups have raised that the Bill’s measures will invade a person’s right to financial privacy, with the possibility that legitimate claimants will be wrongly investigated.

The policy of criminalising benefit claimants is being enforced while the richest get away with tax avoidance and evasion on a staggering scale. The Office for National Statistics estimated that for the year 2022-23, the amount lost to the Treasury for tax evasion stood at £5.5 billion. Legalised tax dodging accounts for even greater sums: the lower rate of capital gains tax versus income tax saves the rich £14 billion a year.

At the same time, a vast amount of benefits go unclaimed each year, often because potential claimants are not even aware they can claim them in the first place, or because, given the filthy diet of propaganda regularly vomited up in tabloid press demonising “benefit scroungers”, they would feel stigmatised for doing so.

Missing Out, a report published in April last year by the social policy organisation Policy in Practice, estimates that there £14.4 billion of benefits and support went unclaimed in 2023—an increase of £4 billion over the previous year.

The new offensive against what remains of the welfare system is being carried out by Labour on behalf of the corporations and the military it promised to represent in government. Every single penny seized from disabled people and millions of other benefit claimants will go towards big-business handouts and increased spending on the armed forces.

Last week, a Times editorial drew the connection bluntly, complaining, as Kendall finalised the DWP’s brutal plans, “With each passing year more and more billions are squandered on benefits for the working-age ‘sick’ while Britain’s defences crumble for want of a mere fraction of that amount.”

4 Feb 2025

German employers, politicians and media seek to abolish mandatory sick pay

Isabel Roy


Since last autumn, there has been a growing number of interviews with managers, economists and politicians accusing workers of laziness and slacking due to the increasing number of sick days, amid calls for the abolition of decades-old social achievements.

Striking metalworkers in front of the Kiel trade union building in February 1957. Their 114-day strike won them paid sick leave. [Photo by Friedrich Magnussen / Stadtarchiv Kiel / CC BY 3.0]

On 6 January, Allianz CEO Oliver Bäte called in the Handelsblatt newspaper for the introduction for workers of a ‘Karenztag’, an unpaid sick leave for the first day of any illness. “We have to talk about what we can still afford in an ageing society,” Bäte explained.

This is coming from a man whose salary increased by 10 percent from 2022 to 2023 to 7.5 million euros a year. Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, Allianz has continuously increased its profits. For the full year 2024, the insurance group expects an operating profit of 14.8 billion euros. This is at the upper end of its forecasted range.

The head of the German Council of Economic Experts, Monika Schnitzer, has also joined the call for unpaid sick leave. She also suggested unpaid part-time sick leave for a few hours a day to allow employees, for example with broken bones and similar injuries, to continue working from home. The proposal was originally made by the president of the German Medical Association, Klaus Reinhardt. It is also supported by members of the Green Party and the Free Democratic Party (FDP).

The deputy leader of the conservative CDU/CSU faction, Sepp Müller said that Germany’s social systems are “increasingly strained” so new ideas must be discussed. There are also demands being made for the abolition of sick leave by telephone and a “reform” of the 8-hour day (FDP and CDU).

Freiburg economics professor Bernd Raffelhüschen, who works as a lobbyist for business groups, told the Bild newspaper: “The introduction of an unpaid sick day is a sensible proposal and should be quickly implemented by the next government.” However, he said, this saving for the employer was “only a drop in the ocean.” What is needed, he said, is higher contributions for those with statutory health insurance. Patients should have to pay the first €500 or €1,000 of medical treatment themselves each year or pay 20 percent of all medication out of their own pocket.

The attack on sick pay on the pretext of “work-shyness” is cynical and dishonest. In reality, the same corporations and politicians who are now calling for unpaid sick leave are responsible for the increase in the rate of sickness leave.

During the pandemic, large companies were handed billions while workers and their children were infected “to keep the economy running.” In the meantime, the German government has not only abolished mandatory testing and all coronavirus protection measures, but also stopped wastewater monitoring in October. In the same month, the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) reported a significant increase in respiratory diseases in Germany, caused primarily by COVID-19 and rhinoviruses.

For 2024, the health reports of the statutory health insurance companies have measured record levels of sick leave. The main cause of the increase in absenteeism was respiratory diseases, including COVID-19. In second place were mental illnesses, followed by musculoskeletal disorders.

There is also a resurgence of diseases that had long been suppressed in developed countries. Whooping cough is experiencing a significant resurgence in Germany, with case numbers rising to levels not seen in years. By mid-October 2024, more than 46,600 cases had been reported to the RKI, a sixfold increase compared to the previous year.

The number of cases is particularly high among nursing and childcare professionals. According to the Techniker Krankenkasse (TK), nursing staff took an average of 29.8 sick days in 2023, a new high. Compared to 23.2 days in 2021 and 28.8 days in 2022, this amounts to a significant increase. Care for the elderly was particularly affected, with employees in this sector taking an average of 34.2 sick days.

The ongoing coronavirus pandemic, re-emerging infectious diseases and mental health issues, against a backdrop of widespread attacks on healthcare systems, are part of a global pattern.

Airfinity, a data analytics company specialising in global disease and public health trends, reports a significant increase for at least 13 infectious diseases, with case numbers in many regions exceeding pre-pandemic levels.

Over 40 countries or territories report at least one infectious disease with case numbers ten times or more above pre-pandemic levels. Diseases on the rise include cholera, dengue, invasive group A streptococci, tuberculosis, polio and influenza. Measles, respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), chickenpox and whooping cough are also on the rise and pose a significant risk to children and immunocompromised individuals. The dismantling of public health measures during the COVID-19 pandemic has given SARS-CoV-2 unrestricted access to the entire world population.

The increase in infectious diseases is also associated with a weakening of the immune system through repeated COVID-19 infections, including asymptomatic cases. Long COVID, a debilitating condition that affects multiple organ systems, is playing a central role. It increases susceptibility to various diseases and exacerbates existing health problems.

Federal Labour Minister Hubertus Heil (SPD) and representatives of the so-called employee wing of the CDU have so far spoken out against the restriction of sick pay, only because they do not want to provoke social protests before the federal election due in a few weeks’ time.

The continued payment of wages during sick leave is associated with massive industrial action. In 1956/57, 45,000 metalworkers in Schleswig-Holstein went on strike for 114 days to achieve this end. It was the longest strike in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany, with strikers repeatedly rejecting the compromises negotiated by the IG Metall union. When the union finally called off the strike, more than 60 percent voted against it without success.

It would take several more years before sick pay was introduced in its current form. In 1969, it was enshrined in law. But in 1996, the government of Helmut Kohl (CDU) restricted it once again, lowering it from 100 to 80 percent of the contractually agreed wage.

Once again, there were massive strikes. Across the country, several hundred thousand workers in the engineering industry and other sectors took part in work stoppages. When the Daimler-Benz management decided to apply the new regulation, 30,000 car workers stopped working.

The Kohl government did not take the new law back. That was only done by Gerhard Schröder’s (Social Democratic Party) government in 1998, but around nine million employees were guaranteed 100 percent payment of sick pay under collective agreements.

No one should believe the assurances of SPD and other politicians that they will not touch sick pay. This promise is only valid until the election due on February 23.

It is no coincidence that the attack on a cornerstone of the social security system is taking place after the collapse of the coalition government and the return of Donald Trump to the White House. As the WSWS wrote, Trump “declared war on the world and the working class” at his inauguration. Since then, not a day goes by without him issuing new military threats and announcing new attacks on social and democratic rights.

The ruling elites in Germany and Europe are responding by declaring war on the working class themselves and by rearming at a rate not seen since Hitler. All parties in the federal election campaign agree on this.

While Friedrich Merz of the CDU declares that Germany must “assume leadership responsibility for Europe,” Robert Habeck of the Greens is calling for a tripling of German military spending. This sum corresponds to nine times the health budget for 2024, which has already been cut several times.

Boris Pistorius of the SPD is calling for an increase of 3 percent. Sahra Wagenknecht’s BSW has announced in its election programme the goal of “re-establishing the Bundeswehr as an exclusively defensive army” and for this it must be “adequately equipped.” Alice Weidel of the AfD has spoken out in favour of increasing military spending to 5 percent, i.e., almost half the federal budget.

At the same time, the number of billionaires is constantly increasing and share prices are climbing from record to record. The money for armaments and the further enrichment of the already wealthy must be squeezed out of the workers. For this reason, all established parties are preparing to roll back the living and working conditions of the working class to the 19th century. The attack on sick pay fits seamlessly into the profit-before-life policy of the ruling elite’s coronavirus pandemic.

3 Feb 2025

Romania Government Scholarships 2025

Application Deadline:12 March 2025.


Tell Me About The Romania Government Scholarships:

The Romanian Government, through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, offers a limited number of scholarships for citizens from non-EU countries each year. These scholarships are aimed at promoting Romanian culture and language while supporting international students in pursuing higher education in Romania. The scholarships are available for bachelor’s, master’s, and PhD studies in accredited Romanian institutions, with the exception of fields such as Medicine, Dental Medicine, and Pharmacy.

Which Fields are Eligible?

Applicants may choose study programs in all fields except:

  • Medicine
  • Dental Medicine
  • Pharmacy

For Bachelor and Master programs, only Romanian-language study programs are available. PhD students can also opt for programs in English or other foreign languages as set by the doctoral schools.

Type:

Scholarships 

Who can Apply For The Romania Government Scholarships?

To be eligible, applicants must:

  • Be citizens of non-EU countries (excluding specific categories like citizens of Romanian origin or diplomats).
  • Present study documents from recognized educational institutions.
  • Have good academic performance, with an average score of at least 7 (or equivalent) in their previous studies.
  • Comply with the application submission guidelines.
  • Applicants for doctoral programs must have the written agreement of a Doctoral Tutor and pass an admission interview.

Note: Scholarships are not available for Medicine, Dental Medicine, and Pharmacy.

How are Applicants Selected?

Applicants are selected based on the completeness and quality of their application, their academic performance, and their compliance with the eligibility and submission requirements.

Required Documents:

  • Diplomas and their authorized translation (if applicable)
  • Transcripts from previous studies and their authorized translation
  • Birth certificate and authorized translation
  • Passport or national ID and authorized translation
  • Curriculum Vitae (CV) in English or French
  • For PhD candidates: Letter of intent, list of publications, research project description, and Doctoral Tutor agreement

Additional documents may be required based on specific applicant categories.

Which Countries Are Eligible?

The scholarship is open to citizens of all non-EU countries, except for:

  • Citizens of Romanian origin
  • Individuals with Romanian protection status
  • Diplomatic personnel and their families
  • Individuals already benefiting from a scholarship from the Romanian state

Where will the Award be Taken?

Higher institutions in Romania 

How Many Awards?

Not specified

What is the Benefit of the Romania Government Scholarships?

Additionally, the scholarship provides:

  • Tuition coverage for the preparatory year and the main study cycle.
  • Monthly allowance for living expenses.
  • Accommodation coverage in student dormitories (subject to availability).
  • Exemption from registration fees and certain university costs.
  • Transport subsidies for public and domestic transport, similar to those available to Romanian students.

How Long Will the Award Last?

The scholarship duration depends on the study cycle:

  • Bachelor’s Degree: 3-6 years
  • Master’s Degree: 1-2 years
  • PhD: 3-5 years

For students in the Romanian language preparatory year, the scholarship lasts for the duration of the year. Scholarships continue as long as students meet academic requirements.

How to Apply:

  • Step 1: Create an account on the Study in Romania platform.
  • Step 2: Complete the application with necessary data.
  • Step 3: Upload the required documents.
  • Step 4: Submit the application via the online platform between 29 January 2025 and 12 March 2025.

For further details, applicants can visit the official Study in Romania website and submit their applications through the Study in Romania platform at scholarships.studyinromania.gov

Australia Awards Scholarships 2025

Application Deadline: 30th April 2025

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Algeria, Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, The Gambia, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe

About the Australia Awards Scholarships:

There are two categories of Award: Australian Awards Scholarships for Masters to undertake higher degree studies in Australia at Masters level. And Australia Awards Scholarships for Short Courses, to undertake short-term, targeted professional training courses, in Australia and/or in Africa, in a range of development-focused sectors.

Australia Awards Scholarships, a cornerstone of the Australian Government’s development assistance program for Africa, provide access to postgraduate education, training and professional development opportunities for suitably qualified Africans from eligible countries. On their return to the workplace, Australia Awards Scholarships Alumni are expected to contribute actively to development in their home countries.

To be taken at: African or Australian Universities.

Priority Fields (varies by African country)

  • Agriculture/Food Security
  • Education
  • Health
  • Public Policy (including public sector management, public sector reform, trade, international diplomacy)
  • Environmental Management
  • Natural Resource Management (including mining related subjects)
  • Technical and Vocational Education & Training (available for Short Courses only)
  • Energy (including Natural Gas and Oil Technology)
  • Infrastructure
  • Natural Resource Management
  • Transport (including Ports, Roads and Airports Management)

Offered Since: 1980

Type: Masters taught degrees and short courses

Who can Apply for Australia Awards Scholarships:

To be considered for a masters scholarship or short course award, applicants must meet their country’s eligibility requirements. In general, the following requirements apply:

be a minimum of 18 years of age on 1 February of the year of commencing the scholarship;
ii. be a citizen of a participating country (as listed on the Australia Awards website) and be residing in and applying for the scholarship from their country of citizenship;


iii. not be a citizen of Australia, hold permanent residency in Australia or be applying for a visa to live in Australia permanently;
iv. not be married to, engaged to, or a de facto of a person who holds, or is eligible to hold, Australian or New Zealand citizenship or permanent residency, at any time during the application, selection and mobilisation phases (note: residents of Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau with New Zealand citizenship are eligible but must apply for a Student visa [subclass 500]);
v. not be current serving military personnel;
vi. not have previously received a long-term Australia Award unless they have resided outside of Australia for twice the length of the total time that they were in Australia (for example, a previous awardee who has been on an Australia Awards Scholarship in Australia for four years will not be eligible to apply for another Australia Awards Scholarship until they have resided outside Australia for eight years);
vii. not hold convictions of criminal activities (including in their home country) including those relating to Child Protection and PSEAH;

viii. recipients under the Pacific Secondary School Scholarship Program (PSSSP) who have completed their secondary school education in Australia in the year prior are eligible to apply for a long-term Australia Award;
ix. have satisfied any specific criteria established by the Program Area or the government of the applicant’s country of citizenship (e.g. having worked a certain number of years in an appropriate sector);

x. be able to satisfy the admission requirements of the institution at which the award is to be undertaken (this may mean that Program Areas will need to withdraw an award offer if the recipient cannot satisfy the institution’s admission requirements.
This may not be known until Program Areas request a placement at selected institutions);
xi. be able to satisfy all requirements of the Department of Home Affairs to hold a Student Visa. This may mean that the Program Area will need to withdraw an award offer if the recipient cannot satisfy the visa requirements;
xii. not be applying for a scholarship for a course of study at an academic level lower than already  achieved (e.g. be applying for a Master’s scholarship when they already hold a PhD); and
xiii. applicants must inform the Program Area of any connection or relationship to staff employed at Program Areas (including locally engaged staff at post) or with managing contractors so that the
application may be properly and transparently managed.

Program Areas may consider the following exceptions to 2.2.1(ii) in relation to applicants being required to apply from their country of citizenship:
i. applicants working for their government in a third country
ii. applicants residing in the immediate region to which they would be willing to grant an award (e.g. Pacific Island countries considering applicants from other eligible Pacific Island countries), noting that the award will be reported as belonging to the applicant’s country of citizenship.

English language scores are not negotiable. All Australia Awards Scholarship awardees must meet the following requirement:

i. an Academic IELTS result with an overall score of at least 6.5, with no band less than 6.0, or
ii. an internet based TOEFL score of at least 84, with a minimum of 21 in all subtests, or
iii. PTE Academic overall score of 58 with no communicative skill score less than 50.
2.4.5. Where an institution’s academic English language requirement is higher than DFAT’s requirement for the main course of study, the awardee must meet the institution’s requirement.

Number of Scholarships: Up to 1,000

Value of Australia Awards Scholarships:

This is a Full government sponsored scholarship. It covers:

Australia Awards Scholarships are offered for the minimum period necessary for the individual to complete the academic program specified by the Australian higher education institution, including any preparatory training. The following benefits generally apply:

  • full tuition fees
  • return air travel–payment of a single return, economy class airfare to and from Australia, via the most direct route
  • establishment allowance–a once only payment as a contribution towards accommodation expenses, text books, study materials
  • Contribution to Living Expenses (CLE) – a fortnightly contribution to basic living expenses paid at a rate determined by the department.
  • Introductory Academic Program (IAP)–a compulsory program prior to the commencement of formal academic studies covering information on living and studying in Australia
  • Overseas Student Health Cover (OSHC) for the duration of the award (for award holder only)–provided to cover the scholar’s basic medical costs (with the exception of pre-existing conditions)
  • Pre-course English (PCE) fees–if deemed necessary PCE may be available for students for in-country and/or in-Australia training
  • supplementary academic support may be available to ensure a scholar’s academic success or enhance their academic experience
  • fieldwork (for research awards and Masters by coursework which have a research component where fieldwork is compulsory) may be available for eligible research students for one return economy class airfare via the most direct route to their country of citizenship or within Australia.

Award conditions

Applicants who want to accept an Australia Awards Scholarship will need to sign a contract with the Commonwealth of Australia declaring that they will comply with the conditions of the scholarship.

Scholars are required to leave Australia for a minimum of two years after completing their scholarship. Failure to do so will result in the scholar incurring a debt for the total accrued cost of their scholarship.

Duration of Scholarship: For the duration of candidate’s programme

How to Apply:

Visit Programme Webpage for Details