8 Jun 2015

The Real Threat to the American Professoriate

M.G. Piety

Michael Schwalbe’s recent article in CounterPunch, “The Twilight of the Professors,” paints a rather darker picture of the future of the professoriate than I believe is warranted. Or perhaps it would be more correct to say, paints a somewhat misleading picture of the dynamics behind the demise of the professoriate as a positive force for social and political progress.
Schwalbe is correct that the “tightening of the academic job market has intensified competition for the tenure-track jobs that remain.” He’s also correct that it is prudent for graduate students to focus their efforts on publishing in academic journals rather than in media more accessible to a general readership. Hasn’t that always been the case, though? The problem, I submit, with academic journals is not so much that their intended audience is academics as it is that most of these journals just aren’t very good. The pressure on academics is not merely to publish in academic journals, but also to edit them with the result that there are now too many of them and too many of questionable quality. Almost anyone can get published in an academic journal nowadays, but much of the material that is published in them, as Alan Sokal demonstrated to devastating effect back in 1996, is gibberish.
The situation is not much better with academic presses than with scholarly journals. Even some of the top presses are publishing material that would never have seen the light of day in earlier periods when there was greater quality control. Nearly all the emphasis in academia these days, as in the larger society, is on quantity rather than quality. Academic presses, such as Lexington Books, send out mass emails to academics, effectively trawling for book proposals. I spoke about this problem recently with a representative from the more selective German publisher Springer. “These guys are just publishing too much,” he said, smiling in a conspiratorial way.
No one can keep up with which among the proliferating academic journals and presses are actually any good, so emphasis tends to be placed on the quantity of publications a scholar can amass rather than on their quality. This means, of course, that the savvy self promoter with little of any real value to contribute to the life of the mind can more easily carve out an academic career now than can a genuine intellectual who would have actual scruples about dressing up old insights as new ones, as well as against publishing what is effectively the same article over and over again.
The problem is not that academic journals are in principle of no popular value so much as it is that most academic journals these days are in fact of no popular value because there are just too damn many of them and most of them are no damn good. Hardly anyone actually reads them, even among academics.
It may be true, as Schwalbe observes, that graduate students are advised to craft Facebook pages and Tweets “with the concerns of prospective employers in mind,” but what does that mean? The prospective employers in questions are other scholars, not university administrators. There are too many demands on the time of most university administrators for them to scrutinize the Facebook pages and Tweets of all the scholars who earn the department hiring committee’s seal of approval. The problem, I believe, is less that hiring committees are on the lookout for political radicals as it is that they’re too often on the lookout for people who are going to show them up.  Few people are possessed of such high self esteem that they are comfortable in the company of someone they suspect might actually be smarter than they are, and academics are no exception.
The growing ranks of “contingently employed” academics “is further conservatizing” charges Schwalbe. The argument that such faculty will censor their writing in order not to offend their  employers sounds good in the abstract, but as is so often the case with arguments that are internally coherent, it doesn’t correspond to the facts. Some particularly fearful and feeble-minded underemployed academics may do this, but it doesn’t take long for contingent faculty to realize that most of the tenured faculty in their own departments, to say nothing of university administrators, don’t even know who they are, let alone what they are writing.
Contingently employed academics represent a growing army of educated, literate, yet grossly underpaid workers. Such a population is the ideal breeding ground for political radicalism and, indeed, some are beginning to unionize.
Demands for grant getting, as Schwalbe observes, undeniably slant research in the sciences in the corporate direction. But, most leftist public intellectuals have traditionally come from the humanities rather than the sciences.
The real threat, I believe, to the professoriate as a force for positive social and political change, comes not so much from the factors Schwalbe mentions as from things more deeply rooted in American culture such as egoism and anti-intellectualism. The egoism that is fostered by so much in American culture keeps many academics from making what appear on a superficial level to be personal sacrifices even for the good of their students, let alone for the good of society more generally (I say “on a superficial level” because faculty who make such “sacrifices” are rewarded many times over by the satisfaction of actually bettering the lives of their students and, in that way, of humanity more generally). Tenured faculty have a responsibility to help their students develop the critical, analytical and communicative skills that are essential to actualizing the distinctively human potential for self determination, but too many abdicate this responsibility because of the time and effort required to live up to it.
The professoriate is almost universally opposed to assessment. I have never been an opponent of it however. I’m well aware, of course, that it can be abused, but it has become increasingly clear to me that at least one reason so many academics are opposed to it is that it would reveal that they are not, in fact, teaching their students much.
Some effort at assessment of student learning in the humanities could be a vehicle of revolutionary change in that it would put pressure on tenured faculty actually to teach students something, and would expose that the working conditions of many contingent faculty are such that requiring this of them is like asking them to make bricks without straw.
Assessment could be a force for radical social and political change in that implemented properly, it would make all too clear both how decades of the dismantling of the K-12 system of public education and the analogous onslaught on the funding of higher education have not simply resulted in a generation of less-than-excellent sheep, but also, as Ray Marshall and Marc Tucker argue in Thinking for a Living: Education and the Wealth of Nations (Basic Books, 1993), threaten the social and economic future of this country. In fact, assessment in higher education could have such a profoundly progressive effect that if I didn’t know better, I’d think the movement against it was a conservative plot.
It isn’t a conservative plot, though, unless conservatives are far more devious than most of us imagine and their whole sustained attack on education in general was originally designed to produce an academic job market that was so neurotically competitive it would gradually weed out academics committed to anything other than the advancement of their own, individual careers.
It’s counter productive to demonize university administrators. There are some bad ones, of course, and their salaries, like the salaries of their corporate equivalents, need to be brought back into line with those of the individuals they supervise. It’s not university administrators, however, as Schwalbe claims, who are responsible for the purported decline in leftist intellectuals, but scarcity conditions in the academic job market that are ultimately traceable back to American egoism and anti-intellectualism. But American egoism and anti-intellectualism are problems that are far less easily solved than the largely phantom “conservatizing trends” in higher education that Schwalbe discusses in his article.

Nepal: Earth Tremors Fading, Monsoon Looming

Barbara Nimri Aziz

Kathmandu.
Kathmandu is gradually repopulating with residents like Anil who left soon after April’s earthquake. He explains that he returned to the capital from Chitwan (in south Nepal, bordering India). “I went for 20 days with father (also a taxi driver) and my stepmother; we have no house in the village, so we slept here”, he says, gently pounding the steering wheel of his taxi. Small boned and lean like many poor youths, Anil nevertheless sports a silver earring, head shaved on both sides with his silky black forelock flopping forward. Just 18, Anil is a licensed taxi driver, having learned to drive at 15, taught by his father.
Today Anil’s family lives in this vehicle and another his father operates (probably as tattered as this one, and also leased). They enter their former lodging only to cook, wash and change clothes, then back to the cars to sleep. Their rented rooms are unsafe to stay in. “Destroyed; like that”, says Anil, pointing to a crumpled one-story brick structure we pass on the roadside. (His family is not yet able to think about a permanent alternative.)
Following the first tumultuous shaking of their land, many Nepalese had set out for the worst hit areas to find (and perhaps conduct funerary rites for) loved ones and to inspect ancestral fields and homes. Fearing more convulsions in Kathmandu Valley, Anil along with an estimated million plus residents (representing a large part of the valley’s population) sought safety in distant native villages across Nepal and in India.
Nepal’s capital– empty of traffic and commerce, absent its Indian vendors and factory workers, its tourists and cleaners and drivers– turned eerily stagnant for a month. Hearty permanent residents eschewed their workplaces and cafes to remain at home with families during anxious days and nights. It was hard for even the most self-assured citizens to not fear another calamitous eruption.
And it happened. The May 12th quake dislodged any sense of calm that had begun to ease fears after the earlier cataclysm. Although less severe, the second upheaval erased confidence in scientific assessments; it further destabilized and imperiled structures already cracked and it exposed dangers hidden within every dwelling—home, hospital or office. That May 12th eruption extended the first’s destructive path, collapsing more schools, setting off deadly avalanches in Langtang Valley and damaging monasteries and houses in hitherto untouched parts of Solu-Khumbu further east.
By the end of May, relief efforts which had slowed after the second upheaval gradually resume; house and school inspections become more urgent and determined; pressure increases to clear impassable mountain roads; and demolitions, although sluggish and seemingly random, continue. All this while the government announces yet again that more assistance is on its way, although we see no sign that it’s capable of handling the resources it has in hand. At the same time Nepal’s United Nations relief coordinator appeals for additional international contributions.
There was no all-clear siren and no message from any source that we are safe. There’s no report from recovery teams that all bodies have been retrieved, no cessation of tremors (however slight they’ve become), no assurance from seismologists or earthquake apps or weather reports that we are out of danger. Although rumors attributed to astrologers continue to circulate that forthcoming Tuesdays and Saturdays are ominous, we pass Tuesday and another Saturday without incident.
With a government announcement that schools should reopen by the first of June (whether or not structures are repaired) principals mobilize their staff and parents ready their children. Schooling would recommence, if only for a few hours a day, with each school deciding how to adjust to new conditions—physical and psychological– and deal with whatever traumas their pupils bring with them. Doubtless, the discussions I hear at Amrit School are repeated in all staff meetings. Teachers share stories of difficulties in their neighborhoods, yet they recognize how even without training they bear the additional burden of counseling their wards. Then, with several classrooms marked by engineers as unusable, they agree on a new routine to start. (They are luckier than others where tent classrooms are being erected beside the rubble of collapsed schools. It will take years for over a thousand damaged government schools to be rebuilt.)
Food supplies, blankets, tarpaulins, and essential household utensils are being mobilized for many thousands awaiting help. Although there are complaints about unfair ‘selective distribution’, teams of workers—private ad hoc volunteer groups and employees of service agencies—are laboring to ensure aid reaches the helpless and the deprived. For the coming months, several hospitals in Kathmandu Valley and beyond, with their added load of patients and damaged facilities, will, like schools, operate out of specially equipped tents.
A sense of urgency has emerged with the approach of a new menace: the monsoon rains. “We have only a week or ten days to move supplies from airport storerooms and transport them into the hills. It’s not just the threat of water damaging our provisions; we urgently need to get trucks loaded, on the road and to their destinations”, explains N. Tendup Sherpa of the Himalayan Health and Environmental Services Solukhumbu. HHESS is one of many domestic NGOs forced to redirect its energies, in this case to support World Food Program‘s efforts to get aid to outlying villages. “Once the rains arrive, these roads are treacherous; today, with hillsides unsettled by the earthquake, travelling conditions are more precarious.”
And so we have arrived at Asia’s time-honored monsoon rains: the nourishing, cleansing, drenching, unstoppable monsoon that takes shape at the highest points of these Himalayan ranges and moves south across the entire subcontinent. Everyone knows Nepal’s rains are due. There’s no doubt about their appearance, intensity and duration. Farmers need them for newly planted crops; urban dwellers normally welcome their relief from the hot dust and heat that has enveloped the city and polluted the air. These showers help nourish potted plants, ubiquitous in any courtyard and rooftop. Rainwater unclogs the grey, sluggish and stinking Bagmati River and Dhobi Khola meandering through the capital. The monsoon washes away the detritus of months of accumulated human waste and undecipherable rubbish and animal corpses that fill the waterways around Kathmandu and other valley towns. Rains fill dangerously low government reservoirs as well as rooftop tanks and other vessels set by individual families. Shortages and rationing endured for months will ease.
These rains brings wonderful sunsets too, and more flowers, although even during dry months, flowers—roses, sunflowers, mimosa, bougainvillea and many more blooms– seem to manage.
How much will the rains exacerbate the tribulations and suffering of these people this year? No one knows, but the fear is palpable. Without identifying new points of weakness, effective preparations are impossible.
Still in the traumatic grip of the earthquakes, uncertain about the stability of any dwelling, people move cautiously. The shock of the earthquake will not dissipate. An incompetent government of squabbling self-interested parties just worsens an already unstable condition.

The Perpetual Punitive Machine Backfires

Ralph Nader

Our nation has a penchant for creating unnecessary complexity and obstacles for its people in areas such as the tax, health insurance and student debt miasmas. The prison industry adds to this with what it euphemistically calls “collateral consequences.” In simple language, this means a series of state-based statutory punishments – rooted in the medieval English practice of “civil death” – that greet ex-felons who have served their time and paid their debt to society.
Our country’s overall policy is that once punished, ex-felons are released from prison to be free to re-integrate themselves into society as normal productive human-beings, yet we have a quagmire of unnecessary laws that prevent full rehabilitation. Many states prevent ex-felons from voting, and obstruct them when they try to obtain housing, enter college or get needed public benefits or employment. This simply does not make sense because such laws encourage recidivism, not rehabilitation. Some ex-felons then resort to unlawful means to feed, clothe and house themselves and their families.
If you’re into cognitive dissonance, you can visit the websites of two organizations dedicated to righting this wrong. They detail the myriad of state laws and how ex-felons find themselves in a labyrinth of bureaucracy or end up in jail again. (Visit the Vera Institute of Justice — http://www.vera.org/ — and the Sentencing Project — http://www.sentencingproject.org/ – for more information.)
Let’s consider an ex-felon who serves his/her sentence and wants to live a law-abiding life. Eleven states say they have no voting rights – permanent disenfranchisement. Other states have exceptions to the exceptions depending on the ex-felon’s status, parole, etc. Only Maine and Vermont have no restrictions for ex-felons and, in fact, in these two states ex-felons can vote via absentee ballot while in prison.
In the nineteen-seventies, three ex-felons in California sued to get back their right to vote. The U.S. Supreme Court, in a majority opinion by Chief Justice Rehnquist, rejected their argument that they are being denied equal protection of the lawsunder the U.S. Constitution (Richardson v. Ramirez 418 U.S. 24(1974)).
Moreover, under many state laws, landlords, community colleges and universities, student loan creditors and social welfare agencies can outright reject ex-felons.
Is it enough to affect the prospect of an honest election? According to the Sentencing Project, 5.85 million Americans are currently denied their right to vote. Furthermore, the institutional racism of the school-to-prison pipeline results in one of every thirteen African-Americans being denied their right to vote. With such racial bias, it is no wonder that we have such under-representation of many groups by our elected officials.
Additionally, the results of 2000 and all the negative consequences of 8 years under President Bush could have been entirely different had ex-felons not faced such discrimination because Florida is one of the states that has complete felon disenfranchisement.
In 2000, the consulting firm to Florida Secretary of State Kathleen Harris, during the Jeb Bush governorship, somehow confused thousands of names of voters with the names of ex-felons and took away their right to vote. These law-abiding citizens could have more than made up for the 535 vote gap between George W. Bush and Al Gore. Without such voter restriction laws, this farce of a “mix-up” would have never occurred. Neither the consulting company, nor Ms. Harris incurred any penalty for such a portentous tampering.
Studies have shown, not surprisingly, that reducing the isolation of ex-felons by lifting these harsh post-punishment restrictions reduces the recidivism rate. Many states are responding to the obvious and are passing amendments chipping away at these post-prison sanctions with bewildering stratifications of ex-felons and parolees. So there is some progress, especially on the voting ban. (By the way, a blanket ban on voting from prison violates the European Convention on Human Rights.)
But do these state laws, that arbitrarily punish the already punished, even pass the smell test? We are supposed to be a country under the rule of law, which includes what is called “due process.” That means you cannot be punished by the states without procedures that allow you to confront your accusers and defend yourself in open court before judge and jury, with rights of appeal. Remember, the Supreme Court ruled decades ago that if you are poor you must be given an attorney to defend you in criminal cases.
Under the draconian systems of “collateral consequences,” or post-punishment penalties, ex-felons find themselves on one chopping block after another. They may ask – “Why are we being denied, excluded, or deprived, without even a hearing, of rights accorded everyone else after we’ve served our full sentence?”
More constitutional lawyers should test various provisions of the U.S. Constitution as they apply to various restrictions affecting ex-felons. The legislative process, known for being slow and haphazard, cannot adequately rectify the undue burdens of ex-felons who have been stripped of their civil rights.
This issue affects all members of society. It hurts the individuals, their families, and their communities. In addition, it costs the taxpayers more and more money each year to imprison people who fall victim to recidivism. It is not in anyone’s interest to undermine rehabilitative programs and prevent ex-felons from more fully entering society.
Not very smart for a country that thinks so much of itself.

Will Americans Vote for a Democratic Socialist?

Lawrence S. Wittner

The recent announcement by U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders, an avowed “democratic socialist,” that he is running for the Democratic nomination for President raises the question of whether Americans will vote for a candidate with that political orientation.
During the first two decades of the twentieth century, the idea of democratic socialism — democratic control of the economy — had substantial popularity in the United States.  At the time, the Socialist Party of America was a thriving, rapidly-growing political organization, much like its democratic socialist counterparts abroad — the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party, the German Social Democratic Party, the Australian Labor Party, and numerous other rising, working class-based political entities around the world.  In 1912, when the United States had a much smaller population than today, the Socialist Party had 118,000 dues-paying members and drew nearly a million votes for its candidate, Eugene V. Debs, the great labor leader, for President.  (The victor that year was the Democratic candidate, Woodrow Wilson, who drew six million votes.)  Furthermore, the party held 1,200 public offices in 340 cities, including 79 mayors in 24 states.  Socialist administrations were elected in: Minneapolis, Minnesota; Butte, Montana; Flint, Michigan; Schenectady, New York, and in 75 other cities across the country.  In 1912, the Socialist Party claimed 323 English and foreign language publications with a total circulation in excess of two million.
Of course, this socialist surge didn’t last.  The Democratic and the Republican parties, faced with this threat to their political future, turned to supporting progressive agendas — breaking up or regulating giant corporations, curbing corporate abuses, and championing a graduated income tax — that stole the socialists’ thunder.  In addition, after U.S. entry into World War I, an action opposed by the socialists, the federal and state governments moved to crush the Socialist Party — arresting and imprisoning its leaders (including Debs), purging its elected officials, and closing down its publications.  Moreover, one portion of the party, excited by the success of revolutionaries in overthrowing Russia’s Czar and establishing the Soviet Union, broke with the Socialist Party and established Communist rivals.  Co-opted by the mainstream parties, repressed by government, and abandoned by would-be revolutionaries, the Socialist Party never recovered.
Even so, democratic socialism retained a lingering influence in American life.  When a new wave of reform occurred during the New Deal of the 1930s, it included numerous measures advocated and popularized by the Socialist Party:  Social Security; public jobs programs like the WPA; minimum wage laws; maximum hour laws; and a steep tax on the wealthy.  Here and there, although rarely, socialists even secured public office, and Milwaukee voters regularly elected socialist mayors until 1948.  Starting in 1928 and running through the early post-World War II era, Norman Thomas became the attractive, articulate leader of the Socialist Party, and was widely respected among many American liberals and union leaders.
What nearly eliminated the Socialist Party was a combination of New Deal measures (which drew labor and other key constituencies into the Democratic Party) and the public’s identification of Socialism with Communism.  Although, in fact, the American Socialist and Communist parties were bitter rivals — the former championing democratic socialism on the British model and the latter authoritarian socialism on the Soviet model — many Americans, influenced by dire conservative warnings, confused the two.  Particularly during the Cold War, this further undermined the Socialist Party.
In the early 1970s, with the party barely surviving, most democratic socialists decided it was time to reassess their strategy.  They asked:  Did the collapse of the Socialist Party mean that, in the United States, democratic socialism was unpopular, or did it mean that third party voting was unpopular?  After all, large numbers of Americans supported democratic socialist programs, ranging from national healthcare to public education, from public transportation to taxing the rich, from preserving the environment to defending workers’ rights.  What would happen if democratic socialists worked for their programs within the Democratic Party, where the typical constituencies of the world’s democratic socialist parties — unions, racial minorities, women’s rights activists, and environmentalists — were already located?  Led by the party’s titular leader, Michael Harrington, whose book The Other America sparked the War on Poverty of the 1960s, they organized Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and plunged into major social movements and into the Democratic Party.
Although, in the ensuing decades, DSA made little progress toward rebuilding a mass, high profile democratic socialist organization, it did manage to pull thousands of union, racial justice, women’s rights, and environmental activists into its orbit.  DSA also discovered a significant number of leftwing Democratic and, sometimes, independent candidates for office who welcomed its support and occasionally joined it.  Bernie Sanders — an independent who was elected as mayor of Burlington, Vermont’s only Congressman, and a U.S. Senator from Vermont — is certainly one of the most successful of these politicians.  Indeed, in 2012 he won re-election to the Senate with 71 percent of the vote.
But will Americans actually support a democratic socialist in the Democratic Presidential primaries?  Sanders himself has conceded that the odds are heavily against him.  Even so, although a Quinnipiac poll of American voters in late May of this year found him far behind the much better known and better funded Hillary Clinton, his 15 percent of the vote placed him well ahead of all other potential Democratic candidates.  Also, there’s great potential for broadening his support.  The latest poll on Americans’ attitudes toward “socialism,” taken in December 2011, found that 31 percent of respondents had a positive reaction to it.  And what if Americans had been asked about their attitude toward “democratic socialism”?
Consequently, even if Hillary Clinton emerges as the Democratic nominee, as seems likely, a good showing by Sanders could strengthen the democratic socialist current in American life.

United Against Inequality

Justin Akers

McMurdo Station, Antarctica.
The American Spring has begun.
The American Spring is a widespread, multi-faceted movement against inequality. The goal of the American Spring is political and economic revolution. Our methods are as varied as the victims of inequality.
The Bernie Sanders campaign. Fight for $15. Black Lives Matter. Our Wal-Mart. People will respond to injustice and inequality in different ways. We don’t have to choose one movement to be involved in. We can march with Fight for $15 and volunteer for the Sanders Campaign. Someone might vote for Hillary Clinton and be involved in the movement against police brutality. Any movement, any candidate that courageously confronts inequality is valuable.
Inequality affects us all, but it affects us in different ways. One thing that will unite all of us involved in The American Spring is the use of social media to get our message across.
Social media will allow the Bernie Sanders campaign and other movements to flourish on a small budget.
Those of us who support Bernie Sanders believe that his campaign, and his Presidency, will give an enormous boost to the fight against inequality. We may not agree with him on everything, but his views on inequality are so consistent and so strong that we feel compelled to give him our support and our vote. We need an outspoken opponent of inequality in the White House. A victory for Bernie would give us an extraordinary opportunity to powerfully and persistently confront inequality for at least four years, with the President as a trustworthy ally in the fight. Sanders may not be a magic bullet, but if he makes it to The White House we might just have a shot at creating a more equitable society, peacefully, through the political process.
There are critics of Bernie Sanders who feel that his stance on Israel is a deal-breaker. Sanders  believes the Palestinians should have their own state. He is opposed to the Israeli settlements. He boycotted Netanyahu’s speech to congress. Still, some of his critics believe Sanders has not gone far enough to condemn Israeli actions. I respect their opinion. Those who refuse to vote for Sanders because of his views on Israel will continue to fight against inequality in their own manner, according to the dictates of their own conscience. The American Spring is large enough to include millions of different voices.
There are also critics of Sanders who believe that his statements on Baltimore and police brutality were inadequate at best. I hope Sanders will raise his voice against aggressive, militarized policing and police brutality. Militarized, aggressive policing, and the massive police-state this has created, is perhaps the single most hideous expression of inequality in America, and confronting this problem should be our number one priority. If someone feels that Sanders’ failure to adequately address this issue is a deal-breaker, the movement against inequality will not suffer for it. Black Lives Matter is just as important, perhaps more important, than the Sanders campaign.
Some Sanders critics would even refuse to vote for him because of his stance on the F-35 fighter jet being stationed in Vermont. Those critics will undoubtedly continue to take part in the movement against inequality.
Some critics of Sanders say we need to spend our time and energy building alternative parties and movements outside of the corporate-backed two-party system. I agree. We desperately need a Democratic Socialist Party in America and I hope we build one someday. But until we have a Democratic Socialist Party, or some other viable third-party route to the White House, Sanders is the closest thing to a Democratic Socialist candidate that we’ve got.
Some of us feel that voting for anyone but Sanders or a third-party candidate in a general election would be a violation of the dictates of our conscience. We just can’t stomach the idea of voting for the lesser of two evils. In my opinion, this is a valid viewpoint. Even if we can’t bring ourselves to vote for a Corporate Democrat to prevent a Republican victory, we are still a legitimate voice in the movement against inequality.
Unlike the Tea Party, The American Spring is an organic movement that genuinely originates at the grassroots level. That’s why it is such a diverse movement with so many different perspectives. The movement against inequality isn’t funded and orchestrated by billionaires. It begins in the diverse daily lives of millions of people. The American Spring is a reaction to the millions of ways that inequality affects us every day. The millions of people involved in the movement against inequality are not primarily motivated by ideology, we are motivated by a desire for justice in our daily lives.
We are motivated by our desire to live without aggressive, brutal policing in our neighborhoods. We are motivated by a desire to enjoy the benefits of an education without being cursed by a lifetime of student loan debt. We are motivated by the desire to have access to health care without having to pay huge, unaffordable monthly premiums. We are motivated by the desire to have a decent job with a fair wage, not a job that consigns our family to poverty.
We don’t have to pick sides in this movement. We are all on the same side. We are all on the side of justice.

6 Jun 2015

Japanese Government Scholarships for Undergraduate & Masters International Students 2015/2016

Brief description: The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) is offering scholarships to international students who wish to study at Japanese universities as undergraduate and Masters students under the Japanese Government (MEXT) Scholarship Program for 2016.
Eligible Field of Study
Those who wish to study in Japan as an undergraduate student must choose a field of major from (1) or (2) below. Applicants may enter a first, second, and third choice.
(1) Social Sciences and Humanities: Social Sciences and Humanities-A: Laws, Politics, Pedagogy, Sociology, Literature, History, Japanese language, and others. Social Sciences and Humanities-B: Economics and Business Administration.
(2) Natural Sciences: Natural Sciences-A: Science (Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry), Electrical and Electronic Studies (Electronics, Electrical Engineering, Information Engineering), Mechanical Studies  (Mechanical Engineering, Naval Architecture), Civil Engineering and Architecture (Civil Engineering, Architecture, Environmental Engineering), Chemical Studies (Applied Chemistry, Chemical Engineering, Industrial Chemistry, Textile Engineering), and other fields (Metallurgical Engineering, Mining Engineering, Maritime Engineering, Biotechnology). Natural Sciences-B: Agricultural studies (Agriculture, Agricultural Chemistry, Agricultural Engineering, Animal Science, Veterinary Medicine, Forestry, Food Science, Fisheries), Hygienic studies (Pharmacy, Hygienics, Nursing), and Science (Biology). Natural Sciences-C: Medicine, and Dentistry.
For postgraduate, applicants should apply for the field of study they majored in at university or its related field. Moreover, the fields of study must be subjects which applicants will be able to study and research in graduate courses at Japanese universities.
About Scholarship
The Japanese Government’s Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) offers scholarships for academic study in Japan to foreign students interested in deepening their understanding of the Japanese language, Japanese affairs and Japanese culture. The purpose of these scholarships is to promote mutual understanding and deepening friendly ties between Japan and other countries through the application of advanced knowledge regarding Japan’s language and culture.
The deadline of the applications differs according to the country. Please contact with Japanese embassy or consulate general in your country.
Scholarship Offered Since: Not specified
Scholarship Type: Japanese Undergraduate & Masters Scholarship
Selection Criteria and Eligibility
  • Nationality: Applicants must have the nationality of a country that has diplomatic relations with Japan. An applicant who has Japanese nationality at the time of application is not eligible. Selection is conducted at facilities such as the Japanese Embassy /Consulate General (hereinafter “Japanese legation”) located in the country of the applicant’s nationality. (This shall not necessarily be applied in cases where one embassy covers multiple nations.)
  • Health: Applicants must be free from any mental or physical disabilities that would be an impediment to the
    pursuit of university study.

Number of Scholarships: Not specified
Value of Scholarship:
  • -Allowance: The amount of the scholarship disbursement per month has yet to be determined.
  • -Transportation to Japan
  • -Transportation from Japan: The recipient who returns to his/her home country within the fixed period after the expiration of his/her scholarship will be supplied, upon application, with an economy-class airplane ticket for travel from the New Tokyo International Airport or any other international airport that the appointed university usually uses to the international airport nearest to his/her home address
  • -Tuition and Other Fees: Fees for the entrance examination, matriculation, and tuition at universities will be borne by the Japanese Government.
Duration of Scholarship: For undergraduate, the scholarship period will last for five years from April 2016 to March 2021, including the one-year preparatory education in the Japanese language and other subjects due to be provided upon arrival in Japan. For scholarship grantees majoring in medicine, dentistry, veterinary medicine or a six-year course in pharmacy, the scholarship period will be seven years until March 2023.
For postgraduate,  between 18 & 24 months.
Eligible African Countries: Africa: Algeria, Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Cape Verde, Chad, Comoros, Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabonese Republic, Gambia, Ghana, Republic of Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria,Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Zambia, Uganda and Zimbabwe
Other Eligible Countries: See link below for eligible European, Middle East, Asian and other developing countries
To be taken at (country):  Japanese Universities
Application Deadline: The deadline of the applications differs according to the country. For example, deadline for Nigerians is 30 June 2015. Please contact with Japanese embassy or consulate general in your country.
Offered annually? Yes
How to Apply: Visit the general scholarship webpage for details. For country specific details, visit the Japanese embassy website in your country (link above).
Sponsors: The Japanese Government’s Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT)

New Zealand Development Scholarships for African Students 2015/2016

Brief description: New Zealand Aid Programme Scholarships offers the opportunity to people from targeted developing countries to undertake development-related studies at tertiary education institutions in New Zealand
Eligible Fields of study: Subjects that will help with social, economic or political
About Scholarship: The New Zealand Aid Programme, managed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, is the New Zealand Government’s international aid and development programme. Its mission is to support sustainable development in developing countries in order to reduce poverty and contribute to a more secure, equitable and prosperous world. New Zealand Aid Programme Scholarships are for individuals from developing countries who are motivated to make a difference at home. Scholars have the opportunity to study subjects that will help with social, economic or political needs in their own country. The New Zealand Aid Programme is looking for people with strong academic or work skills, and leadership ability or potential.
Scholarship Offered Since: Not Specified
Who is eligibility to apply? Applicants must meet the following conditions to be eligible for a New Zealand Scholarship:
  • Be a minimum of 18 years of age at the time of commencing your scholarship.
  • Be a citizen of the country from which you are applying for a scholarship.
  • Not have citizenship or permanent residence status of New Zealand, Australia, USA, Canada, European Union countries, United Kingdom, Japan, Israel, South Korea, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia. Have resided in your home country for at least two years immediately prior to commencing your scholarship. Have at least 2 years of work experience (part time or fulltime, paid or voluntary).
  • Not be serving military personnel.
  • Be able to satisfy Immigration requirements for international student entry to New Zealand or the country in which you will undertake your scholarship (i.e. medical checks, police clearances/character checks, etc.)
  • Be academically and linguistically able to obtain an Offer of Place for the proposed programme of study from the tertiary institute where you will undertake your scholarship.
  • Not have been previously terminated from a New Zealand Government Scholarship
  • Seek a qualification that will contribute to the sustainable development of your home country
  • Commit to return to your country for a minimum of 2 years at the end of your scholarship.

Number of Scholarship: Several
What are the benefits? New Zealand has first-rate education institutions that offer world-recognised qualifications. Successful applicants will have access to excellent academic knowledge in quality facilities. The scholarships include financial support for tuition, living costs while in New Zealand, and airfares. The partners of students are eligible for a work visa that allows them to live and work in New Zealand for the duration of their partner’s study.
Duration of sponsorship: Scholarship will last for the duration of the postgraduate programme
Eligible African Countries Algeria, Angola, Botswana, Cameroon, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Egypt, Gambia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe
To be taken at (country): New Zealand
Application Deadline: 31 July 2015
Offered annually? Yes
How to Apply Visit the Scholarship Webpage for details
Sponsors: The New Zealand Development Scholarships are funded by the New Zealand Aid Programme, the New Zealand Government’s overseas aid and development programme and managed by the New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (MFAT).

Mexican Government Scholarships for African/International Students 2016

Brief description: Mexican Government Scholarship Program for Foreign Students to study for Bachelors, Masters, PhD degrees etc
Eligible Field of Study: Scholarships are provided to study any one of the courses available at participating Mexican institutions except Business administration, Plastic surgery, accounting, marketing, dentistry and advertising.
About Scholarship
For decades, the Mexican cultural diplomacy has worked in different successful programs, such as the human capital training through scholarships for academic degrees awarding and research work performing in different areas of knowledge.
The Directorate-General for Educational and Cultural Cooperation, through the Academic Exchange Department, designs and manages the Ministry of Foreign Affairs´ Scholarship Program for Foreigners. The scholarships of the Mexican Government present two programs: the scholarship for academic studies and the scholarship for special programs.
The scholarships for academic studies are offered to take complete programs for Specialization, Master´s or PhD Degrees, and Postgraduate Researches. Likewise, the offer includes academic mobility for Bachelor´s and Postgraduate Degree. On the other hand, the scholarships for special programs are offered to take short-term fellowships addressed to Visiting Professors, Researchers in Mexico´s issues, Media Contributors, Art Production Fellowships, etc.
Scholarship Offered Since: Not specified
Scholarship Type: Scholarships for complete programs for Specialization, Bachelor’s, Master’s or PhD Degrees, and Postgraduate Researches including short-term fellowships
Selection Criteria and Eligibility
The scholarships will be awarded on academic excellence.
  • The scholarships for academic studies are offered to take complete programs for Specialization, Master’s or PhD Degrees, and Postgraduate Researches. Likewise, the offer includes academic mobility for Bachelor’s and Postgraduate Degree. On the other hand, the scholarships for special programs are offered Preferred to take short-term fellowships addressed to Visiting Professors, Researchers in Mexico’s issues, Media Contributors, Art Production Fellowships, etc.
  • Candidates cannot be living in Mexico at the time of application.
  • Except in special cases, scholarships cannot begin in November or December.
  • Requests for information and all scholarship applications must be submitted to the Mexican embassy or concurrent embassy of the applicant’s country or to the designated Mexican institution. Only applications that fulfill all of the requirements will be considered.
  • All documents and forms must be in Spanish or submitted with translations into Spanish.
  • Candidates will be informed of the results by the corresponding Mexican embassy or designated Mexican institution.
  • The scholarships are not transferable and cannot be deferred to future years.
Number of Scholarships: Several
Value of Scholarship: -Enrollment fees  and tuition
-Health Insurance
-Transportation from Mexico city to the Host Institution
-Monthly Stipend

Duration of Scholarship: Undergraduate and graduate academic mobility programs- one academic term (quarter, trimester or semester)
-Graduate research and postdoctoral fellowships-12 months (1 month minimum)
-Specialization-1 year
-Master’s degree- 2 Years
-Doctorate- 3 years
-Medical specialties and subspecialties- 3 Years
Eligible Countries
Africa: Algeria ,Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Chad, Comoros, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Malawi, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique, Nambia, Niger, Nigeria, Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Saharawi, Arab Rep., Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe
North America: United States, Canada and Canada / Province of Quebec
Latin America: Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Venezuela)
Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Cuba, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, Puerto Rico (Commonwealth), Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago
Europe: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russian Federation, Serbia, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey and Ukraine)
Asia: Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei, Cambodia, Kingdom of China, People’s Rep., India, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, Korea, Kyrgyzstan, Laos, Democratic Rep., Malaysia, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nepal, North Korea, Pakistan, Islamic Rep. of Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, Thailand, Kingdom of Timor – Leste, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Vietnam and Socialist Rep. of
Pacific: Australia, Cook Islands, Fiji Islands, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Independent State, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu
Middle East: Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestinian National Authority, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Yemen, and
Non-self Governing Territories: American Samoa, Anguilla, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Gibraltar, Guam, Montserrat, New Caledonia, Pitcairn, Saint Helena, Tokelau, Turks and Caicos Islands and United States Virgin Islands
To be taken at (country): Mexico
Application Deadline: Applications for the scholarship will be accepted from April 15 to August 31, 2015
Offered annually? Yes
How to Apply
Visit scholarship webpage for details on how to apply and materials
Sponsors: Mexican Government
Important Notes:
Candidates will be informed of the results by the corresponding Mexican embassy or designated Mexican institution.

IRENA Scholarships by Government of UAE for International Students 2015-2017

Scholarship Name: Irena Scholarship Programme
Brief description: 2015/2017 Government of United Arab Emirates sponsored scholarships for Master of Science at Abu Dhabi based MASDAR Institute of Science and Technology
Accepted Subject Areas: Chemical Engineering, Computing and Information Science, Electrical Power Engineering, Engineering Systems and Management, Materials Science and Engineering, Mechanical Engineering, Microsystems Engineering, Water and Environmental Engineering
About Scholarship
In an effort to promote talented academics, and with the generous support of the Government of the United Arab Emirates, IRENA is awarding up to 20 scholarships at Abu Dhabi based MASDAR Institute of Science and Technology. The Programme extends to the eight Master of Science Programmes offered at MASDAR Institute.
All IRENA scholars are entitled to generous benefits and are offered IRENA’s exclusive Lecture Programme, which will provide IRENA’s scholars with an overview of the current state of renewable energies.
Scholarship Offered Since: Not Specified
Eligibility
Submit your application, if you comply with following MASDAR Institute criteria:
  • Relevant undergraduate degree from a college, university or technical college of acceptable standing in the field of science, engineering or information technology
  • Minimum CGPA required: 3.0 on a scale of 4.0.
  • Competence in spoken and written English. Minimum TOEFL score: 91 (IBT) on the international TOEFL. Minimum academic IELTS score: 6.5.
  • Minimum GRE quantitative score: 700(or 155 on the new scale) .
  • Academic record and credentials must indicate the ability to achieve distinction
And following IRENA criteria:
  • Desired specialisation within the chosen MSc programme.
  • Description of knowledge already acquired in the field of renewable energies and relevant previous professional engagements or experience.
  • In case of equal aptitude, priority access will be given to applicants from Developing Countries.
How Many Scholarship Positions are available? About 20 financial awards will be offered

What are the benefits?
Full financial support is provided to IRENA MSc scholars
Tuition fees, textbooks, laptop, medical insurance, housing, travel expenses are covered by the scholarships. In addition a cost of living allowance is granted to IRENA MSc scholars.
No bond or conditions are attached to the scholarship upon graduation.
IRENA MSc Scholars will benefit from IRENA’s Lecture Programme and a unique direct contact to IRENA experts and their first-hand information on current renewable energy developments.
How long will sponsorship last? Two years Programmes,
Eligible Countries
All countries are eligible to apply with preference to students from developing countries
To be taken at (country): Abu Dhabi based MASDAR Institute of Science and Technology at United Arab Emirate
Application Deadline: The application process for IRENA Scholarship for the academic year 2015-2017 has opened on 1 November 2014 and will close on 31 May 2015 or 15 September 2015
Offered annually? Yes
How can I Apply?
Interested students apply for an IRENA MSc Scholarship directly through MASDAR Institute’s website. Applications have to be submitted electronically. All required proofs and certificates have to be sent to MASDAR Institute. A listing on the required documents can be obtained on MASDAR Institute’s website.
Important: Please indicate in the online application by keying in “IRENA” after your passport number in the relevant field, e.g. 12345678 – IRENA. If this indication is not given, the student will apply for a regular scholarship and not be able to benefit from exclusive IRENA services granted to IRENA MSc scholars.
How can I get more information?
If you need more Information about this scholarship, kindly visit the Scholarship Webpage
Sponsors
Government of the United Arab Emirates
Important Notes:
Applicants for IRENA’s Scholarship Programme, will be admitted in accordance to the academic standards and regulations of Masdar Institute. Out of those who passed, IRENA will select the winning candidates in accordance with additional criteria.