8 Jul 2017

Tübingen-South Africa Joint Scholarship Program for South African Students 2018

Application Timeline:
  • Application Deadline for Stellenbosch University students: 31st August 2017
  • Application Deadline for students from other South African partner universities: 15th September 2017 (Please note that you must be nominated by your home university to be considered.)
  • Departure from South Africa: 7 January 2018 (provisional)
  • Return to South Africa: 28/29/30 January 2018 (provisional)
Eligible Countries: South Africa
To Be Taken At (Country): Germany
About the Award: The Tübingen – South Africa Program is a cultural and language exchange program for South African students aiming to expose them to German culture and language. It also aims to bring about closer ties and understanding between the two countries. Students spend a month in Tübingen in a program designed to provide a broad spectrum of knowledge in a wide variety of subjects, from language to history to economics; as well as factory visits and sightseeing excursions which makes for an exciting month of multi-faceted learning.
Beneficiaries are 19 students from Tübingen’s partner universities:
  • Stellenbosch University
  • University of Cape Town
  • University of Kwazulu-Natal
  • University of Johannesburg
  • University of Witswatersrand
  • Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University
  • University of Botswana
  • Namibia University of Science and Technology
Type: Short Courses/Training
Eligibility: The ideal candidate is someone who is eager to engage in group discussions and enthusiatic about group activities. He or she must also be able to act as a good ambassador for South Africa.
  • Students registered for a full degree in 2017 & 2018
  • Students who are in their second year or later
  • Must have an overall aggregate of 60%
  • Have not yet traveled abroad
  • Must be able to travel to Germany for the month of January 2018
  • Must be a South African citizen OR hold a valid South African study visa for 2017 & 2018 (Not applicable to students from the University of Botswana and Namibia University of Science and Technology.)
  • See also the terms and conditions on the electronic application
Number of Awards: 19
Value of Award: 
  • Successful Stellenbosch University students qualify for a travel bursary to cover their flight expenses.
  • Accommodation in a German host family (including small breakfast)
  • Lunch and dinner during the week at the local student canteen (Mensa)
  • Bus pass for the month of January valid within Tübingen and suburbs
  • Internet access
  • Study material (note pad, pens, etc.)
  • All seminars and classes
  • All expenses related to other accompanying events and activities
  • All expenses related to official excursions & factory tours which includes transport, entrance fees, meals, etc.
  • Extra warm winter wear (if needed)
Duration of Program: 4 weeks
How to Apply: 
  • Stellenbosch University students must complete the application form
  • Students from other South African partner universities must complete the application form
Award Providers: Stellenbosch University, Other South African Universities, Universität Tübingen

UNESCO-Sharjah Prize for Arts and Culture 2017

Application Deadline: 31st August 2017
Offered Annually? Yes
About the Award: With a view to increasing the visibility of this Prize further, UNESCO and the government of Sharjah would like to encourage you to propose qualified candidates who deserve to be rewarded for their literary, scientific or artistic achievements, as well as for their global outreach devoted to promoting Arab culture and its worldwide dissemination – independent of any religious considerations.
Established in 1998, the UNESCO-Sharjah Prize for Arab Culture rewards, each year, two laureates – individuals, groups or institutions – who, through their work and outstanding achievements, endeavour to disseminate greater knowledge of Arab art and culture.
Applicants to the UNESCO-Sharjah Prize for Arab culture must have contributed significantly towards the development, dissemination and the promotion of Arab culture in the world. The winners are chosen by the Director-General of UNESCO, on the recommendation of an international Jury of experts in the field of Arab Culture and having distinguished themselves, over several years, by meritorious actions. Thus, the winners contribute to the promotion of cultural dialogue and the revitalization of Arab culture.
Twenty-two laureates have so far been awarded the Prize (with an amount of US$60 000, divided equally between the two laureates), in recognition of their contribution – in their respective disciplines – to Arab art and culture, or for participating in the dissemination of the latter outside the Arab world. Together, the prize winners have come to represent a new generation of researchers, artists, philosophers, authors and translators with a profound desire to achieve a genuine dialogue between Arab culture and other cultures.
In an era of globalization and profound political and social changes facing the world, this Prize fully meets the values of mutual understanding that is cited in the Constitution of the Organization. By rewarding careers, lives, whose efforts have been to promote a culture to which they own so much, the UNESCO-Sharjah Prize for Arab culture strives to foster a better understanding of other civilizations, thus promoting, or encouraging international exchange. Arab arts and culture have left traces all over the world, not only has the mosaic of cultures in the Arab region benefitted mutually but also cultures far beyond. One cannot find a better tread for cultivating peace.
Type: Contest/Award
Eligibility: The Prize fulfils its fundamental mission in highlighting the core message of the organization by promoting a dialogue among culture, and by rewarding significant contributions made by two eminent personalities, groups of persons or institutions (one from the Arab States and the other from elsewhere) to the development, knowledge and spread of Arab culture by means of artistic, intellectual or promotional outreach aimed at enhancing intercultural dialogue and mutual understanding. Proposed candidates should have earned an international reputation for meritorious action extending over several years.
Taking into account the important contribution of women, please take this opportunity to propose renowned female candidates, to bring a better gender balance to the list of Laureates.
Number of Awards: 2
Value of Award: US$30 000
How to Apply: 
  • The Organization has established a rigorous process for selecting candidates. We encourage you, therefore, to propose the most qualified candidates from your country. You may wish to note that candidatures can be submitted online only.
  • Send an e-mail to the Secretariat of the Prize, prix.sharjah(at)unesco.org; tel.: +33 1 45 68 42 71, with the name and e-mail of the person authorized to submit your nominees on your behalf.
  • The Secretariat will then send all necessary information to the person concerned, notably on how to submit the candidature online. The Secretariat stands ready to respond to any queries you might have.
Award Providers: UNESCO, Government of Sharjah (United Arab Emirates)

Climate Tracker Fellowship (Fully-funded to COP23 in Germany) 2017

Application Deadline: 31st July 2017
Eligible Countries: Participants from all countries are eligible for our #RaiseUParis opportunity.
  • We do have one special set of Countries, and we will DEFINITELY SELECT at least ONE PERSON from the following Countries:
  • Indonesia | The Philippines | India | Ethiopia | Nigeria | Egypt | Bangladesh | Peru | Pakistan | Turkey
  • But we have 4 other spots available for anyone in the world!
To Be Taken At (Country): Germany
About the Award: Climate Tracker is launching its COP23 opportunity, and it is stacked with opportunities and prizes for Trackers from everywhere in the world!
If you want to be part of this incredible transition, it’s time to raise your voice, and join our opportunity for a FULLY FUNDED trip to COP23, in Germany in November.
We will have 3 publishing windows, during which you will have to write at least 1 article about a specific topic. You will have to write at least one article on each topic to be eligible for our prizes. That means at least 3 articles in total:
  • Topic 1 (1July – 31 July): The Clean Energy Revolution
During the first publishing window, we encourage you to: (1) describe the importance of, and the opportunities for, clean energy in your country or region; (2) explain how the fossil fuel industry is having negative impacts on climate change, endangering millions of people, and (3) call out for a higher ambition in executing the well-underway clean energy revolution.
  • Topic 2 (1Aug – 31 Aug): Supporting Climate Finance
To ensure the wellbeing of future societies and to achieve the climate goals that have been set, we have to invest in the future. It’s time to take up responsibility and make sure where our climate money is going.
  • Topic 3 (1 Sep – 30 Sept): Climate and health
Climate change is impacting each and every one of us on a very personal level that many of us don’t even realize, namely our health. With climate action, we have the chance to save millions of lives.
To get started on the first topic, and get some inspiration on how and what to write, we will be sending you a toolkit as soon as you sign up to the competition.
By writing on these topics, you’re eligible to win a spot on our team at COP23 in Bonn. 
After submitting your articles, you are eligible to win a writing fellowship with us. Writing fellows are paid to deliver a certain amount of articles about certain topics. They also receive personalised training by Climate Tracker and get help in refining their publishing skills. It is an amazing opportunity to grow as a writer and to collaborate with the Climate Tracker team.
Type: Fellowship
Eligibility: We encourage young writers from around the world (like yourself) to help us write inspiring stories and to publish them in media, and we will reward five of you with a spot to COP 23 in Germany!
Number of Awards: 5
Value of Award: Fully-funded. Fully-fundedWe will be covering your flight, accommodation, entry into the COP and guidance by the Climate Tracker team. Other prices to win include online writing fellowships, for which you receive a stipend and personal guidance from Climate Tracker to write about climate change issues in your region.
Duration of Program: November 2017
How to Apply: The best writers will be chosen among the applicants by analysing their outreach and writing skills. You can check our rating system for articles here. Writers with the best general score make a chance to one of 5 fully funded fellowships to join us at COP23 in Bonn, Germany, in November.
Award Providers: Climate Trackers

Battlefield Poland

Louis Proyect

In a speech given by Andrzej Wajda to a conference on his work at the University of Lodz in 2001, he spoke about the importance of a national cinema. Given the near-hegemony of Hollywood, one might say that national cinema has seen its day. In the post-WWII period, a number of directors emerged who, paraphrasing Shelly, became the unacknowledged legislators of their nation. Satyajit Ray in India, the Italian neo-realists, Akira Kurosawa in Japan, Ingmar Bergman in Sweden and the French auteurs, all were shaped by their experiences of WWII and their hopes that cinema could help to form a new identity out of the ashes of bombed cities and the mountains of skeletons left behind by the fighting.
For Wajda, the challenge was not just speaking for the hopes of the Polish people but in helping to form a national identity that had been suppressed since the early 1800s. In a subsequent article, I will provide a guide to Wajda’s most important films that are relatively easy to access as Video on Demand (VOD) but in order to make sense of his work, it is essential to preface it with a brief overview of Polish history in order for a left audience to properly grasp the mission Wajda set for himself as a director.
Before there was the modern state of Poland, there was a monarchy made up of the regions that constitute Poland and Lithuania today, a system based on feudal social relations and dominated by landowners. Like all feudal systems that began to decay, an emerging bourgeoisie organized politically in the hopes of creating a parliamentary democracy. In order to preempt such challenges, the aristocrats introduced reforms in order to accomplish what Don Fabrizio Corbera called for in Giovanni Lampedusa’s “The Leopard”: “everything needs to change, so everything can stay the same”.
On May 3, 1791, the monarch approved a constitution granting democratic rights to its citizens, one that was the second in world history after the United States. Appalled by what it considered an outbreak of Jacobinism and a constitution that represented the “contagion of democratic ideas”, the autocratic states surrounding Poland led by Russia invaded the kingdom to avoid a “good example” from spreading. It would not be far-fetched to describe these states as determined to crush Poland in the same way that Reagan was determined to destroy Sandinista Nicaragua. After Russia crushed the weaker Polish forces, the territory was divided up between Russia and its two reactionary allies Prussia and Austria.
In an 1848 speech, Karl Marx paid his respects to the unsuccessful attempt by Krakow revolutionaries to launch a nation-wide revolution two years earlier against the triumvirate and build a democratic republic:
The Krakow revolution has set all of Europe a glorious example, because it identified the question of nationalism with democracy and with the liberation of the oppressed class.
Even though this revolution has been strangled with the bloody hands of paid murderers, it now nevertheless rises gloriously and triumphantly in Switzerland and in Italy. It finds its principles confirmed in Ireland, where O’Connell’s party with its narrowly restricted nationalistic aims has sunk into the grave, and the new national party is pledged above all to reform and democracy.
Again it is Poland that has seized the initiative, and no longer a feudal Poland but a democratic Poland; and from this point on its liberation has become a matter of honor for all the democrats of Europe.
For the most part, Marxists supported nationalist struggles in Poland, Ukraine and Ireland in the 19th and 20th century whether or not they were conducted in the name of socialism. But one of Marxism’s best known thinkers and leaders, Rosa Luxemburg—a Pole herself—rejected Marx. She considered Polish nationalism reactionary and called for a revolution led by Polish and Russian workers but one that put class demands over what might be called “identity politics” today:
From false premises come false conclusions: as if the existence of an independent Poland could deprive Russia of its powers at home or abroad. The restoration of Poland could bring about the downfall of Russian absolutism only if it simultaneously abolished the social basis of the tsardom within Russia itself, i.e., the remains of the old peasant economy and the importance of the tsardom for both the nobility and the bourgeoisie. But of course this is arrant nonsense: it makes no difference – with or without Poland these relations remain unchanged.
It was this sort of logic that led sects like the Spartacist League and the Communist Party to condemn Malcolm X in the 1960s. He was “dividing the working class”.
One hundred and twenty-six years after Russia invaded Poland, it finally achieved national independence in 1918 in the aftermath of WWI in accordance with Woodrow Wilson’s self-determination principles. It also satisfied Lenin’s more class-based understanding of the need for self-determination put forward  just two years earlier: “Russian Socialists who fail to demand freedom of secession for Finland, Poland, the Ukraine, etc., etc.—are behaving like chauvinists, like lackeys of the blood-and-mud-stained imperialist monarchies and the imperialist bourgeoisie.”
Despite Lenin’s laudable insistence on Polish rights, the Red Army invaded Poland in 1920. For those used to seeing the USSR and Lenin as sacrosanct, your first instinct would be to condemn the Poles for having instigated the conflict. Marxist scholar Paul Kellogg has an analysis that is based on historical evidence rather than knee-jerk loyalty to the hammer-and-sickle as presented in a 2013 article titled “Substitutionism versus Self-emancipation: The Theory of the Offensive, the Russo-Polish War of 1920 and the German March Action of 1921”.
In the Comintern conference of 1920, the Communist leaders decided that an invasion of Poland might spark a revolution in Germany. They assumed that the Red Flag would inspire the oppressed Polish peasants to throw roses in their path as they advanced toward Prussia. Kellogg explains why things went wrong in Poland:
But Poland was not Russia. True, the Polish peasants were oppressed by a rich and corrupt landlord class, just as were the Russian peasants,. But they were also oppressed by Russia, through a long history of invasions and occupations. The relation of Poland to Russia was analogous to that of Ireland to Great Britain, Quebec to English Canada, the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) to the United States. The Polish people were an oppressed nation within the prison-house of nations that had been Tsarist Russia. An army of Russian peasants was not going to be greeted as a liberation army any more than would be a British army in Ireland, an English Canadian army in Quebec, or an 18th-century U.S. army in Haudenosaunee territory in what is today New York state.
Not only did the Comintern misread what they could expect in Poland, the Red Army made the fatal mistake of allowing a notorious anti-Semite to lead their invasion, one Mikhail Tukhachevsky who once said, “The Jews … are a low race. I don’t even speak of the dangers they create in my country.” Not only was the top officer an anti-Semite, many of the rank-and-file troops were peasants who retained age-old prejudices from the Czarist past. Completely isolated in Poland, the Red Army suffered major losses that forced it to retreat back to Russian soil. On the way home, the demoralized regiments carried out pogroms against the Jews who they considered their enemy. Some estimates place Russian losses at more than 200,000. Just as bad, and maybe even worse, the Red Flag became associated with the Czarist takeover of Polish soil going back to 1792.
Until his death in 1935, Poland was ruled by Józef Piłsudski, a one-time member of the Socialist Party who had evolved into a military dictator by the 1920s. But his ties to the left were extensive. In 1905, during the Russian revolutionary uprising against Czarism, he led the Socialists in a general strike in Poland that involved 400,000 workers and lasted two months. At that time, he might have been considered a neo-Jacobin of the sort that Marx had hailed in his 1848 speech—a leader who fused socialism and revolutionary nationalism.
As a result of commanding Polish detachments in WWI against Russia, Pilsudski began to abandon his socialist beliefs and operated much more as a warlord. However, socialism remained a strong force in the newly independent country, so much so that the first government passed legislation long associated with Pilsudski’s former comrades: the eight-hour day, free school education, and women’s suffrage.
According to Wikipedia, in one of his first meetings with his former comrades, Pilsudski announced his conversion:
The day after his arrival in Warsaw, he met with old colleagues from underground days, who addressed him socialist-style as “Comrade” (“Towarzysz”) and asked his support for their revolutionary policies; he refused it and answered: “Comrades, I took the red streetcar of socialism to the stop called Independence, and that’s where I got off. You may keep on to the final stop if you wish, but from now on let’s address each other as ‘Mister’.
Like the rest of Europe in the 1920s, Poland was wracked by conflicts between left and right that were exacerbated by economic distress. Alarmed by the assassination of Poland’s leftist head of state in 1922 by rightwing militants, Pilsudski—who had learned that he was next on their list—came to power in a coup in 1926 that was supported by the left. Whatever support he had earned initially rapidly evaporated as he began to function much more as an autocrat as the 1930s wore on. By the time of his death, he was deeply unpopular.
Four years later, in August 1939, Joachim von Ribbentrop of Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia’s Vyacheslav Molotov signed a Non-Aggression Pact that in and of itself did not violate socialist principles. Indeed, Poland itself had signed such a pact with Hitler in 1934. Considering the appalling treatment of its colonial subjects, the British empire was in no position to lecture the Communists. But unbeknownst to the world, the two parties had a secret protocol that divided up Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland and Romania into German and Soviet spheres of influence. If many in the Stalinist left had stood fervently behind their idol’s brutal forced industrialization as necessary to ward off a Nazi invasion, they probably might have been a bit troubled by Molotov’s speech to the Supreme Soviet on October 31, 1939 but not enough to lose any sleep:
… A short blow at Poland from the German Army, followed by one from the Red Army was enough to reduce to nothing this monster child of the Treaty of Versailles… . One may like or dislike Hitlerism, but every sane person will understand that that ideology cannot be destroyed by force. It is, therefore, not only nonsensical, but also criminal to pursue a war for the destruction of Hitlerism.
Just a month later, when the ink on the pact had hardly dried, Hitler and Stalin invaded Poland with the intention of diving the country into half. For those on the left who still admire Stalin and find Putin nearly as fetching, it is customary to deny that there was an invasion. They argue that the Nazi invasion had led to the dissolution of the Polish state and hence justified the Soviet invasion to create a buffer against Germany. Since the USSR invaded Poland only 16 days after Nazi Germany did, it is doubtful that the collapse of the Polish state prompted Stalin to take action. Furthermore, after WWII the secret protocols were revealed to the world and made clear that Stalin and Hitler were co-conspirators in the destruction of the Polish nation:
“In the event of a territorial and political rearrangement of the areas belonging to the Polish state, the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. shall be bounded approximately by the line of the rivers Narev, Vistula and San.”
Given what we know about how Russians lived in the late 1930s in a system dominated by secret police, show trials and gulags, it is no surprise that the Soviet half of Poland got the same treatment but in spades—a function of Great Russian chauvinism that persisted under Stalin.
Between 1939 and 1941, hundreds of thousands of Polish citizens—deemed as potential threats to Soviet law and order in its newly absorbed territory—were sent to Siberia and put to death. Control over the restive population was coordinated between the two occupying powers in a series of Gestapo–NKVD conferences that met until Hitler invaded the USSR.
Some Poles, particularly those on the left, initially welcomed the Soviet occupation since it ostensibly would legitimize attacks on Pilsudski’s bureaucrats who had imposed austerity and repression on them in previous years. Their hopes were soon dashed when they discovered that the NKVD was interested in total submission to the new regime and little else, especially rebellious acts carried out in the name of communism.
The USSR considered all service to the Polish state prior to September 1939 as counter-revolutionary. This meant that Polish military officers were considered unredeemable enemies of the state. So it was not surprising that the Soviet secret police systematically shot and killed 21,768 Polish military officers and other perceived as traitors such as university professors and physicians in the Katyn forest about 220 miles southwest of Moscow.
After the Nazis invaded Soviet Russia, they discovered the mass graves and blamed Stalin. Meanwhile, Stalin blamed the Nazis as did all Soviet leaders until 1990 when Mikhail Gorbachev admitted that the NKVD was guilty and identified two other burial sites where mass executions took place: Mednoye and Piatykhatky.
Among those who died at Katyn was a cavalry officer named Jakub Wajda, the father of the director whose most important films I will be reviewing in my next article.

Nuclear Weapons: Barbaric Tools of Insecurity

Graham Peebles

The existence of nuclear weapons is an ugly symbol of the violent consciousness that plagues humanity. Despite tremendous technological advancements, developments in health care and wonders of creative expression, little of note has changed in humanity’s collective consciousness: Tribalism, idealism and selfish desire persist, negative tendencies that under the pervasive socio-economic systems are exacerbated and encouraged. People and nations are set in competition with one another, separation and mistrust is fed, leading to disharmony, fear and conflict.
Such engineered insecurity is used as justification for nations to maintain a military force, and in the case of the world’s nuclear powers, arm themselves with weapons that, if used, would destroy all life, human and sub-human alike. Despite this, unlike biological and chemical weapons, landmines and cluster munitions, possession of nuclear weapons is not prohibited under international law, although launching them would, according to CND, breach a plethora of conventions and declarations.
Sustainable security is not created through threats and the cultivation of fear, but by building relationships, cooperating and establishing trust. As long as nuclear weapons exist there is a risk of them being used, of an accident – and there have been many close shaves since 1948 – and subsequent annihilation. As the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICANW) rightly states, “Prohibiting and completely eliminating nuclear weapons is the only guarantee against their use.” The rational thing to do is to move towards a nuclear free world and with some urgency; this necessarily entails the nuclear powers disarming, either unilaterally or bilaterally. Someone has to begin the process; by taking the moral initiative others will be under pressure to follow, whereas, as former US Secretary of State George Shultz put it, “proliferation begets proliferation.”
Clearing the world of these monstrous machines would not only be a major step in safeguarding humanity and the planet, it would represent a triumph of humane principles of goodness — peace, unity, cooperation — over hate, suspicion and discord.
There can be little doubt that the vast majority of people and nations in the world would like nuclear weapons to be decommissioned, it is the Governments of some of the most powerful countries that stand as obstacles to common-sense and progress: Corporate-State governments motivated not by a burning desire to help create a peaceful world at ease with itself, but driven by self-interest, pressure from financial investors and the demands of the arms-industry.
Towards the end of 2016, the United Nations general assembly adopted a landmark resolution to begin to “negotiate a legally binding instrument to prohibit nuclear weapons, leading towards their total elimination.” Talks began in February this year, when the first leg of a two stage conference was held in New York; 123 nations voted to outlaw them, while the nine nuclear powers (USA, China, France, Britain, Russia, India, Pakistan, Israel and North Korea), rather predictably stood in opposition to a ban and voted against the proposal, as did nuclear host and alliance countries such as Belgium, Italy, Croatia and Norway, among others: Shame on them all. These obstructive governments do not represent the wishes of their populations, their motives are corrupt, their actions irresponsible.
It’s interesting to note that the countries that possess nuclear weapons seem to believe it’s fine for them to have these tools of destruction, but not for other nations, particularly those that have a different world view. Between them, these nine nations boast around 15,000 nuclear weapons; America and Russia own 93% of the total of which some 1,800 are reportedly kept on ‘high-alert status’, meaning they can be launched within minutes. Just one of these warheads, if detonated on a large city, could kill millions of people, with the effects persisting for decades.
Modern nuclear weapons are a great deal smaller and many times more powerful than the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, which, far from ending the war, was completely unnecessary, and caused death and destruction on a scale hitherto unseen. As Admiral William D. Leahy, the highest-ranking member of the U.S. military at the time wrote in his memoirs, the atomic bomb “was of no material assistance” against Japan, because “the Japanese were already defeated.” General Dwight D. Eisenhower echoed this view, saying, “Japan was at the moment seeking some way to surrender with minimum loss of ‘face’. It wasn’t necessary to hit them with that awful thing.” In dropping the bombs, Leahy said, the U.S. “had adopted an ethical standard common to the barbarians of the Dark Ages. I was not taught to make war in that fashion, and wars cannot be won by destroying women and children.”
False, Expensive Logic
The perverse attitude surrounding the possession of nuclear weapons was evident during the UK election campaign when Jeremy Corbyn – a lifelong peace activist and co-founder of the Stop the War Campaign – was repeatedly criticized by the right-wing media (including the BBC), Conservative politicians and manipulated members of the public, for refusing to say whether he would, or would not launch a nuclear attack. He met such irrational hypotheticals with composure and suppressed irritation, saying that he would do all he could to avert conflict in the first place and that every effort should be made to rid the world of these ultimate weapons of mass destruction.
He is right and should be applauded for taking such a sane, common-sense approach, but the collective imagination has been poisoned to such a degree that advocating peace, and engaging in dialogue with one’s enemies is regarded as a sign of weakness, whereas sabre rattling and intransigence are hailed as displays of strength.
In addition to the rick of human and planetary death, the financial costs of producing, maintaining and developing these instruments of terror is staggering and diverts resources from areas of real need – health care, education, dealing with the environmental catastrophe, and eradicating hunger. Globally, ICAN reports that the “annual expenditure on nuclear weapons is estimated at USD 105 Billion – or $12 million an hour. Unsurprisingly America spends the largest amount by far; equivalent in fact to the other eight nuclear-armed nations combined. Between 2010 and 2018 the US will spend at least $179 billion and probably more, while 50 million of its citizens live in grinding poverty.
In 2002 the World Bank forecast that “an annual investment of just US$40–60 billion, or roughly half the amount currently spent on nuclear weapons, would be enough to meet the internationally agreed Millennium Development Goals on poverty alleviation by the target date of 2015.” But the powerful and tooled up prefer to invest in an arsenal of total destruction. It makes no sense; it is another example of the insanity that surrounds us.
The irrational political choice of maintaining a nuclear arsenal is justified by duplicitous politicians as a means of establishing of peace; it is they claim, a necessary deterrent against aggression. This is not only dishonest, it is totally false logic: far from making the world a safer place, the very possession of nuclear weapons by any one country allows for and encourages there proliferation, thereby increasing the risk of them being used, or accidentally detonated.
If retaining nuclear weapons is not to deter would be invaders what is the reason for the massive financial investment and the dangers that are inherent in patrolling the Earth with these weapons of total destruction?
National image and bravado, the men with the biggest sticks ruling the roost, sitting around the UN Security Council (a remnant of the past that should be scrapped altogether) is, no doubt, one factor, but the primary reason why the nuclear powers consistently block moves to rid the world of these killing machines lies in the world of business. The companies and financial investors involved in developing, manufacturing and maintaining the weapons as well as trading in related technology, parts or services do not want to see an end to the cash cow of nuclear indulgence.
In its detailed report Don’t Bank on the Bomb ICAN relates that in America, Britain, India and France private companies are given contracts worth billions of USD to develop “new, more useable, and more destabilizing nuclear weapons.” In Russia, China, Pakistan and North Korea this work is done by government agencies, where no doubt corruption is rife. Financial institutions, including high-street banks and insurance companies, are investing in companies involved in manufacturing and maintaining nuclear weapons; such organizations should reveal their investments and be boycotted by the public. I would go further and say that investment in firms connected with making these abominations should be illegal.
If peace is the collective objective, nuclear weapons must be regarded as a major obstacle and those connected in their construction, including investors, seen as collaborators in the creation of an atmosphere of mistrust and conflict, facilitators of fear and insecurity. The contemporary threats to national security come not from potential armed invasion, but from terrorism, cyber-security issues, poverty and the environmental catastrophe – which, unless drastic steps are taken, will result in an unprecedented worldwide refugee crisis. In the light of such threats, nuclear weapons as a so-called deterrent are irrelevant.
Peace will not be established by ever-larger arsenals of nuclear weapons held by more and more nations, it will be built on a firm foundation of trust, and as Pope Francis has said “on the protection of creation, and the participation of all in public life,” as well as “access to education and health, on dialogue and solidarity.” It is by negating the causes of conflict that peace will be allowed to flourish. Such causes are rooted in social injustice, community divisions, prejudice and discrimination, competition and inequality, and must be countered by demonstrations of tolerance, the cultivation of cooperation and expression of compassion.

7 Jul 2017

UNICEF Report: Class Divide Endangers Children in Rich Countries, Including US

W.T. Whitney Jr.

Report Card 14,” released June 15 by the United Nations’ Children’s Fund (UNICEF), shows that many children in well-resourced nations are developing poorly and are vulnerable. The document is the latest in a series of periodic reports issued by UNICEF’s Office of Research on the performances of economically advanced countries in securing the rights of children. The current title is: “Building the Future: Children and the Sustainable Development Goals in Rich Countries,”
UNICEF established its research arm in 1988 in order “to help facilitate full implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child.” The United States is the only nation in the world that hasn’t ratified the Convention, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1989.
This recent UNICEF survey ranks the performance of 41 countries belonging to the European Union, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, or both. The United States shows up near or at the bottom among rankings in various categories.
Report Card 14 is of interest here for the documentation it provides of disadvantage weighing on children of working-class and marginalized families living in capitalist societies.
The report’s author, Chris Brazier, utilized nine of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) elaborated by the United Nations in 2015, particularly those “with most direct relevance to the well-being of children in high-income settings [and to] income and wealth, health and educational opportunity.” He indicates that the SDGs generally “represent an ambitious effort to set a global agenda for development that is both equitable and sustainable, in social, economic and environmental terms.” They bring attention to “the consequences of wealth accumulation by the richest.”
SGDs are one set of tools used in UNICEF’s Report Card for assessing whether or not wealthy societies are meeting the needs of children. The other is a conglomeration of dozens of “indicators” of their success or not in meeting particular SDGs. The indicators utilize data from 2014 and 2015.
The SDGs and indicators appearing here are those selected specifically for pointing to outcomes for children that vary according to their social class. In fact, Report Card 14 presents information covering a wide range of childhood experience, not all of it having to do with class differences. As a result, many of the SDGs and indicators found in the Report Card aren’t mentioned here.
One method for presenting the survey’s results was to evaluate the progress of individual countries in terms of specific SDGs and to do so through an assigned rating reflecting the combined findings from relevant indicators. Those results are displayed in a listing that extends both above and below the average country performance for the indicator. Here is what some of the performances look like:
The other way Report Card 14 displays its findings is by ranking performance of the countries as signaled by individual indicators, expressed as percentages or rates. Again, performances are recorded as ranking above or below average performances by the countries. What with data for an indicator not always being available, some rankings don’t include all 41 countries. Examples follow of countries ranked according to single indicators:
One indicator relating to “End Poverty” is “Relative [family] Income.” It’s the percentage of children 17 years of age or younger living in households with incomes less than 60 percent of their country’s median income. The average for all countries is 21 percent. Denmark is tops at 9.2 percent. The United States ranks in 35th place with a percentage of 29.4 percent.
Another such indicator is “Percentage of reduction in childhood poverty as the result of “social transfers.”  The country average is 37.5 percent, Finland’s 66 percent is the most favorable, and the United States is in 32nd place (of 37) with 18 percent. “Social transfers” include taxation for reducing inequalities and provision of benefits.
The indicator “Percentage of children 15 years old or younger living with a food – insecure family” relates to the “End Hunger” SDG.  The country average for this indicator is 12.7 percent; Japan, the most favorable, stands at 1.4 percent; and the United States ranks in 36thplace with 19.6 percent.
The indicator designated as “Neonatal Mortality” relates to the SDG “Ensure Healthy Lives.” The neonatal mortality rate is the number of infants per 1000 births who die in their first 28 days. The country average is 2.8 deaths. Japan’s rate is the most favorable at 0.9 deaths. The United States lags in 32nd place (of 36) with 4.0 deaths.
One indicator for the “Reducing Inequality” SDG is the ratio of income share of the top 10 percent and bottom 40 percent of the population in income distribution. The country average is 1.17. Iceland surpasses at 0.70 percent. The United States places 35th with 1.64.
Another indicator for the same goal is: “the relative gap between the median income and that of the bottom 10 percent of households with children.” The country average is 51.2 percent. Iceland exceeds all at 34.2 percent. The United States places 30th with 58.9 percent.
One of the indicators for the SDG “Ensure Education” is revealing.  Its designation is: “percentage of children under 15 years of age achieving basic learning proficiency.” The country average performance is only 68.6 percent. Estonia is in first place with 83.1 percent, and the United States ranks in 26th place (out of 38) with 66.4 percent.
The indicator “Child murder rate” (age 0-19), associated with the SGD “Promote Peaceful and Inclusive Society,” also deserves a look. The country average is 0.65 child murders per 100,000 persons. No Maltese children were murdered in 2015 and in second – place Luxemburg’s rate was 0.01. The United States registered 2.6 murders, ranking 36th among 37 countries.
Commentary is in order. Report Card 14 says little about racial oppression of children, particularly in the United States.  Here are some facts.  Reflecting varying criteria, estimates of the poverty rate for all U. S. children range from 21 percent (according to kidscount.org) to 29.4 percent, as per Report Card 14. But 36 percent of African American children, 0 – 18 years of age, live in poverty. And, the infant mortality rate (number of infants dying in their first year, per 1000 live births) for all U. S. babies in 2015 was 5.9 – 25th place in the world; for African-American babies the figure was 11.4.
The UNICEF report’s most important conclusion for us is that a sizable portion of children in well-resourced nations are deprived, neglected, or endangered. They belong to the single social class of people who work or who are marginalized.
Evidence for their class identification lies in the documentation the Report Card provides of families being subjected to scanty income, hunger, violence, flimsy health care, and poor schooling for children. Affected children live in capitalist societies where profiteering and protecting the status quo come first. Their fate is no accident.
In theory the working class has a mission of anti-capitalistic struggle. Children, however, can’t engage very well. So who speaks and acts for them?
Adult family members and left-leaning political organizations are their proxy warriors. But these parties may have priorities far – removed from those of children. Importantly, children are not little adults; their task of personal development often requires repair measures applying to them as individuals. But any rescue effort has to encompass all endangered children, together. The need arises, therefore, for new thinking.
Preparation for political struggle ideally begins in childhood with education, good health, and emulation of any self-confidence, resilience, and optimism displayed by adult family members.  But under stressful conditions like those portrayed in this survey, adults may be distracted, fearful, out of money, isolated, and/or fixated on short-term survival. Incapacitation of children fits with the priorities of those in charge, as they plan their future.
The essential need now is for advocates for children to confront power-brokers and to lead. Maybe the time is right for parents and especially women, and women as mothers, to assert themselves. Children are with women, and women know the realities of children’s lives. They are used to defending their own rights and those of children. Together these rights make up a lion’s share of social and economic rights generally.
Maybe, after all, the U. S. anarchy of tasking individuals or squabbling over this or that single issue isn’t necessary. What if there were one political party offering a whole program of reform – including children’s rights – and an alternative to capitalist rule? Powerful social-democratic political parties – and strong labor movements – have long held forth in those European countries receiving high marks in Report Card 14. They may not have brought about basic change but they did force into existence reforms providing for people’s survival needs. Children were included.

The Destructive Power Trips of Amazon’s Boss

Ralph Nader

For his smallish stature, Amazon Boss Jeff Bezos has a booming, uproarious laugh. Unleashed during workdays, its sonic burst startles people, given it comes from as harsh and driven a taskmaster as exists on the stage of corporate giantism.
Is Bezos’s outward giddiness a worrisome reflection of what Bezos is feeling on the inside? Is he laughing at all of us?
Is Bezos laughing at the tax collectors, having avoided paying  most states’ sales taxes for years on all the billions of books he sold online, thereby giving him an immediate 6 to 9 percent price advantage over brick-and-mortar bookstores, that also paid property taxes to support local schools and public facilities? That, and being an early online bookseller, gave Bezos his crucial foothold, along with other forms of tax avoidance that big companies utilize.
Is Bezos laughing at the bureaucratic labor unions, that somehow can’t get a new handle on organizing the tens of thousands of exploited blue collar workers crying for help in Amazon warehouses and other stress-driven installations? With a net-worth over $80 billion, why should he worry?
Is Bezos laughing at the giant retailers, who are closing hundreds of stores because their thin margins cannot withstand Amazon’s predatory pricing?
Is Bezos laughing at the Justice Department’s Antitrust Division which, before Trump, was studying how old antitrust laws could be used to challenge monopolizing Molochs such as Amazon in the 21stcentury? It is time for antitrust officials to explore  new regulatory actions and modern legislation to deal with today’s conglomerates.
Is Bezos laughing at Main Street, USA which he is in the process of hollowing out; along with nearby shopping malls who can’t figure out how to supersede the convenience of online shopping with convivial ground shopping experience?
Is Bezos laughing at Walmart, bestirring itself, which is starting to feel like giant Sears Roebuck did before Walmart’s relentless practices caught up and crushed what is now a shrunken, fragile Sears?
Is Bezos laughing at the United States Postal Service, to which he has given – for the time being – much business for shipping Amazon’s packages? Bezos has no intention of this being a long term arrangement. Imagine Amazon with its own fleet of driverless vehicles and drones. Amazon is already using part-time workers to deliver its wares.
Is Bezos laughing at the Washington Post, which he bought for a song in 2014 while he was holding down a large contract with the CIA and other government agencies?
Is Bezos laughing at Alibaba, the huge (bigger than Amazon) Chinese online seller that is trying but failing to get a toehold in the US market? It is hard to match Amazon’s ruthlessness on its home turf. Is Bezos laughing at people’s manipulated susceptibility for convenience, hooking them with $99 a year for free shipping? Ordering from their computer or cell phone for speedy delivery to sedentary living, Amazon’s customers are robbed of the experience of actively going to local businesses where they can personally engage with others, get offered on the spot bargains and build relationships for all kinds of social, civic and charitable activities.
Is Bezos laughing at many millions of Amazon customers who think temporary discounts and minor shipping convenience can make up for the billions of tax dollars Amazon has learned to avoid and the thousands of small business competitors whose closures shrink the local property tax base that supports schools and other essential public services?
As Amazon spreads around the world selling everything and  squeezing other businesses that use its platform, is Bezos laughing at humanity? His ultimate objective seems to preside over a mega-trillion dollar global juggernaut that is largely automated, except for that man at the top with the booming laugh who rules over the means by which we consume everything from goods, to media, to groceries. Crushing competitors, history shows, is leads to raising prices by monopolizers.
Consumers, workers and retailers alike must be on higher alert and address this growing threat. You have nothing to lose except Bezos’s tightening algorithmic chains. To start the conversation, you can wait for Franklin Foer’s new book out this September, titled World Without a Mind: The Existential Threat of Big Tech. Until then, a good substitute is his 2014 article in The New Republic, Amazon Must be Stopped.