12 Oct 2017

Burma: Pogroms continue against Rohingya Muslims

John Roberts 

The Burmese (Myanmar) government’s bogus claims that the “cleansing operations” against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine state ended on September 5 are refuted by the ongoing flight of tens of thousands of refugees and clear evidence of intensifying attacks by the military and Burmese nationalist thugs.
The government alleges that the million plus Rohingya in Burma, many of whom have lived in the Arakan region for generations, are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and has subjected them to decades of blatant discrimination.
At least 520,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since the Burmese military began its operations on August 25, supposedly in response to minor attacks on security posts by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). The real aim of the country’s military, with the full collaboration of Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD) government, is to drive the Rohingya out of Burma.
In early September, military chief General Min Aung Hlaing told a parade that the “Bengali” (Rohingya) problem was a long-standing one and “an unfinished job.” The generals have ruled the country from 1964, until a power sharing arrangement with the NLD in 2011. Now they have decided to exploit the “democratic” veneer provided by the NLD to finish the “job”.
United Nations and international aid groups estimate that about 20,000 Rohingya have been forced to leave the county in the last 10–14 days. The Organisation for Migration puts the figure at 2,000 per day currently.
On September 28, UN spokesman Farhan Haq told the media that the number of Rohingya now in Bangladesh, including those who had fled Burma since 2012, is now “well over 700,000” and increasing.
At the same time, UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres warned that the ongoing and “systematic violence” against the Rohingya could result in “spillover” into central Rakhine. This would mean, he said, that another 250,000 Rohingya could be displaced.
In fact, a Reuters report published this week indicated that Buddhist monks and nationalist thugs are stepping up their attacks against these Rohingya. Ashin Saromani, a Buddhist monk from the central town of Myebon, told the news agency that vigilante committees had blocked all “communication with the Muslims.”
Rohingya residents said they were being cut off from essential supplies in the town and other areas where these racist committees have been established.
In 2012 nearly 200 Rohingya were killed and 140,000 displaced by communalist attacks. Three thousand of those displaced that year are currently living in an overcrowded camp in Myebon. Dependant on international aid, the camp is now surrounded by thousands of hostile Arkansese Buddhists. According to Reuters, one Arkanese woman who ignored the ban to sell goods to the Muslims was dealt with by a mob who branded her as a “national traitor.”
On October 6, United Nations humanitarian office chief Mark Lowcock in Geneva demanded “unhindered and unfettered” access to the now closed-off area of north Rakhine. He told the media that a small UN team had visited the area and witnessed “unimaginable” suffering.
Last Sunday an overloaded boat carrying 100 Rohingya attempting to flee the increasing violence sank in the Naf River, which separates Burma from Bangladesh. Eleven people were rescued on the Bangladesh side with an unknown number drowned. It was the latest of many such incidents.
Last week the Australian Broadcasting Corporation broadcast video from the cordoned off Rakhine. The footage, which the state-funded network stated was from reliable sources, showed bodies exhumed from mud in Gu-Dar Pyin village. It refutes claims by Suu Kyi that Burmese security forces had ended their campaign on September 5. The program included video allegedly showing security forces and vigilantes burning Muslim homes in Maungdaw on October 5.
The sheer size of the humanitarian disaster and its destabilising effect across the entire region are forcing the international backers of Suu Kyi and the NLD belatedly issue limited criticisms. Plans are reportedly being drawn up by the US and European Union to impose targeted sanctions against certain Burmese military leaders, whilst taking care not to push the regime towards China for further economic and political support.
Danish minister for development cooperation Ulla Tornaes told the media on Monday that Copenhagen wants Burma discussed at the EU Foreign Ministers' Council meeting on October 16, and “further pressure [put] on the (Burmese) military.”
Two US officials informed Reuters that the Trump administration is considering sanctions against Hlaing and other Burmese generals and Buddhist militia leaders. This could include US asset freezes, travel bans and business restrictions.
One official said that Washington wanted a plan for Burma in place before the US president’s November 3–14 trip to Asia. Trump will visit Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam and the Philippines and attend both the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Vietnam and the Association of South East Asian Nations in the Philippines.
Significantly, no sanctions are planned against Suu Kyi and her ministers despite the fact that she gave the green light for the ethnic cleansing and acted as an apologist for the military’s atrocities. The US regards Suu Kyi as an essential political asset in its efforts to strengthen its position in Burma and undermine Chinese influence.
China is also manoeuvring. Its major projects underway in Burma including, the energy corridor and Kyaukphyu seaport on the Bay of Bengal, are under threat by the ongoing crisis in Rahine. While Beijing has supported Burma’s “security operation,” it has offered relief supplies to Bangladesh and to mediate between Bangladesh and Burma.

Saudi Arabia pivots to Russia

Jean Shaoul 

Last week, the aging and ailing King Salman undertook a first-ever visit by a Saudi monarch to Russia, accompanied by a massive 1,000-strong entourage of business executives.
Russian President Vladimir Putin pulled out all the stops to impress his guests, mobilising the leaders of Russia’s Muslims—from Chechnya, Ingushetia, Tatarstan and Bashkortostan—who have business and other connections with the kingdom, to greet him.
Salman and Putin signed more than 15 cooperation agreements worth billions of dollars covering oil, petrochemicals, military and space exploration. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated that the visit marked the moment when Saudi-Russian relations “reached a new qualitative level.”
Salam’s four-day visit comes just months after President Donald Trump flew to Riyadh as part of his first overseas visit. Trump lavished praise on the arch-reactionary monarch and stressed their close strategic cooperation on regional political issues, above all in the struggle against Iran, Saudi Arabia’s regional rival.
The visit to Moscow thus marks a turning point in Middle East politics and the operation of the world oil markets. It testifies to Russia’s increasing influence in the Middle East, and Riyadh’s tacit acceptance of the Syrian regime of President Bashar al-Assad in Syria, whom Saudi Arabia, along with the CIA, the Gulf States and Turkey, has sought to overthrow at vast expense.
The king is seeking to shore up his own tottering regime by stabilising the price of oil, securing investment in Saudi Arabia, reducing Riyadh’s dependency on US imperialism, and winning Moscow’s support in countering the rise of Iran, the kingdom’s main regional rival.
This follows the sharp fall in oil prices over the last three years that has led to acute political, economic and social tensions within Saudi Arabia, threatening stability. While oil prices have risen this year to around $56 a barrel, they are still around half the level they were in mid-2014 when they provided 90 percent of state revenues.
This has been met with a series of austerity measures, the introduction of a value-added tax and plans to privatise part of state-owned oil giant Saudi Aramco, along with airports, electricity, water, transport, retail, schools and health care.
Riyadh is keen to extend the agreement to curb oil production and increase prices reached with Moscow in January. Energy Minister Khalid Al-Falih said that the January agreement “had breathed life back into OPEC [Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries].” He added, “The success of this collaboration is clear.”
While Russia is not a member of OPEC, it too needs an increase in oil prices to support its ailing economy.
The move to stabilise oil prices and reduce the fiscal deficit, expected to reach $53 billion in 2017, also serves to ensure a higher valuation for Saudi Aramco.
Saudi Arabia and Russia also plan to set up a $1 billion fund to invest in energy projects. These could include the provision of drilling services in Saudi Arabia, a joint venture with Russia’s Novatek to produce liquefied natural gas (LNG) in Russia, and cooperation between Saudi Aramco, Saudi Basic Industries Corp. (SABIC) and Russia’s biggest petrochemical firm, Sibur, to build petrochemical plants in the two countries.
They also agreed to invest $100 million in transport projects in Russia via the Russian sovereign wealth fund and Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund.
Crucially, the Saudis announced they would purchase the Russian S-400 surface to air missile system at a cost of $3 billion—making them the second US ally after Turkey to purchase Russian weaponry. They also agreed to buy Russia’s Kornet-EM anti-tank guided missile systems, TOS-1A heavy flamethrowers, AGS-30 automatic grenade launchers and Kalashnikov AK-103 assault rifles.
Moscow in turn agreed to help Riyadh develop its own military industries and “transfer the technology and localise the manufacturing and sustainment of these armament systems.” The details of these agreements are to be thrashed out at a Russian-Saudi meeting later in October.
The king met Russian Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu, along with Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov, to discuss “the bilateral military cooperation and the broader security situation in the Middle East.” Saudi Arabia has played a leading role in inciting Islamist militants against the Russian-backed Chechen government.
Salman’s visit to Russia unfolds amid worsening relations between Washington and the kingdom that has—since 1945—constituted an essential prop of US imperialism and a bulwark of reaction and repression. The US-led interventions in Iraq, Libya and Syria to assert Washington’s hegemony over the Middle East and North Africa’s vast energy resources have destabilised the entire region, threatening Saudi Arabia.
Riyadh’s relations with Washington became strained following the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, which served to strengthen Tehran’s influence by removing Saddam Hussein’s largely Sunni-based regime and installing the Shi’ite majority in power. Riyadh sought to undermine the newly installed Iraqi regime through direct or covert military interventions, the use of Islamist fighters as proxies, and economic aid.
Relations deteriorated further following the US’s failure to sustain its support for Hosni Mubarak against the Egyptian masses in 2011.
Tensions increased following the Obama administration’s subsequent pragmatic manoeuvrings, including the retreat on its promise to intervene decisively in the war to overthrow Bashar al-Assad in Syria in 2013—allowing Russia to intervene to shore up the regime—and its deal with Iran in 2015.
While Riyadh hoped that relations would improve under Trump, who is opposed to Obama’s deal with Iran, insisting that Iran poses a security threat to the region, it is taking no chances. The Islamophobic rhetoric of Trump and some of his inner circle and the call for Saudi Arabia to be included in his travel ban, since 15 of the 19 hijackers in the 9/11 terror attacks were from the kingdom, have raised hackles among the ruling clique. In addition, 800 families of 9/11 victims and 1,500 first responders, along with others who suffered as a result of the attacks, have filed a lawsuit against Saudi Arabia over its alleged complicity in the 2001 terror attacks.
Trump’s visit to Riyadh in May sought to mend relations and cement a broader alliance against Tehran, with a $110 billion arms sale to the kingdom and an option to purchase $350 billion worth of weapons over the next 10 years, to support “the long-term security of Saudi Arabia and the entire Gulf region” against Iran. But the Trump administration’s failure to give the Saudis unequivocal support in its dispute with Qatar further soured relations.
The House of Saud faces increasing discontent over the lack of jobs for the country’s predominantly youthful population—two thirds are under 30 years of age—and strife in the predominantly Shia Eastern Province, the centre of the kingdom’s oil production.
Last month, the authorities arrested dozens of people, including influential clerics, in a coordinated crackdown on dissent. Many of those detained were opposed to the 32-year-old Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman’s bellicose foreign policy that includes the genocidal war against Yemen, its southern neighbour, and the blockade of Qatar, as well as his austerity measures, subsidy cuts and privatisation of state assets.

Growth to rise but wages continue to fall, says IMF

Nick Beams 

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) upgraded its forecast for global growth in its latest World Economic Outlook report, issued on Tuesday. It is clear from the report itself, however, that the situation facing workers around the world is worsening, not improving.
The IMF predicts that global growth this year will be 3.6 percent, and 3.7 percent next year. In both cases, this is 0.1 percent above previous forecasts, and well above the 3.2 percent for 2016. The world economy has not grown this fast since the temporary recovery of 2010 following the recession of 2008–2009.
According to IMF chief economist Maurice Obstfeld, the “really good news” was the increase was not a bounce back from a sharp deceleration, but an “acceleration from the fairly tepid growth rates of recent years.”
Setting out the IMF’s policy agenda at its annual meeting in Washington this week, Obstfeld wrote that the current acceleration was notable because it was broad-based and this offered a “global environment of opportunity” for policies to “raise economic resilience in the future.”
Within this upbeat assessment, however, he noted that the “recovery” was “still incomplete in many important respects” and the window for action provided by the current “cyclical upswing” would not be open forever.
The use of the term “cyclical” is significant because it indicates that economic conditions have not returned to those that prevailed in the years before the global financial crisis of 2008–2009.
On the growth data, the report said that in the advanced economies per capita growth was projected to be only 1.4 percent annually during 2017–2022, compared with 2.2 percent in 1996–2005. Moreover, the IMF projects that 43 emerging market and developing economies will grow even less in per capita terms than the advanced economies over the next five years.
Obstfeld said the recovery was “incomplete,” with low-income commodity-exporting countries facing “challenges.” Nearly a quarter of emerging market and developing economies were expected to have negative per capita growth rates for 2017, a situation he described as a “sobering outlook.”
Another area of concern was trade growth, which was barely above the rate of economic growth, compared to before the financial crisis, when it was double the rate of increase in global output.
Furthermore, Obstfeld noted, “predicted longer-run potential growth rates are lower than they were in the past.”
The main area of “incompleteness” of the “recovery” was wages growth, which remained low. “This wage sluggishness follows many years during which median real incomes grew much more slowly than incomes at the top, or even stagnated,” Obstfeld wrote.
The IMF is clearly concerned that this phenomenon has significant social consequences. Higher income and wealth inequalities were fueling “political disenchantment and scepticism about the gains from globalisation.”
The IMF devoted a chapter of its World Economic Outlook to examining the reasons for the continuing low growth in wages. They were bound up with far-reaching changes in the nature of labour markets in the major economies, including the growth of involuntary part-time employment, the spread of “zero hours” contracts and the rise of casualisation.
The report began by pointing out that “nominal wage growth in most advanced economies remains markedly lower than it was before the Great Recession of 2008–2009.”
Wage growth would continue to remain subdued “until involuntary part-time employment diminishes or trend productivity growth picks up.”
Neither is about to take place. Productivity levels remain persistently below pre-crisis rates in all major economies and the imposition of “flexible” employment conditions is increasing.
The report noted that “involuntary part-time employment (workers employed fewer than 30 hours a week who report they would like longer hours)” remained above 2007 levels in three-quarters of the countries surveyed.
The IMF pointed to the growth of “zero hours contracts” in the UK, with similar arrangements in countries such as Australia and Canada. If these contracts are not a feature in the US, it is only because such arrangements have long been a feature of the labour market there.
The report underscored the fact that headline unemployment rates are now virtually useless as a guide to judging the level of “slack” in the labour market, noting that for virtually all advanced economies nominal wages growth remained below pre-recession levels. This was “particularly notable for economies where unemployment rates have declined relatively rapidly and are now close to or below pre-Great Recession ranges.”
The fall in wages is not a recent development but part of a longer-term trend. At its meeting last April, the IMF produced an analysis pointing to the decline in the labour share of income over the past 30 years.
In that report it noted: “Labour’s share of income declines when wages grow more slowly than productivity, or the amount of output per hour worked. The result is that a growing fraction of productivity gains has been going to capital. And since capital tends to be concentrated in the upper ends of income distribution, falling income shares are likely to raise income inequality.”
In the advanced economies, that report found labour income shares had been trending down since the 1980s and were now 4 percent lower than they were in 1970. With global gross domestic product estimated to be around $75 trillion, wage payments are some $3 trillion lower than they would have been had the previous share been maintained.
The 2008 financial crisis did not create the downward movement of wages and the labour share of income. It has significantly accelerated the trend, however, bringing about a structural transformation of the labour market. In other words, the new situation is not a conjunctural downturn, after which there will be a return to what was once regarded as normal.
The Financial Times, one of the leading mouthpieces for finance capital, said in an editorial on the IMF report: “Wage growth has been one area in which normality has definitely not returned. The first step is to acknowledge that the old world has vanished.”

Schäuble calls for the continuation of austerity policies in Germany and Europe

Peter Schwarz

German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble is using his last days in office to call for his austerity policies to be made permanent. The 75-year-old Christian Democratic Union (CDU) politician is set to resign in the next few days because he will be elected as president of the Bundestag (federal parliament) on October 24. This week, however, Schäuble will be meeting all those who have a say in international monetary and financial policy.
Schäuble, who, like no other politician, stands for German arrogance and a ruthless cuts policy in the interest of the rich, and who has ruined the lives of millions, wants to ensure that this course continues after his departure as finance minister. And he is finding much support for this.
On Monday, Schäuble met with the finance ministers of the euro zone in Luxembourg, and on Wednesday he attended the anniversary of the International Monetary Fund in Washington, where, alongside ministers and central bank officials from 189 member states, many powerful figures from the banking and financial sectors meet. Two press conferences, as well as numerous bilateral meetings are planned.
In Luxembourg, Schäuble was praised in the highest tones by his 18 colleagues. “We will miss him,” said Eurogroup chief Jeroen Dijsselbloem. “He was a great colleague for each of us, he gave advice, sometimes asked for, sometimes unasked for. He has always put the long-term interests of a stable Eurozone in first place.”
Italian Finance Minister Pier Carlo Padoan described Schäuble as a “great finance minister”. French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire called him “a great European”, who had “played a major role in the development of the European community.”
Amidst the exuberant praise, the fact that Schäuble, who is considered arrogant and cynical, finally resigned after eight years in office met with some relief, even though the admiration for his harsh attitude in enforcing unpopular austerity measures is genuine in ruling class circles. The brutal attacks on the working class with which Schäuble’s name is synonymous, especially in Greece, will determine the European agenda even after his resignation.
Schäuble, who was born in southern Germany in 1942, joined the reactionary Young Union in 1961, at a time when most young people were moving to the left. In 1972, he was elected to the Bundestag for the CDU. In 1984, he became a minister and headed Helmut Kohl’s chancellery.
In 1990, as interior minister, Schäuble negotiated the agreement on the dissolution of the German Democratic Republic (GDR, former East Germany), or rather, he dictated it, as the CDU’s puppets were sitting at the negotiating table on the GDR side. The devastating consequences of reunification—the decommissioning of East German industry or selling it off for a pittance, the resulting mass unemployment—were largely due to Schäuble.
As interior minister—an office he held under Helmut Kohl from 1989 to 1991 and under Angela Merkel from 2005 to 2009—Schäuble advocated a repressive policy of the strong state. He wanted to deploy the Bundeswehr (armed forces) at home, and demanded a corresponding amendment to the constitution; among other things, the Bundeswehr should be given the authority to shoot down civilian aircraft in terrorist cases. He opposed parliamentary scrutiny of the secret services and advocated the abolition of fundamental rights for “terrorists.” He also proposed the use of statements obtained under torture in the investigatory work of the security authorities.
Legal professional associations accuse him of sacrificing fundamental rights on the altar of supposed security interests; of leading a “frontal attack on the constitution,” and arousing fears among the population in order “to create acceptance for far reaching powers for the security authorities.”
Schäuble found his real calling when he became finance minister in 2009. The previous year, the criminal speculation of the banks had driven the world financial system to the brink of collapse, and his predecessor, Social Democrat Peer Steinbrück, had “rescued” them with billions from the public purse. Schäuble then began to recoup these billions from the working class. Above all in Greece, Portugal, Spain and other heavily indebted countries, he imposed a policy of social devastation such as Europe had only previously experienced in wartime.
Schäuble seemed to derive an almost sadistic pleasure in dictating one austerity package after another to the Greek government in night after night of negotiations, which decimated the livelihoods of the population, deprived millions of older people of their hard-earned pensions, and destroyed any perspective for the future of a generation of young people, while the “aid credits” were paid directly into the coffers of the international banks.
In Germany, Schäuble insisted on a balanced budget. While the infrastructure collapsed, health care and provisions for the elderly were bled dry, the shortage of teachers grew unbearable, and wages and pensions sank, he boasted for four years about the so-called “black zero” (balanced budget).
The praise that Schäuble now receives on the international and national stage shows that the great majority of the ruling class supports this policy. Schäuble himself has urged a tightening of austerity policy in a long interview with the Financial Times .
At his last meeting with the euro finance ministers on Monday, Schäuble brought with him a “bad gift” ( Die Welt ), a working paper from his ministry suggesting that the euro rescue fund (ESM) be expanded into a European Monetary Fund that would support budgetary policies and the observance of debt limits by members of the euro zone, and which would enjoy far-reaching powers of control.
In this way, Schäuble wants to disempower the European Commission, which in his opinion is subject to too much political influence, and replace it with an institution immune to social pressures and which subjects all of Europe to the financial diktats of Germany.
His paper is also directed against the European plans of French President Emmanuel Macron. The latter has the support of Schäuble when he attacks the social gains of the working class in France, but not if he calls for the establishment of a EU finance minister with his own budget for the euro zone.
“Less nation-state, more Europe, according to his [Macron’s] ideas,” writes Die Zeit. “Schäuble wants more power for a European control body following German thinking. But it should be less subordinate to the unloved commission than the national governments.”
These contradictions are likely to intensify if a coalition of the CDU/CSU with the Greens and the Free Democratic Party (FDP) comes about in Germany and the new finance minister comes from the FDP. The FDP rejects not only Macron’s but also Schäuble’s plans. It wants to abolish the euro rescue fund, which was set up in 2012 to overcome the financial crisis, and to prevent any financial equalisation among the euro countries.
What the future German government will ultimately look like is not yet clear. However, one thing is certain: it will not only continue Schäuble’s austerity course but will also follow the motto “Germany first” and intensify national contradictions in Europe.

Spain moves toward military rule in Catalonia

Alex Lantier

In a menacing speech to the Spanish Congress on Wednesday, Popular Party (PP) Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy stated that, in response to Catalan regional Premier Carles Puigdemont’s speech affirming the October 1 independence referendum, he was preparing to invoke Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution. This provision allows Madrid to suspend the authority of the Catalan regional government and seize control of the region’s finances and administration.
With the Spanish media discussing the invocation of Article 116 to impose a state of emergency or state of siege, it is clear that Rajoy is moving rapidly to establish military rule not only in Catalonia, but across all of Spain.
Army sources told El País Wednesday morning that they are preparing to move into Catalonia and crush any opposition from sections of the 17,000-strong Catalan regional police, the Mossos d'Esquadra, or civilians loyal to the Catalan nationalist parties. Under the attack plan, code-named Cota de Malla(Chain Mail), the army will back police and Guardia Civil operations in Catalonia. It will march significant forces into the region to support two units already there—a motorized infantry battalion in Barcelona and an armored battalion in Sant Climent Sescebes.
This plan has been in preparation for a considerable period of time, according to El País. It was nearly invoked by Rajoy after the August 17 terror attack in Barcelona.
Rajoy is acting with the full support of the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) and on the basis of clear signals from the Podemos party that it will not oppose moves towards military dictatorship.
In his own speech on Tuesday, Puigdemont suspended his declaration of independence in a desperate bid to open talks with Rajoy. But the Madrid political establishment is rapidly falling in line behind the government’s hard-line rejection of talks and plans for mass repression.
Earlier on Wednesday, Rajoy made a brief public statement demanding that Puigdemont clarify whether Catalan independence had in fact been declared. In a letter to Barcelona, Rajoy said he was requesting clarification in order to prepare the invocation of Article 155. He gave Puigdemont until October 19 to reply.
PSOE General Secretary Pedro Sánchez, a self-styled “left” within the party, hailed Rajoy’s initial statement. “We agree with the premier's request for clarification, to clear up the swamp in which Premier Puigdemont has placed Catalan politics,” Sánchez said. Asked whether this meant that Madrid was activating Article 155, he replied: “Of course, it is obvious that we are activating it.”
Amid rumors of plans for a PP-PSOE government of national unity, Sánchez indicated that the PSOE would work with the PP on plans to rewrite the Spanish Constitution.
Speaking to the Congress at 4 pm on Wednesday, Rajoy launched a violent denunciation of Puigdemont and a full-throated defense of the Spanish police’s brutal crackdown on Catalans peacefully seeking to cast votes in the October 1 referendum. Stating that Puigdemont’s reply on October 19 would determine future events, Rajoy made clear that he would accept nothing less than total surrender from Puigdemont as the basis for opening talks.
“No result of this illegal and fraudulent [October 1] referendum can be taken as grounds for justifying any action, much less the independence of Catalonia,” Rajoy said.
Rajoy felt compelled to refute accusations that he was refusing dialogue, insisting that since conflicts emerged in 2012 over European Union (EU) bank bailouts and austerity, he had negotiated continuously with Barcelona. He blamed the failure to reach a deal on the fact that the Catalan government “decided to throw themselves into the arms of the most anti-system and far-left party,” by which he meant the petty-bourgeois nationalist Candidatures of Popular Unity (CUP).
Denouncing the October 1 referendum as a “coup against our model of conviviality,” he insisted that the PP response—a bloody police assault on polling places and thousands of voters across Catalonia that horrified people around the world—was “proportional.” In a moment that captured the class content of the entire session of Congress, Rajoy’s praise of the Guardia Civilcrackdown evoked sustained and thunderous applause from the deputies.
Calling Puigdemont’s position a “disloyal way of trying to declare independence,” Rajoy indicated that if mediation began, it would be directed to his efforts to rewrite the Constitution. Citing the need for social peace, diversity and Catalan sentiment as a “mestizo” identity, Rajoy brought his address to a close by hailing nationalist protests for Spanish unity that have been held in a number of Spanish cities. In several of these protests, fascist organizations, including the Falange of the late fascist dictator Francisco Franco, were active.
Rajoy also enjoys the full support of the major EU powers. After statements earlier this week by French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel in support of Rajoy, German Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel again backed Rajoy yesterday. Calling Puigdemont's independence declaration “irresponsible,” he said, “A solution can be found only on the basis of the rule of law and in the context of the Spanish Constitution.”
The statements of the Spanish army, Rajoy, the PSOE and the EU must be taken by the working class as an urgent warning. Plans for a return to authoritarian rule are well advanced, not only in Spain, but across Europe, where politicians support Rajoy because they are preparing similar measures in their own countries.
Workers must oppose plans for military rule and demand the withdrawal of troops and police from Catalonia, but this can be done only in revolutionary opposition to the entire ruling establishment, including its nominally “left” components.
While the immediate target of Rajoy’s crackdown is Catalonia, the broader target is the working class of Spain and Europe. After a quarter century of escalating austerity and imperialist war since the Stalinist dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, European capitalism is in an advanced state of collapse. A decade of deep austerity since the 2008 Wall Street crash has left large swathes of the continent’s economy in tatters, tens of millions of workers unemployed, and social inequality at explosive and unsustainable levels.
Class tensions are reaching extreme levels incompatible with democratic forms of rule. France is under a two-year state of emergency while Germany has recently seen the election of its first fascistic parliamentarians since the end of the Nazi regime. Now the Madrid establishment is rapidly and violently swinging behind Rajoy’s weak minority government, confirming that while Franco is dead, the class forces that underlay his regime survived Spain’s 1978 Transition to parliamentary democracy. They are again pressing for authoritarian rule.
The critical task is the political unification and mobilization of the Spanish and European working class in struggle against the rehabilitation of fascism and military dictatorship, and for socialism. This underscores the bankruptcy of the Catalan nationalist parties. They support the EU, have long overseen pro-austerity governments in Barcelona, and advance a pro-capitalist program of national separation that divides the working class.
Puigdemont’s Democratic European Party of Catalonia (PdeCat) responded yesterday evening by dismissing Rajoy’s remarks and repeating that Catalonia had won the right to declare independence. Calling Madrid’s invocation of Article 155 a “major error,” PdeCat spokesman Carles Campuzano asked Rajoy to accept Puigdemont's offer of talks. “Take this opportunity,” he said, “it may be the last chance we all have to reach a solution that is good for everyone.”
The response of the PSOE and Podemos parliamentary group leaders to Rajoy’s speech shows that his crackdown faces no opposition in the political establishment. Their comments, amid a looming danger of military crackdown and a state of siege in Spain, constitute a historic marker of the bankruptcy of what for decades has passed for the Spanish “left.”
PSOE fraction leader Margarita Robles began by declaring herself in full agreement with Rajoy’s speech and hailing the 1978 Constitution Rajoy is now using to tip Spain towards military rule. “We have always been a state party, a party of government, a party that fought for modernity for this country,” she said, adding, “We will continue our role as a state party defending the constitution.”
Podemos General Secretary Pablo Iglesias showed that while Podemos may have received 5 million votes in the last election, it is incapable of mobilizing any opposition to the bourgeoisie and its dictatorial agenda. In a repugnant display of cowardice and cynicism, Iglesias engaged in a friendly chat with Rajoy. Even as the right-wing premier was preparing to send in the army to carry out a bloody crackdown in Catalonia, Iglesias treated him as a democrat, appealing to him to respect Spain’s linguistic diversity.
Addressing Rajoy directly in the Congress, Iglesias said, “Today is not a day for polemics. I want to reflect with you. Your group represents 7.9 million Spaniards… You have received PSOE, Ciudadanos support and I congratulate you.”
While he criticized Rajoy for using the Catalan crisis “to defend your party banner,” Iglesias added, “You know you have to live with the pluri-nationality of the state.”

11 Oct 2017

Irish Aid Fellowships for Study in Ireland (Fully-funded) 2018/2019

Application Deadline: Varying by Country
Offered annually? Yes 
Eligible Countries: Cambodia, Ethiopia, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Mozambique, Myanmar, Palestine, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, Vietnam, Zambia, Zimbabwe.
Fields of Study: Relevant Masters programmes in Ireland and regionally.  A directory listing suitable courses for study in Ireland is available to applicants, covering programmes in up to 12 subject areas.
Before finalising your course choices and submitting your application, please confirm with the relevant Irish Embassy that they remain fully satisfied that the courses you have chosen from the Irish Aid Directory of Eligible Postgraduate Courses accord with the Embassy’s country priorities. Embassy contact details are available below.
About the Award: Irish Aid Fellowships are awarded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and are targeted mainly at the countries in which Ireland has established development cooperation programmes. The Fellowship Training Programme was Irish Aid’s first scholarship programme, begun in 1974. Since that time, it has brought suitably qualified candidates from developing countries to undertake Masters degrees at universities and colleges in Ireland, with further students supported for similar courses in their own region.
Awards are made in fields such as development studies, rural development, health care, education and law with the aim of supporting and enhancing the contribution recipients can make to Irish Aid’s partner organisations. Fellowship eligibility requirements aim to ensure close alignment with Irish Aid’s programmatic approach.
Selection: Irish Aid Partners initiate the selection process.  They are required to put forward a gender-balanced panel of candidates and a good representation of the Civil Society.  Candidates working in disadvantaged regions of the country are given priority. These candidates are then entered into the final competition of the Fellowship Training Programme together with candidates from other Irish Aid Partner Countries.
EligibilityTo be eligible, applicants must
  • be a citizen of one of Irish Aid’s partner countries (i.e. Ethiopia, Malawi, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, Vietnam and Zambia), or of Cambodia, Kenya, Liberia, Palestine, Myanmar, Rwanda or Zimbabwe.
  • be resident in that country.
  • have achieved the necessary academic standard to be accepted onto a Master’s degree course in a higher education institution in Ireland or within their own region.
  • be able to demonstrate a strong commitment to the development of their home country.
  • have identified relevant college courses in a higher education institution in Ireland or within their own region. For study in Ireland, you must select courses from the Irish Aid Directory of Eligible Postgraduate Courses
  • be applying to commence a new qualification and not be seeking funding for a course they have already commenced or which will begin before fellowship awards have been notified.
  • be able to take up the fellowship in the academic year 2018/2019.
  • provide a letter of reference from their employer and a completed Employer Endorsement Form.
For study in Ireland, applicants must also
  • be able to demonstrate skills in academic English by achieving an appropriate score on a recognised test (IELTS 6.5)
  • contact the Irish Embassy to confirm that the courses they have chosen from the Directory of Postgraduate Courses accord with the Embassy’s priorities in their country (see contact information below).
Number of Awards: Not Specified
Value of Award: The scholarship award covers course fees, required flights, accommodation (for out of country study), monthly allowances, insurance and other incidental expenses. Eligible Masters programmes in Ireland commence in the period August to September each year and, depending on the course, scholarships will run for between 10 and 16 months.

How to Apply
The Application Form and Directory of Postgraduate Courses are both available for download in the Scholarship Webpage Link below.
Applicants from Tanzania should email TanzaniaFellowships@dfa.ie to request the list of courses they are eligible to apply for.
Award Provider: Irish Government

African Students For Liberty Local Coordinators Program 2018

Application Deadline: 9th November 2017
Eligible Countries: African countries
About the Award: The African Students For Liberty Local Coordinators Program is the premier program for actively advancing the ideas of free markets and individual liberty on college & campuses around Africa. The Local Coordinators are the face of liberty in their campuses, they are the muscle of the movement, empowering students in their areas to defend the ideas of liberty. This local program seeks to identify and develop strong student leaders to spread the ideas of individual liberty, self-reliance and economic freedom by starting new student groups, organizing events to promote these ideas, resourcing student groups and identifying and mentoring other vibrant students.
If you are a student in Africa, this is an amazing opportunity for you to join the network of young people whose efforts are constantly changing the world. These young individuals are dedicated to spreading the ideas of human dignity, individual and economic freedom, and the ability to pursue one’s happiness without coercion.
Type: Workshop, Training
Eligibility: 
  • Current post-secondary student or recent graduate (not later than three years)
  • Based in any country in Africa
  • Passionate about the concept of liberty
Selection: After a successful application, you will go through few weeks of online training before you are confirmed as a Local Coordinator.
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award:  The Local Coordinator Program is designed to train an all round leader by imparting skills in areas such as public speaking, professionalism, advocacy, proposal and report writing, effective communication (both verbal and written), event organizing, talent identification and so much more absolutely FREE! The Program seeks to build the student movement for liberty in Africa by educating, developing and empowering the next generation of leaders of liberty.
How to Apply: Click here to apply.
Award Providers: The African Students For Liberty

Rotterdam School of Management Undergraduate Scholarships for International Students 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 31st January 2018
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: The school may give preference to students with one of the following nationalities:
  • Brazilian, Russian, Indian, Chinese, Taiwanese/Korean/Filipino, Indonesian/Vietnamese/Thai, Iranian/Iraqi, Azerbaijani/Georgian, Turkish, African (all countries), Mexican
To be taken at (country): The Netherlands
About the Award: Application for the scholarship is open for prospective IBA students (thus, not currently enrolled students) starting their studies in 2018/2019 from all non-EEA countries, provided they would be charged the non-EEA tuition fee.
Only students who are not recipients of any other scholarships exceeding the amount of 5,000 euro in total in that same academic year can apply for the scholarship.  The RSM Scholarship Committee will determine award recipient(s) on 15 April 2018 and will be informed on 15 April 2018.
Field of Study: Bachelors in IBA (International Business Administration)
Bachelors in IBA (International Business Administration)
Type: Undergraduate
Eligibility: The scholarship will be awarded for the first year of the IBA programme, provided excellence in previous education is proven. As the scholarship will only be awarded for the first year, students should be aware that they will need to have sufficient means to cover the study costs of the second and third year.
Selection Criteria: 
  • Excellence in previous education is proven if the grade point average achieved at secondary school (measured to date) is at least the equivalent of the Dutch grade of 8.0 on the Dutch grading scale 1 – 10. For prospective students who have also attended higher education after secondary education grades obtained in higher education will be considered as well. The RSM Scholarship Committee will decide on the local grade equivalents for the Dutch grade of 8.0 using (a.o.) the grade information included in the Nuffic country modules;
  • You cannot receive any other scholarships exceeding the amount of € 5,000 in total in that same academic year;
  • By accepting this scholarship you agree to assist the RSM Recruitment and Admissions Office in the role of an Ambassador with promotional and support activities for approximately 8 hours per month during the academic year;
  • By accepting this scholarship you agree to start your visa procedure before 1 June 2018. RSM holds the right to cancel your scholarship if you have not started your visa procedure and will offer the scholarship to a student on the scholarship waiting list.
Value of Scholarship: The scholarship takes the form of a tuition waiver
  • The amount of the scholarship for the academic year 2018/2019 is approximately € 6,940;
  • The scholarship will be awarded for the first year of the IBA programme only, provided excellence in previous education is proven;
  • The scholarship will be subtracted from the full non-EEA tuition fee (€ 9,000) before the start of the academic year, enabling you to immediately pay the reduced tuition fee; either at once or in instalments.
Duration of Scholarship: The scholarship will be awarded for the first year of the IBA programme
How to Apply: The first step is to register for the IBA programme in Studielink. (Note that you cannot apply for a scholarship in Studielink). Once you have registered yourself, you will receive a link for our online application form (OLAF). Please upload the scholarship application letter of maximum 1 A4 size page in OLAF including the following:
  • an explanation why you would need a scholarship, comprising a description of your current financial situation;
  • an explanation why you would deserve a scholarship, comprising a description of academic excellence and if applicable other merits;
  • clear financial plan of how you are going to finance year 2 and 3 of the IBA programme;
  • a signed statement indicating that other scholarships awarded do not exceed the amount of € 5,000 in total;
  • if applicable: certified copies of other scholarships granted.
Award Provider: Erasmus University, Netherlands

Sony/Warner Techstars Music Accelerator Program for Music Startups (USD$120,000 Funding) 2018

Application Deadline: 15th October 2017
Eligible Countries: All
To Be Taken At (Country): Los Angeles, USA
About the Award: Techstars makes entrepreneurship more accessible by providing access to capital, guidance, marketing, business development, customer acquisition, employee recruitment, and M&A opportunities.
Type: Entrepreneurship
Eligibility: 
  • technology oriented companies, typically web-based or other software companies. Other companies that don’t quite fit that mold are welcome.
  • Companies that can have national or worldwide reach.
  • Biotechnology companies, restaurants, consultancies, or other local service oriented companies are NOT funded
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award: A $100,000 convertible note is automatically offered to all Techstars companies upon acceptance, in addition to $20,000 in exchange for 6% common stock, plus:
  • Access to Techstars resources for life
  • Acceleration in the Techstars Music program with intense, hands-on mentorship from artists, executives from Techstars Music Member –
  • Companies and the broad music business
  • Connections to the Techstars Network of over 5,000 founders, alumni and mentors globally
  • 400 perks worth over $1,000,000
  • Office space in Los Angeles for the duration of the program
  • Demo Day and other investor connections
  • Equity Back Guarantee, the only one of its kind in the industry
Duration of Program: 3 months
Demo Day: May 3, 2018
How to Apply: Apply Now
Award Providers: Techstars

University of Derby Regional High Achievers African Scholarship for Undergraduate and Masters Students 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 14th January 2018
Eligible Regions: 
  • SE Asia
  • China
  • India
  • North Africa
  • Africa
To Be Taken At (Country): UK
Type: Undergraduate, Masters
Eligibility: 
Undergraduate courses:
  • IELTS: 6.0 (with a minimum of 5.5 in all areas).
  • Pearson Test of Academic English: 51
  • Cambridge English Scale: B2
  • London Tests of English: we accept level 4 for undergraduate courses
  • International GCE O Level English Language: Grade C
  • International GCSE English or English as a Second Language: Grade C.
Postgraduate courses:
  • IELTS: 6.5 (with a minimum of 5.5 in all areas).
  • Pearson Test of Academic English: 51
  • Cambridge English Scale: B2
  • London Tests of English: we accept level 5 for postgraduate courses
  • International GCE O Level English Language: Grade C
  • International GCSE English or English as a Second Language: Grade C.
Number of Awards:
  • Undergraduate: 5
  • Masters: 5
Value of Award:
  • Undergraduate: £3,000
  • Masters: £3,000
How to Apply: These scholarships are available to apply for once you have received an offer on a course from the University.
Award Providers: University of Derby
Important Notes:  Please note that any applications received after the deadline cannot be accepted and this offer may not be used with any other promotion.

Euromena Award for Innovative African Startups (€10,000 Funding) 2018

Application Deadline: 6th February 2018
Eligible Countries: African countries
To Be Taken At (Country): Abidjan, Ivory Coast
About the Award: Start-ups initiatives have been proliferating worldwide and Africa shows huge potential for innovation and disruptions. Euromena team is composed of entrepreneurs who have been working in the region for years. The Awards represent an opportunity to celebrate the richness and strength of African innovation.
Euromena Consulting’s prize is about discovering and bringing to the world the many innovative talents Africa boasts of. Our competition is about creativity, innovation, development and social matter.
Our aim is to reward African start-ups promoting ICT and social development in Africa.
Type: Entrepreneurship
Eligibility: The Euromena Awards are intended for companies or projects:
  • Related to Africa and/or established in the region
  • Operational, or on the verge of launching
  • Innovative projects, with social, economic, environmental and/or societal impact
If you fulfill those conditions, you will find below the application process
Number of Awards: 3
Value of Award: 
  • A €10,000 financial reward will be shared among the 3 candidates shortlisted by the jury. The winner will receive € 5,000, and 3,000 and 2,000 are intended for the 2nd and 3rd laureates, respectively.
  • The winner will receive 6 months support from Euromena Consulting to contribute to its development
  • This includes a customized support for 6 months, adapted to the winner’s needs… (Market studies, Business plan, coaching, etc.).
How to Apply:  
  • Download and fulfill the application form below
  • Gather required elements (project description, business plan, impact on the society, etc.)
  • Send the consolidated file to: Awards@euromenaconsulting.com
Award Providers: Euromena Consulting