12 Oct 2017

Sciences Po Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program for Undergraduate and Graduate Africans to Study in France 2018/2019

Application Deadlines:
  • Undergraduate: 15th February 2018 (midnight)
  • Graduate: 1st February 2018 (midnight)
Offered Annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Africans
To Be Taken At (Country): France
About the Award: Scholarships for the 2018/2019 academic year are awarded in collaboration with a network of partner institutions authorised to nominate candidates.
Sciences Po is the first university in continental Europe to join the Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program. Within this international network, 27 prestigious institutions in Africa, America and Europe are committed to ensuring that all young people, whatever their background, have the same opportunities to get a quality education and fulfil their potential.
Over six years (2017 – 2022), the Scholars Program will fund:
  • 20 scholarships to complete the Sciences Po Bachelor of Arts programme, Africa specialisation
  • 40 scholarships to complete a Master’s programme at one of our seven graduate schools
  • 60 scholarships reserved for Mastercard Foundation Scholars studying at other partner universities and who would like to attend Sciences Po Summer School.
Type: Bachelors, Masters
Eligibility: The scholarships are awarded to students from sub-Saharan African countries with an outstanding academic record and strong leadership potential, but who face financial and other barriers to higher education.
Number of Awards: 120 for a period of 5 years.
  • Undergraduate: 5
  • Graduate: 5
  • Summer School: 12
Value of Award: Thee scholarships cover the full cost of tuition fees at Sciences Po and living costs in France during the study .
As well as funding their studies, Sciences Po will offer scholars a specific suite of resources to ensure they have appropriate academic support and to facilitate their transition from education to employment:
  • An orientation programme and individualised academic advising throughout their studies at Sciences Po
  • A mentor programme offered in collaboration with the Africa Division of Sciences Po Alumni
  • Career guidance and support: an online job platform dedicated to professional opportunities in Africa (internships and first jobs), access to our business incubator and the network of employers and alumni working in Africa, and specific career workshops.
Duration of Program: The scholarships are awarded for a period of three years for the Bachelor’s degree, two years for the Master’s degree and one month for the Summer School.
Award Providers: Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program

Kamal Adham Fellowship for Television and Digital Journalism 2018/2019 – Egypt

Application Deadlines:
  • 1st November 2017
  • 15th April 2018
Offered Annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: All
To Be Taken At (Country): Egypt
Type: Masters
Eligibility: 
  • Open to all nationalities
  • Graduates with a bachelor’s degree from an accredited university
  • Preference is given to graduates of Egyptian public universities and professionals in the broadcasting industry
  • Minimum grade point average of 3.0 or a rating of gayed giddan. Applicants with slightly lower GPA must have sufficient relevant work experience
  • Meet AUC graduate admissions requirements, including submission of AUC graduate application and needed documents
  • Submit an International TOEFL iBT exam score or academic IELTS exam score as per the cut-off scores for AUC graduate admissions
  • Proven interest and achievement in television and digital journalism
  • An interview with the program director is required to assess candidates’ commitment, potential and communication skills
  • To retain the fellowship, the recipient must carry a full course load (nine graduate credits) and maintain a GPA of 3.0 or above
  • Financial need
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award: The fellowship covers:
  • Full or partial tuition coverage for the MA program
  • May cover prerequisite courses and one semester of intensive English language courses as needed
  • Book allowance per semester
  • Student services and activities fees (bus fees)
  • In support of their professional training, fellows are assigned up to 20 hours per week of related academic or technical work
Duration of Program: The fellowship is awarded for two academic years and may cover the intervening summer session when registered for courses.
How to Apply: 
Award Providers: American University of Cairo

Johnson & Johnson WiSTEM2D Scholars Program for Female Leaders in STEM Fields 2018

Application Deadline: 31st October 2017
Eligible Countries: All
About the Award: As a part of Johnson & Johnson‘s commitment to building a diverse WiSTEM2D Community, we are pleased to launch the Johnson & Johnson WiSTEM2D Scholars Program, an award to support women pursuing research in STEM2D.
The J&J WiSTEM2D Scholars Award Program will help develop female leaders and support innovation in the STEM2D disciplines (Science, Technology, Engineering, Math, Manufacturing, Design)  by funding six women at critical points in their research careers through a Scholar’s Award.
The six inaugural awards will be available in 2018 and aim to fund one woman per area of STEM2D concentration in the early career stage where they have concluded their advanced degree training but are not at the level of tenure in their accredited university or design school institution. The early-career support is aimed to be a catalyst for women to become leaders in their organizations and fields. The program will help build a larger pool of highly-trained researchers to meet the growing needs of academia and industry.
The J&J WiSTEM2D Scholars Award Program will play an influential role in achievements made in the areas of STEM2D and the future.
Fields of Study: The eligible STEM²D disciplines are: Science, Technology, Engineering, Math, Manufacturing and Design.
Type: Award
Eligibility: 
  • You must be a woman working in the field(s) of Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics, Manufacturing and Design (STEM2D).
  • You must be an assistant female professor or global equivalent faculty position at the time of application at an accredited academic university, institution or design school.
  • The female scholar should have a minimum degree for the appropriate field:
    • Science; MD, PhD
    • Technology; PhD
    • Engineering; PhD
    • Math; MS, PhD
    • Manufacturing; PhD
    • Design; MA, MS, MDes, MArch, MFA, MLA, PhD
Number of Awards: 6
Value and Duration of Award: The Scholars Award is a 3-year award in the gross amount of $150,000, which will be paid to the University (the “Recipient”) for the benefit of the J&J Scholar and her research, with the understanding that the Recipient will administer the funds. The Scholars Award will be paid in three (3) installments of US $50,000 per year over the 3-year award period, subject to compliance with the terms and conditions of the program’s Agreement.
How to Apply: Apply here
Award Providers: Johnson & Johnson

Green Initiative Fellowship for Innovative Eco-Conscious Solutions 2018

Application Deadline: There is no deadline announcement but as awards are announced in mid-January applications should be submitted no later than November 2017
Eligible Countries: African countries
To be Taken at (country): Nigeria
About the Award: We believe in sharing our experiences and resources with willing hearts that are wired with the sense of achieving social stability and sustainability. The fellowship program will feature funded trainings that will empower applicants towards the procurement of achieving their social intentions for the purpose of sustainability. Stipends will be given to successful applicants.
To be interested in your solution, Green Initiative must first understand why the issue your project will tackle is imperative. Explain to us the problem you want to solve and why it matters.  On a global scale, why is this issue important?
Type: Contests, Fellowship
Eligibility: In order to be eligible for the Green Initiative Fellowship, the applicant must be:
  • Over 18 years old and must be a recent graduate or postgraduate student.
  • Fluent in English and their indigenous language
  • Able to commit a full 35 hour work week to their organization.
  • Open to all countries
Selection Criteria: Qualities sought in the selection of fellows include:
  • Leadership & Resourcefulness
  • Academic record
  • Curiosity
  • Communication skills
  • Integrity and self-discipline
  • Initiative and follow through
  • Ambition
  • Openness to new professional fields
  • Ability to work in groups
  • Interest in environmental sustainability and social change
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award: Successful applicants will receive stipends and funded trainings.
Duration of Program:  12 months
How to Apply: Complete the application including:
  • Your Personal Statement – What has convinced you to apply for the Green Fellowship? What do you hope to benefit from the 12-months fellowship?
  • Your Project Statement – What is your plan for the 6-month period in regards to environmental sustainability. What opportunities and challenges are unique to your project?
  • 2-3 Recommendations – Must be from your teacher, professor or lecturer and can be supplemented with letters from mentors, organisations, faith community and employers
  • Deadline – The national selection process begins in September. Awards are announced in mid-January.
Award Providers: The Green Campus Initiative

The Politics of Mass Incarceration

Valerie Reynoso

The US is currently home to the largest prison population in the world at a staggering 2.3 million incarcerated Americans.  Many believe that mass incarceration will ensure our safety through harsher methods; however, mass incarceration is especially detrimental to communities of color.
Mass Incarceration refers to the growth of the prison population that has increased by 500% within the past thirty years.  The Prison Industrial Complex (PIC) is a term that describes the overlapping interests found in the government and industry through which mechanisms such as surveillance, policing and imprisonment are seen as solutions to economic, social and political issues. The PIC greatly assists in the maintenance of authority of people who get their power through racial and economic privileges.  This prison complex is notorious for being heavily influenced by institutional racism.  These private prisons are substantially beneficial for the prisons, private prison lobbyists and affiliated corporations.
Institutional racism plays a significant role in the perception of nonwhite people.  Stereotypes make people of color more susceptible to mass incarceration. These stigmas distort the way police officers and other officials affiliated with the law perceive and misinterpret Black and brown people and mistreat them, including racial profiling. The dissimilar perceptions of Blacks and whites by police authorities perpetuate differences that advances  institutionalized racism in the US.
The impact that mass incarceration of Blacks in the US includes social, political and economic factors.  Exploitation of nonwhites by the Prison Industrial Complex in the late 20th century and early 21st century (1990s and 2000s-2010s) resulted increased profit of private prisons, a reinforcement of systemic oppression and institutional racism, the racialization of crime and social death.
Private prisons are a billion-dollar industry which exploit prisoners who are predominately Black and non-white Latinx for profit.. These prisons are run by private companies and have been on the rise since the mid-1980s, especially following the crack epidemic during the Reagan administration.  Over half of US states today depend on for-profit prisons im which approximately 90,000 inmates are held each year.
Racial profiling perpetuates white supremacy and the subordination of nonwhite people. For instance, oppressed nationalities living in marginalized communities have unfortunately been receptors of police misconduct and a heavy police presence in their neighborhoods.
Black men are arrested and imprisoned for non-violent offenses at a much higher rate than white men are; meanwhile, violent crimes are generally at an all-time low. Police officers wander about and arrest people in neighborhoods of color more so than white neighborhoods. Black people are disproportionately imprisoned for committing the same crimes that whites .
Policies and legal actions put into place as a result of the war on drugs included mandatory minimum prison sentences and an increase in the number of police in predominately Black communities. Blacks were being arrested and imprisoned for extended periods of time for crimes they may or may not have committed due to the increased presence of police in their neighborhoods. Stigmas of Blacks doing drugs more than whites also played a role in increased arrests of nonwhites. albeit the fact that studies have proven that Blacks and whites commit drug offenses at roughly equal levels.
Human Rights Watch’s “Targeting Blacks: Drug Law Enforcement and Race in the US states that in seven states, 90% of drug offenders sent to prison consist of solely African-Americans.  Sentences for Black and brown are frequently much harsher than sentences for white people for committing the same crime.
The racialization of crime and mass incarceration plays a key role in the systemic oppression of Black people.  The criminal justice system preserves legally enforced racism and segregation, seeing that African-Americans are policed, prosecuted, convicted and marginalized at a much higher rate than white people are.  The PIC backed by systems of institutional racism also consistently ensure that profits continue to be made from the forced labor of incarcerated people and using their convicted crimes to justify this neo-slavery as punishment. Dependence on the criminal justice system and neoliberal colorblindness has also resulted in coded language to describe racialized statistics of accused crime and punishment without needing to explicitly mention race; an instance of this would be the racialized term “welfare queens” coined by Reagan in reference to African-American women and anti-Black stereotypes about them.
Social death—when a certain group of people is out-casted from society—ensures a life filled with detriment for convicts—especially nonwhite convicts.  Although many formerly incarcerated people are able to integrate back into society, the burden they carry of having been a convict has material consequences and is virtually permanent for the rest of their lives.
An end to the war on drugs would significantly reduce the impact of mass incarceration.  Nonviolent drug offenders would be released from prisons, minimizing the prison population, and other measures could be taken to deal with  them and other nonviolent offenders.
More rehab centers can be built and strengthened for addicts that need them, as well as reform programs that assist addicts in overcoming their addictions and/or safely consuming their substances with medical supervision.  A process such as this is used in Portugal, where all drugs are decriminalized and the drug mortality rate is currently among the lowest in the world. Drug abusers must be seen as patients worthy of rehab and assistance as opposed to criminals that should be locked up.
Another potential solution to the devastating effects of mass incarceration is to allow former convicts to be able to vote, receive housing and jobs without being discriminated against because of their criminal record.. These solutions would also assist in removing the stigma of being a convict and would influence our society to be more empathetic of those that were previously incarcerated.

Russian Bots, Corporate Sovereigns, Facebook and the Fall of the Republic

Jonathan Schmitt

So we’re told Russia spent a hundred grand on Facebook ads. Some money into Instagram’s pocket from the Muscovite Bear, too. Leaving aside for the moment the relative paucity of alleged Kremlin social-media-based influence peddling (considered against the billions in Super PAC and dark money spent in the last election cycle), and the fact that to my knowledge nobody has even attempted to concretely demonstrate the Russian state’s role in the purchase of these ads, this newest “foreign meddling” flap does raise some genuine questions about the security of American democratic institutions. But not necessarily those that the pundits and the policymakers want our eyes on.
To combat the “Russian ads,” Senators Amy Klobuchar (Minn.) and Mark R. Warner (Va.) have introduced a bill (which is often what American legislators do when there’s a national security issue, unless, of course, that issue is recurrent, gun-related massacres of U.S. citizens by other, white, U.S. citizens). This bill would essentially demand that social media companies disclose the identity of those who spend more than $10,000 in aggregate for political ads on their respective sites. So far, so good, as this type of oversight already exists for broadcast media, and it seems like extending it to the internet is a no-brainer for a marginally functioning democracy. There’s also a provision in the bill that requires social media outlets make a “reasonable effort” to determine if their political ad buyers are foreign nationals or governments. Again, this seems a matter of course for legislation like this, as it’s already illegal for foreign entities to spend money on U.S. elections. But a problem arises if you stop to consider what actually defines foreignness (and, for that matter, domesticity) in our neoliberal age’s hyper-integrated, transnational political economy.
You’d think this would be pretty straightforward: nations are nations, and it should be easy to map what’s home and what’s away.  But in globalization’s ever-heaving wake, there’s been lots of talk that the mighty nation-state model is capsizing, and that that post-45 global system looks like it’s being replaced by something else—something that makes the old security of the us/them binary a little harder to depend on, something that privileges market relations and aggregates of capital interest over national sovereignty.
(Now, there’s a strong countervailing current here too, one that maintains that globalization has in fact strengthened (if not rigidified, at least from a market perspective) national cohesion; and the current pox of reactionary nativism we’re seeing across the Euro-American world bears ugly testament to this.)
I’m not interested in offering any thoughts on which side of this argument has the goods, as the contemporary global political order is especially volatile—maybe unprecedentedly so—and much of what pretends to be evaluation of the present moment is really horse-blinded guesswork (think polling for the U.S. last presidential election). What I will suggest, however, is that ever accelerating global circulation of capital has created multi-national corporate entities that exhibit some of the attributes of sovereignty, and that this fact is one that should be considered in any conversation about “outside” influence in American electoral politics.
I’m far from the first person to suggest the sovereign-likeness of multi-nationals. Joshua Barkan, to name just one writer who’s taken up this topic, keenly argues that corporations and nation-states are related ontologically, mutually reinforcing each other through a shared trait that amounts to the most fundamental characteristic of sovereignty: legally sanctioned immunity from the law (my post “initial thoughts  part 2” goes into the “sovereign immunity” thing a little deeper). This line of thinking is supported by a host of international trade agreements (NAFTA and the erstwhile TPP, just to name two) that seek to strip national governments of jurisdiction in trade disputes; and even arrogate to corporations the right to bring suit against a national government in third party Tribunals (organized under the World Bank of the UN) if that government enacts legislation disruptive to investment returns! Add to this the growing trend of corporations trying to enforce “arbitration” in what would traditionally be class action disputes, and you begin to see the a picture corporate sovereignty drawn in starker lines.
While I think arguments like Barkan’s are good and necessary, I’d like to approach the corporate sovereignty idea from a different angle, and question what implications it might have for campaign finance. We all know by now the Supreme Court thinks corporate political spending is a form of speech, so, on those (utterly cynical) grounds, corporations have the right to pump abhorrent amounts of money into Super PACs, etc. The Supreme Court has not been asked to consider, however, whether or not multinational corporations are in fact properly domestic entities.
Case in point: the Orange Monkey in Chief is presently shilling regressive tax “reform” in order to entice “American” multi-nationals to repatriate some of the TWO AND A HALF TRILLION DOLLARS they’ve sheltered in tax havens. It’s an inconceivable sum (staggeringly equivalent, in fact, to the GDP of Great Britain in 2016), and it leads me to wonder at what point we should stop considering U.S. corporations who hold the majority of their assets abroad to be domestic entities at all? Furthermore, if we except the argument that multi-nationals have the attributes of political sovereignty, do they maybe verge on “foreign” status that might bar them from any kind of campaign spending? In this connection, let’s take a moment to briefly examine some of the offshore antics of Super PAC superstars, the Koch Brothers.
Turns out a liberal (whatever that’s supposed to mean these days) Super PAC called American Bridge 21st Century has done some digging into Koch Industries, and they uncovered 610 Koch subsidiaries spread across 17 known tax shelter nations. As reported  by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, one deviously baroque shell game saw Koch Industries’ own internal bank (!), Arteva Europe S.À.R.L, mediating hundreds of millions of dollars in “loans” from Koch businesses in higher tax regions to subsidiaries centralized in Luxembourg, which taxes such cash flows at a whopping 1%. ICIJ also details a whiplash-inducing bit a chicanery where a “$736 million loan gets passed from company to company until a U.S.-based subsidiary becomes ‘both the debtor and creditor of the same debt,’… and the debt is canceled.” Is it just me, or does Koch Industries sound spookily like the Federal Reserve?
Moving on, let’s take a look at just one of the right-wing political advocacy groups the Koch Industries has bankrolled: Generation Opportunity. This group’s M.O. is to spread the conservative agenda to young people in the U.S. (in their words, to promote a “free society”…and, hey, who could argue with that, right?). What’s interesting about this group (for this post, anyway) is that the Kochs’ have dumped about $5 million into their coffers over the last half-decade, a significant portion of which went to Facebook-drivencampaigns vilifying the Affordable Care Act. Debates about the ACA aside, isn’t it at least worth considering that the vast amount of money spent to influence American political opinion on an up-to-this-point unregulated social media platform may have come from a multi-national corporate entity that (if we take a “global” view of it’s subsidiary network) is at best nominally American? And if we can permit that question to be posed, shouldn’t we also ask what kinds of conflicts of interest deliberately elusive domiciling create when corporations like Koch Industries choke the electoral process with their untaxed cash?
And in the interest of fairness, this multi-national corporate influence problem isn’t just about conservative propaganda. Walmart has tens of billions of dollars coursing through Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Ireland, the Caymans, the list goes on; and it also makes internal loans between its subsidiaries that shift profits to low tax regions. Walmart is also a major donor to the Center for American Progress, a “liberal” think thank that, in addition to tacitly endorsing Israeli apartheid in order to gorge on AIPAC dollars, parents Generation Progress, Generation Opportunity’s center-left counterpart. And while I may personally be more sympathetic to some of GP’s agenda, the fact remains that they’re funded in part by an entity with tenuous claims to American national status.
So what’s the point here? Well, returning to allegations of Russian influence on the the last presidential election and the pandemonium they’ve created, I just want to suggest that it’s maybe worth acknowledging the creeping rot in our democratic institutions that existed before Fancy and Cozy Bears snuck in the back door. Corporate spending is a titanic (sinking pun intended) influence on our electoral process, and it’s incumbent on us as citizens to seriously consider the sovereign relationship (the actual loyalty and best-interest mindedness) corporations have with the American body politic they seek to control. With this in mind, it seems to me that Sens. Klobuchar and Warner might want to consider fumigating their own house before marching the exterminator to dacha Putin.

The Woman Who Broke World War II

Robert Fisk

When Suzanne and Helen opened the door of the cramped, box-like apartment in Albert Road, I didn’t even notice the small, huddled figure on the sofa. It was only when Helen, one of the two people who look after Clare Hollingworth in her Hong Kong home, stood aside that I saw the very elderly lady in a red cardigan with thin hair and jutting jaw and heavy spectacles and realised that I was looking at the reporter who wrote the greatest scoop of the Second World War.
Yes, in August of 1939, this crouched little woman – 104 years old, sightless now and moving only with the greatest difficulty around her tiny flat – boldly crossed the Polish-German frontier in a British diplomat’s car and saw General Gerd von Rundstedt’s Wehrmacht tanks, in their thousands, lined up to invade Poland.
There are some interviews that a journalist remembers – those that betray a politician’s cruelty, a soldier’s brutality, the courage of a doctor under fire, the kindness and dignity of a man or woman who have lost their family – but in this little home on the far side of the world, I was lost. How do you talk to a colleague who has been deprived of much of her memory, whose moments of extraordinary vision and bravery return only in occasional seconds of clarity and then bleakly disappear? Did she think, when she reported the German invasion of Poland, that the Nazis would win the war, I asked her? “No, I thought they’d lose the war,” she answers emphatically. “Because they didn’t care about people.” As good a description of all fascist dictatorships, I suppose.
But then she confuses her father with a family doctor called Anderson – “a handsome man” – and announces that she wrote her last report only the day before we meet – I know the feeling well! – and makes it clear that she still thinks she is a working correspondent. “I’ve been lucky so far,” she says. “I work hard.” Yes, maybe luck is what it is all about, surviving as a correspondent. And Clare Hollingworth has been very, very lucky. She reported from Poland, Germany, Algeria, Beirut, India, Israel and China. “I enjoy action,” she once told a radio interviewer. “I enjoy being in a plane when they’re bombing something.”
But her greatest scoop remains her first. She borrowed the British consul’s car, a Union flag fluttering on the bonnet, to drive over the still – just – peaceful frontier from Poland into Germany in August 1939, bought some batteries and wine at a local shop and, driving back, noticed that the wind lifted some vast hessian sacks in a valley below her – and revealed hundreds of Wehrmacht tanks lined up in battle order.
“The frontier is still closed to local traffic,” she wrote. “Everywhere I saw signs of the most intense military activity. In the two miles between Hindenburg and Gleiwitz, I was passed by 65 military dispatch riders on motorcycles. The only cars to be seen were those belonging to the military.”
“1,000 TANKS MASSED ON POLISH FRONTIER – TEN DIVISIONS REPORTED READY FOR SWIFT STROKE” was The Daily Telegraph’s headline next morning. By then, Clare was back in her Polish hotel in Katowice and saw the first German tanks moving past her window. When she called the British embassy in Warsaw, a diplomat refused to believe her story – so she held the telephone out of her bedroom window so he could hear the sound of German tank tracks.
When I ask her, all of 77 years later, whether the embassy really didn’t believe the Germans had invaded, she thinks for a while. “They knew,” she says. “Oh yes, they did.” But the Telegraph’sforeign desk was seemingly more sceptical. “They wanted London to be the place of power politics,” she remarks, by which I think she means – and this is the problem when you talk to such an elderly soul, there have to be assumptions – that the desk thought they knew better than she did. She has written, long ago, of her problems with her employers. But did she know she had written the biggest scoop of the century? “I had a pretty good idea,” the old lady beside me says. And she smiles and laughs a little and asks for a glass of wine.
Helen brings the wine – we have been joined by her great-nephew Patrick from Moscow and an American ex-journalist friend, Cathy Hilborn Feng – and gives the glass to her, half wine, half water, to sip. Patrick gestures to a grey filing cabinet by the window and pulls open one of the lower drawers. It is packed to the brim with unopened champagne bottles, gifts from the flock of journalists who have come, over the years, to celebrate Clare Hollingworth’s endless birthdays – champagne to be enjoyed, no doubt, over the birthdays to come. Patrick takes care that her passport remains up to date – part of Clare’s world in which a newspaper may still call on her for one final assignment.
Her greatest post-war scoop came in 1963 when she was working for The Guardian and based in Beirut – “I loved it, a place that was really home,” she tells me, “where you could go anywhere in a car and find your way, and I changed homes several times” – and heard that her colleague on The Economist and The Observer, Kim Philby, had defected to Moscow. His sudden absence from the Lebanon press corps had been noticed, but Clare prowled the harbour and was shown the Beirut port records which disclosed that a Soviet vessel had sailed without warning from Lebanon on the very day Philby disappeared. Frightened that they might be libelling Philby if they got the story wrong, The Guardian sat on the story – for three months!
On top of the champagne-filing cabinet, there is a photograph of Clare in a war correspondent’s uniform, sitting with a British officer in a lounge room in Beirut – it must have been taken during the Second World War, since most of her pictures at this time show her in uniform – and I recognise the same type of large Lebanese wooden panel doors which connect the rooms in my own Beirut apartment today.
The British invaded Lebanon in 1941, defeating French Vichy troops. Alan Moorhead, one of the other greats among the war’s correspondents, covered the same story. When I tell Clare that, at 104, she must have outlived all her colleagues – a world record for journalists – her memory reconnects perfectly. “It’s quite incredible for me – 104!” she says.
That memory zooms towards her like a satellite in outer space, brushing planet Earth and total recall. Ask her why she chose to become a journalist and, quick as a flash, she replies: “People asked me to. I enjoyed it. It’s good to be in charge of a lot of things. You get the point?”
Did she mean that she liked both writing history and being read? “Both.” And then the satellite swishes off to another planet and Clare is saying that she saw “the ruins” only yesterday – the ruins of 1939 Poland or the Roman ruins of Lebanon? – and that I’ll be able to read her latest story in the paper tomorrow. On the wall is an old copy of the front page of the South China Morning Post, recording one of her birthdays.
Her friends occasionally take her, in good weather, 100 yards down Albert Road to the fine old Foreign Correspondents’ Club – where she celebrated her 104th birthday in October – and where we later sit alone with Patrick and Cathy at “Clare’s table”, in a small corner dominated by photographs of the Vietnam war. Clare could sometimes misbehave a little, Cathy says, banging her cane on the floor for attention, shouting a little too loudly. But who can blame Clare? I spent our chat together, bellowing my questions into the veteran’s right ear. My wife tells her she looked very well, and she replies: “You’re flattering me.” And when told that she does indeed look good, she says: “I feel it.”
So there was only one question left for an Independent on Sunday correspondent. Did the future of newspapers lie in websites, in computers, I asked her? “Newspapers will all end up on computer,” she replies, but this was a bad thing. Why? She thought for several seconds. “You have to feel the paper,” she says.
I think about this as the plane taking me back from Hong Kong to Beirut via Paris soars over Siberia that same night, and I wonder whether “scoops” mattered on websites.
And then, some hours later, our flight captain announced that we would soon pass over the Polish-German border. Stalin moved the Polish borders west. But those roads which Clare Hollingworth travelled in 1939 still exist. And somewhere a few miles away, in the pre-dawn darkness below me, 77 years ago, was the very spot where Clare saw Von Runstedt’s legions about to launch the invasion that started the most titanic war in the history of the world. You can’t take a scoop like that away from anyone.

917 Egyptians Sentenced To Death Since 2013 Coup

Abdus Sattar Ghazali

An Egyptian Court sentenced eight people to death Tuesday and 50 others to life in prison for their role in a case known as the storming of Helwan Police Station.
According to prosecution, on 14 August 2013 protesters stormed Helwan Police Station, which led to the killing of three police officers and two civilians. The police station and 20 police cars were destroyed.
The same court issued a 10-year prison term against seven defendants and five years in prison against three others. The defendants are accused of several charges including terrorism, premeditated murder, the attempted sabotage of public buildings and the destruction of police cars.
The Giza Criminal Court referred earlier this week 13 people’s cases to the country’s Grand Mufti in preparation for their execution.
Former leader of the Muslim Brotherhood and co-founder of the Nahdha party, Ibrahim Al-Zaafarani, said that the number of Egyptians sentenced to death since the July 2013 coup has reached 917 cases.
In July 2013 Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi overthrew the government of elected President Mohammad Morsi with the blessing of the United States. Since then General Al-Sisi has assumed the title of Field Marshal.
Al-Zaafarani said in a press statement that 16 Egyptians are waiting to be hung whilst eight people have already been executed.
According to Al-Zaafarani nearly 640 Egyptians have died in prison as a result of torture and medical negligence while the number of those who have been extra-judicially executed has reached nearly 300 people.
A report by the UK based Arab Organization for Human Rights on human rights violations in Egypt during the third quarter of 2017 said that Egyptian courts have issued death sentences against 74 people.
In the aftermath of the 2013 coup, Egypt’s judiciary gave 237 death sentences in 2016, more than any other country in the region. That same year, 44 people – including eight women – were executed, a figure that doubled since the previous year and has risen sharply since the coup. In 2013 no executions were recorded.
As well as facing military tribunals, defendants are often sentenced to the death penalty in mass trials in which there is no time for individual evidence to be considered properly. In March 2014 a court in Egypt’s southern city of Minya passed down 529 execution orders in one go, then just weeks later sentenced 683 to the same fate.
Those who are sentenced to death in Egypt face hanging, an ancient, barbaric form of execution that snaps the neck and breaks the spinal cord or cuts off the flow of blood and oxygen to the brain and eventually results in death.
In a 2015 report Reprieve revealed that of the 588 people who had been sentenced to death since 2014 72 per cent of sentences were administered for attending pro-democracy protests.
Egypt’s highest criminal court has also sentenced six men to death for killing a policeman in the northern city of Mansoura in 2014 in what became known as the Mansoura Six case. The policeman was part of Hussein Qandil’s protection unit, one of the judges who presided over Mohammed Morsi’s trial.
Theirs is a familiar story – confessions were tortured out of them, they were denied access to lawyers, verdicts formed on the evidence of secret sources as well as there being major holes in the case as video evidence did not match up with witness statements.
Despite this, the Mansoura Six were convicted of premeditated murder, arms possession and forming a terrorist cell with the view to target security forces. Prior to the trial they were forcibly disappeared and then denied medical treatment once in detention. As of June their sentence cannot be appealed.
There are some 60,000 political prisoners in the country. Human rights activists are persecuted by the government and their organizations subject to severe limitations. In May, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi passed the NGO law which will severely restrict the operational capacity of some 47,000 non-governmental organizations.

What Is Behind The Hamas-Fatah Reconciliation?

Ramzy Baroud

Egypt’s enthusiasm to arbitrate between feuding Palestinian factions, Hamas and Fatah, is not the outcome of a sudden awakening of conscience. Cairo has, in fact, played a destructive role in manipulating Palestinian division to its favor, while keeping the Rafah border crossing under lock and key.
However, the Egyptian leadership is clearly operating in coordination with Israel and the United States. While the language emanating from Tel Aviv and Washington is quite guarded regarding the ongoing talks between the two Palestinian parties, if read carefully, their political discourse is not entirely dismissive of the possibility of having Hamas join a unity government under Mahmoud Abbas’ direction.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s comments in early October validate this assertion. He did not categorically reject a Hamas-Fatah government, but demanded, according to the Times of Israel, that “any future Palestinian government must disband the terror organization’s (Hamas’) armed wing, sever all ties with Iran and recognize the State of Israel.”
Egyptian President, Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi, too, would like to see a weaker Hamas, a marginalized Iran and an agreement that puts Egypt back at the center of Middle East diplomacy.
Under the auspices of the Egyptian dictator, Egypt’s once central role in the region’s affairs has faded into a marginal one.
But the Hamas-Fatah reconciliation is giving el-Sisi a window of opportunity to rebrand his country’s image which has, in recent years, been tarnished by brutal crackdowns on his country’s opposition and his miscalculated military interventions in Libya, Yemen and elsewhere.
In September, on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly conference in New York, el-Sisi met Netanyahu publicly for the first time. The exact nature of their talks was never fully revealed, although media reports pointed that the Egyptian leader has attempted to sway Netanyahu into accepting a Hamas-Fatah unity deal.
In his speech at the UNGA, el-Sisi also made a passionate, impromptu appeal for peace. He spoke of an ‘opportunity’ that must be used to achieve the coveted Middle East peace agreement and called on US President Donald Trump to “write a new page of history of mankind” by taking advantage of that supposed opportunity.
It is difficult to imagine that el-Sisi, with limited influence and sway over Israel and the US, is capable of, single-handedly, creating the needed political environment for reconciliation between Palestinian factions.
Several such attempts have been tried, but failed in the past, most notably in 2011 and in 2014. As early as 2006, though, the George W. Bush Administration forbade any such reconciliation, using threats and withholding of funds to ensure Palestinians remained divided. The Barack Obama Administration followed suit, ensuring Gaza’s isolation and Palestinian division, while it also supported Israel’s policies in this regard.
Unlike previous administrations, Donald Trump has kept expectations regarding the brokering of a peace agreement low. However, from the outset, he took Israel’s side, promised to relocate the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and appointed a hardliner, David Friedman, a Zionist par-excellence, as US ambassador to Israel.
No doubt, last June, Trump signed a temporary order to keep the US embassy in Tel Aviv, disappointing many of his pro-Israel fans, but the move is by no means an indication of a serious change of policies.
“I want to give that (a plan for peace) a shot before I even think about moving the embassy to Jerusalem,” Trump said in a televised interview recently. “If we can make peace between the Palestinians and Israel, I think it’ll lead to ultimate peace in the Middle East, which has to happen.”
Judging by historical precedents, it is quite obvious that Israel and the US have given a green light to Palestinian reconciliation with a clear objective in mind. For its part, Israel wants to see Hamas break away from Iran and abandon armed resistance, while the US wants to get ‘a shot’ at playing politics in the region, with Israeli interests being paramount to any outcome.
Egypt, being the recipient of generous US military aid, is the natural conduit to guide the Hamas-Fatah reconciliation component of the new strategy.
What strongly suggests that powerful players are behind the reconciliation efforts is how smooth the entire process has been so far, in complete contrast with years of failed efforts and repeated agreements with disappointing outcomes.
What primarily seemed like another futile round of talks hosted by Egypt, was soon followed by more: first, an initial understanding, followed by a Hamas agreement to dissolve its administrative committee that it formed to manage Gaza’s affairs; then, a successful visit by the National Consensus Government to Gaza and, finally, an endorsement of the terms of national reconciliation by the two most powerful Fatah bodies: The Fatah Revolutionary Council and the Central Committee.
Since Fatah controls the Palestinian Authority (PA), the latter endorsement advocated by Mahmoud Abbas was an important milestone needed to push the process forward, as both Hamas and Fatah readied themselves for more consequential talks in Cairo.
Unlike previous agreements, the current one will allow Hamas to actively participate in the new unity government. Top Hamas official, Salah Bardawil confirmed this in a statement. However, Bardawil also insisted that Hamas will not lay down its arms, and resistance to Israel is not negotiable.
US-Israel-Egyptian power play aside, this is, indeed, the crux of the matter. Understandably, Palestinians are keen to achieve national unity, but that unity must be predicated on principles that are far more important than the self-serving interests of political parties.
Moreover, speaking of – or even achieving – unity without addressing the travesties of the past, and without agreeing on a national liberation strategy for the future in which resistance is the foundation, the Hamas-Fatah unity government will prove as insignificant as all other governments, which operated with no real sovereignty and, at best, questionable popular mandates.
Worse still, if the unity is guided by tacit US support, an Israeli nod and an Egyptian self-serving agenda, one can expect that the outcome would be the furthest possible one from the true aspirations of the Palestinian people, who remain unimpressed by the imprudence of their leaders.
While Israel invested years in maintaining the Palestinian rift, Palestinian factions remained blinded by pitiful personal interests and worthless “control” over a militarily occupied land.
It should be made clear that any unity agreement that pays heed to the interest of factions at the expense of the collective good of the Palestinian people is a sham; even if it initially ‘succeeds’, in the long term it will fail, since Palestine is bigger than any individual, faction or a regional power seeking Israel’s validation and US handouts.

Mass demonstrations rock Kenya as Odinga withdraws from election re-run

Eddie Haywood

Crowds of protesters took to the streets in cities across Kenya after Tuesday’s announcement by opposition presidential candidate Raila Odinga of his withdrawal from the new presidential election set for October 26.
The Supreme Court in late September invalidated the August 8 poll, which declared the incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta the winner, ruling that the election was marred by “irregularities and illegalities.” As part of its decision, the court ordered a new election.
In announcing his withdrawal, Odinga stated, “In the interest of the people of Kenya, the region and world at large, we believe that all will be best served by NASA [the National Super Alliance party] vacating the presidential candidature of elections slated for 26 October 2017.”
Protests reached a fever pitch on Wednesday after the parliament passed president Kenyatta’s proposed Election Laws Amendment, a measure blocking the Supreme Court from nullifying future polls and granting far-reaching power to the ruling government over nearly every aspect of the electoral process.
Befitting the autocratic character of the Kenyatta government, the changes to the electoral process enshrined in the amendment constitute an attack on the democratic rights of the Kenyan population, with the law stripping the judiciary from presiding over a disputed election, and ensuring future polls are rigged in favor of the ruling government.
The key elements of the amendment include setting the nearly impossible burden of proof on the challenger to establish that electoral fraud took place before the court can hear such a dispute. The law also drops a requirement that the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) chairperson have 15 years of experience as a lawyer, academic, or as a senior judge.
Most odious is the amendment’s granting of autonomy to the IEBC chair to declare the winner before the vote is completely counted when it is perceived by the electoral body that any further counting would not change the outcome of the poll.
As the chair of the IEBC is appointed by the president, the amendment effectively establishes the president as the arbiter for deciding the outcome of an election.
On the news of the amendment’s passing, angry demonstrators descended on the parliament building in Nairobi. Police responded with violence, deploying tear gas into the crowd, firing live rounds and beating several protesters.
In other cities across the country, police responded in a similar violent manner to the popular opposition the new law engendered.
Behind the violent crackdown on the mass demonstrations is the ruling government’s desperation to quell a growing insurrection of the Kenyan masses, which the regime fears could spill out of its control and threaten the entire political and economic system.
Since the hotly disputed August 8 poll, protests have been met repeatedly with violence by police forces. According to a report released Monday by the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, 37 people have been killed in the police crackdown, including an infant and two children.
In September, the General Services Unit (GSU) was deployed to the University of Nairobi to quell days of unrest by students demanding the release of a former student and current member of parliament Babu Owino, who was arrested for “insulting the president.” Owino reported he had been tortured by police while in custody.
Demonstrations organized by Odinga and NASA took place in the cities of Nairobi, Kisumu, and Mombasa on Wednesday. In calling for the mass demonstrations with the slogan “No reform, no election,” NASA stated that its demands for reform of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), the electoral body charged with the election tally, were not met.
Speaking to these circumstances and calling the electoral system biased, NASA filed a case with the Kenyan High Court, asking it for a complete restructuring of the IEBC, pointing to the Supreme Court’s decision nullifying the August 8 poll with its finding of “irregularities and illegalities” committed by the IEBC in the electronic transmission of the tally.
On Wednesday, High Court Justice John Mativo rejected NASA’s claims that the IEBC acted in a criminal manner, saying, “Clearly, the Supreme Court did not indict the first to eight respondents as alleged nor did it find either of them criminally culpable.”
NASA sought the sackings of IEBC CEO Ezra Chiloba and chairperson Wafula Chebukati, as well as five other IEBC senior officials. The party also called for the replacement of companies hired by the IEBC for the printing of ballot papers, voter verification slips, and the transmission of the election results, which NASA allege are biased toward Kenyatta.
As the WSWS has noted, the widespread perception of government corruption surrounding the 2017 elections is entirely justified. However, a government ruled by either Kenyatta or Odinga, both multimillionaire representatives of the Kenyan ruling elite, would not relieve the social misery experienced by Kenyan workers, whose economic interests are the diametric opposite of those represented by Kenyatta and Odinga.
With the hotly disputed election as its catalyst, the broad social anger sweeping the country is in reality the product of years of attacks on the social position of the Kenyan masses by a corrupt ruling clique carrying out the dictates of Western banks and corporations.
On Wednesday, the International Monetary Fund downgraded Kenya’s economic prospects for the near term as a result of the continuing social unrest, illustrating the pessimistic outlook of the Western capitalist elite toward Eastern Africa’s top economy.
Making clear the disastrous economic outlook for Kenya, on Wednesday Kenyan stocks fell 1 percent, and yields on the country’s Eurobonds fell by five points upon the news of the renewed election chaos.
Kenya’s economic prospects were further darkened by the prospects of the historic famine sweeping the African continent from Somalia to Nigeria, with projections of a food shortage due to low agricultural yields.
Speaking to Bloomberg concerning the impact the election crisis has had on international markets, Ronak Gopaldas, a financial strategist with the Johannesburg-based Rand Merchant Bank said, “It is unclear how much more of a battering the economy can continue to withstand as a result of this election cycle.”
“[T]he continued politicking will sap confidence, while further delaying the urgent need for fiscal consolidation and policy reforms,” Gopaldas warned.
For its part, Washington fears that the chaos surrounding the election will be disastrous to its political arrangement in Kenya, and impact its imperialist designs for Eastern Africa, of which Kenya plays an important role carrying out its US-backed war in neighboring Somalia.
Speaking to these contingencies, US Ambassador to Kenya Robert Godec rebuked both candidates for causing the crisis, saying, “We are deeply concerned by the deterioration in the political atmosphere and the impact this has had on preparations for the election.”