13 Dec 2018

Microsoft Imagine Cup Global Student Contest (USD$100,000 prize money) 2019 for Entrepreneurs in EMEA countries

Application Deadline: 16th January 2019 before 02:59:59 GMT+0

Eligible Countries: Countries in Europe, Middle East and Africa (EMEA)

About the Award: Incredible, world-changing software innovations often come from students. Social networks, music services, photo apps, games, gadgets and robotics – the list goes on. We’re looking for the next big thing and we know students like you are going to make it. Imagine Cup, Microsoft’s premier international competition for young developers, is your chance to show off your biggest, boldest software solution. Code with purpose and show the world what you’ve got.
Whatever your innovation, you can make an impact and win big – like, $100,000 big – with Imagine Cup. With prizing that includes mentorship opportunities with industry leaders, an Azure grant and cash, Imagine Cup can help you take your project to the next level.

Type: Contest

Eligibility: You’re encouraged to submit an original application/solution that you and your team of up to three (3) have built (either on your own time, through your coursework, as a participant in a student hackathon, etc.). For your submission to qualify for the 2019 Imagine Cup, your application must utilize Microsoft Azure. For more details, see the Contest Rules.

Selection: Organized by Microsoft subsidiaries in those countries, the National Finals select the best teams from each participating country as they pitch and demo their ideas to experts to vie for a coveted spot at the Imagine Cup World Finals.

Number of Awards:  These are the awards to be received by participants:
  • First Place:
    • $85,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of the Team
    • Microsoft Azure Grant
    • Remote mentoring session with Satya Nadella
  • Second Place:
    • $15,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of the Team
    • Microsoft Azure Grant
  • Big Data Award
    • Required use of Azure Data + Analytics or IoT
    • $15,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of the team
    • Microsoft Azure Grant
  • Artificial Intelligence Award
    • Required use of Azure Artificial Intelligence + Cognitive Services
    • $15,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of the team
    • Microsoft Azure Grant
  • Mixed Reality Award
    • Required use of HoloLens, Virtual Reality or Augmented Reality
    • $15,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of the team
    • Microsoft Azure Grant
Value of Award: 
Round 1: Each Local Event may offer prizes at the discretion of the local Microsoft representatives representing that competition. The existence, nature, and conditions of such prizes are subject to the rules of each Local Event. Every team who advances to round 2 will receive a trip to an Imagine Cup Regional Final event. Trip includes round trip coach airfare from a major airport closest to each competitor’s home, standard hotel accommodations, ground
transportation, and select meals during the Regional Final. Mentors to the team are not eligible for this travel prize.
Round 2: At each Regional Final, there will be three winning teams selected. At least one member of the team must be present to win. (Mentors and associates will not be awarded any portion of the monetary prize winnings.)

• First Place:
o $15,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of the Team
o Microsoft Azure Grant
o First place teams will advance to Round 3 and receive a trip to the Imagine Cup World Championship

• Second Place:
o $5,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of the Team
o Microsoft Azure Grant

• Third Place:
o $1,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of the Team
o Microsoft Azure Grant
Round 3: At the World Championship one winning team will be selected. At least one member
of the team must be present to win. (Mentors and associates will not be awarded any portion of
the monetary prize winnings.)

• World Champion:
o $100,000 USD, to be divided equally among each officially registered member of
the Team
o Microsoft Azure Grant


How to Apply: Register now!

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Johnson & Johnson Global Mental Health Scholarships 2019/2020 for Developing Countries – UK

Application Deadline: 24th March 2019 (midnight (GMT).

Eligible Countries: Rwanda; Ghana; Kenya; Nigeria; South Africa; Thailand; Indonesia; Philippines; Vietnam; Peru; Nicaragua.

To Be Taken At (Country): UK

About the Award: The MSc Global Mental Health course is a joint programme provided by the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine (LSHTM) and the Institute of Psychiatry, Psychology & Neuroscience, King’s College London (KCL). The programme of study aims to provide students with the knowledge and skills to initiate, develop and oversee mental health programmes and/or policies in low-resource settings, as well as to conduct and critically evaluate research on global mental health. These skills and knowledge will make it possible for students to make valuable contributions in the domains of research, policy and practice as they relate to the discipline of global mental health.

Type: Masters

Eligibility: 
  • Applicants must be nationals of, and ordinarily resident in, one of the following countries:
  • Rwanda; Ghana; Kenya; Nigeria; South Africa; Thailand; Indonesia; Philippines; Vietnam; Peru; Nicaragua. Applicants from other countries will not be considered for these scholarships.
  • Applicants for this funding must hold an offer of admission to the MSc Global Mental Health commencing in 2019-2020. To apply for the programme of study please follow the application instructions on the King’s College London MSc Global Mental Health programme website.
  • Applicants from non-English speaking countries (as specified by the Home Office – UKVI) must meet the minimum English Language Requirements if shortlisted for this funding. Applicants who have been short-listed for this funding will be required to provide proof of English language proficiency within 6 weeks of notification for their scholarship application to be considered any further. A copy of the relevant paperwork must be submitted to the Scholarships Team at LSHTM.
Number of Awards: Up to 4

Value of Award: Each scholarship will cover full tuition fees, a stipend (living allowance) of GBP 16,950.00 and an allowance of GBP 500.00 for MSc project expenses.

Duration of Program: 1 year.

How to Apply: To apply for this funding applicants must submit:
  • Step 1: an application for study for the MSc Global Mental Health programme through the King’s College London online application portal.
and
  • an online scholarships application, selecting this scholarship option from the drop-down menu. The scholarship application must include the following uploaded documents
    • A completed Supplementary Questions Form for this scholarship, and
    • Proof of your application submission, or Letter of Offer from KCL, for 2019-20 MSc Global Mental Health programme, and
    • English Proficiency score results (if you have these already).
by the scholarship deadline.
By submitting an application for this funding applicants agree to its Terms & Conditions (See in Program Webpage).
Please read through the Important Application Information before applying.


Visit the Program Webpage for Details

Sustainable Tropical Forestry (SUTROFOR) Masters Scholarships 2019/2020 for International Students – Erasmus Mundus

Application Deadline:15th January 2019

Eligible Countries: Partner countries

To be taken at (country):The SUTROFOR MSc Course is organised by a Consortium which includes five of the best European universities within the field of forest and nature management:
  • University of Copenhagen, Faculty of Science, Department of Food and Resource Economics, Copenhagen (Denmark)
  • Bangor University, School of the Environment and Natural Resources, Bangor (UK)
  • Dresden University of Technology, Institute of International Forestry and Forest Products, Tharandt (Germany)
  • AgroParisTech, Paris Institute of Technology for Life, Food and Environmental Sciences, Montpellier (France)
  • University of Padova, TESAF Department, School of Agriculture, Padova (Italy)
The SUTROFOR Consortium also includes the following non-European associate partners: Tribhuvan University in Nepal, Sokoine University of Agriculture in Tanzania, Centro Agronómico Tropical de Investigación y Enseñanza in Costa Rica and Makerere University, Uganda.

About the Award: SUTROFOR is part of the Erasmus+: Erasmus Mundus Programme initiated by the European Union. The Erasmus+: Erasmus Mundus Programme is a co-operation and mobility programme in the field of higher education that aims to enhance the quality of European higher education and promote intercultural understanding.
The SUTROFOR Erasmus scholarship Programme is divided into two:
  • Erasmus Mundus student scholarship: For eligible master students (degree).
  • Erasmus Mundus scholar scholarship: for visiting academics (short stay)
Type: Masters, Short course

Eligibility:

Erasmus Mundus student scholarship

These scholarships can be awarded to masters students from all countries other than the EU member states and EEA/EFTA states: Turkey, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Iceland, Lichtenstein and Norway. Furthermore, you must comply with a 12 months rule: i.e you must not be a resident nor have carried out your main activity (studies, work etc.) for more than a total of 12 months over the last five years in one of these countries.
To be eligible for evaluation your application for a student scholarship must include a certificate – i.e. an official document – verifying your place of residence.

Scholarships for Visiting Lecturers (scholars)

The SUTROFOR programme supports visiting scholars staying at one of the partner universities for a period of 1-3 weeks. The weekly living allowance including travel costs is 1.200 EUR.
Scholars must be established researchers and teachers. During their stay with one or more SUTROFOR partner universities they will carry out research and teaching activities, for example by contributing to established courses, temporary seminars/workshops or with supervision of students.

Number of Awards:Not specified

Value of Award:
  • Contribution to the travel and installation costs
  • Contribution to subsistence costs
Duration of Programme:
  • Degree Program: 2 years
  • Visiting Scholars: 1-3 months
How to Apply: 
  • Degree Program: It is important to go through the Admission requirements and Application procedure before applying
  • Visiting Scholars: Download the application form 

Visit Programme Webpage for Details

Peruvian voters approve referendum proposals touted as answer to corruption

Cesar Uco

In a national referendum held last Sunday, Peruvians overwhelmingly approved three out of four proposals that have been touted as the answer to the systematic corruption prevailing in every area of the ruling establishment from politicians, including former presidents and leaders of Congress, to leading business figures.
President Martin Vizcarra had promoted the referendum. He assumed the presidency on March 23, after his predecessor Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (PPK) was forced to resign over evidence linking him to the Brazilian construction giant Odebrecht, which has been at the center of a continent-wide corruption scandal. A video emerged allegedly showing the president’s supporters attempting to buy political support to block his impeachment.
Over one year ago, it was revealed that Odebrecht had been winning state contracts to build roads and bridges by bribing officials. The total amount spent in kickbacks and other illegal payments in Peru was over US$40 million.
The referendum was first called by Vizcarra, a right-wing defender of Peruvian big business and foreign capital, in his speech to the nation on July 28. Peruvians were asked to answer yes or no to four constitutional reforms:
1) Replacing the corrupt and discredited National Council of the Judiciary with a new institution, the National Committee of Justice; 2) Regulating political campaign financing; 3) Prohibiting consecutive reelection to Congress; and 4) Establishing a bicameral congress.
The first three proposals were approved by roughly 85 percent of the voters, while the fourth was rejected by over 90 percent.
Peru has been rocked in recent years by a series of corruption scandals involving influence peddling, using bourgeois political parties for money laundering and government officials, heads of major political parties and businessmen receiving bribes and kickbacks.
The judiciary was controlled by an inner circle led by former Supreme Judge Walter Rios, known as the Band of White Collars of the Port. The police obtained audio recordings of judges trading lighter sentences for professional advancement.
Congress, controlled by the right-wing fujimorista Fuerza Popular (FP) party, was rife with similar scandals. As an example of the many cases of congressional corruption, in December 2017 Kenji Fujimori, together with a group of FP dissidents, voted against impeaching the then-president and former Wall Street investment banker Kuczynski in exchange for a presidential pardon for his father, former president Alberto Fujimori.
The elder Fujimori was serving a 25-year sentence for having ordered the paramilitary “Grupo Colina” to conduct massacres of students and professors at La Cantuta University, and an attack perpetrated in a working-class neighborhood, Barrios Altos, where 15 people, mistakenly linked to the Maoist Shining Path group, were murdered, including an eight-year-old boy.
Though not a member of Congress, the leader of FP, Keiko Fujimori, controlled it. She has not only lost political influence with the referendum results, but is currently being held in preventive detention for 40 days in connection with alleged illegal campaign contributions. The party itself is threatened with a major split .
In the executive branch, corruption reached the top, implicating five former presidents who have ruled Peru from 1985 to the present:
* Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), sentenced to 25 years for crimes against humanity.
* Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006), who received a US$25 million kickback from Odebrecht in exchange for multibillion-dollar deals, is currently living in California under the protection of the US government.
* Alan Garcia (1985-1990 and 2006-2011), who, claiming political persecution, sought asylum in the Uruguayan Embassy, until he had to leave when that country denied his request, is accused of illicit enrichment and obstruction of justice related to the Odebrecht scandal.
* Ollanta Humala and his wife Nadine (2011-2016), accused of receiving money for their presidential campaign from Odebrecht and Venezuela, were subject to preventive incarceration until the Constitutional Tribunal declared this measure was illegal.
* Completing the list is the former Wall Street banker PPK (2016-2017) who was forced to resign last March to avoid charges that would have sent him to jail.
As expected, the media is portraying the referendum results as blow against corruption, a personal triumph of Vizcarra and a defeat for the fujimorista FP in Congress.
The real motives underlying the referendum, however, are quite different than those promoted by the media and the government.
One week ago, Peru’s annual Conference of Executives (CADE-Executives 2018) saw the government and top business figures agree to put up a common fight aimed at the destruction of living standards of the working class. The government claims that Peru’s labor costs are too high compared to its global competitors and need to be reduced significantly.
Vizcarra’s proposal is to cut or eliminate all benefits except salaries. This will not happen without fierce opposition by the millions that constitute the Peruvian working class.
The referendum and the supposed crusade against corruption are aimed at providing a cover for the coming offensive against the working class.
Even as the government tries to use the referendum results to line up the political parties behind this coming confrontation with the working class, new charges have been leveled by former president Garcia that Kuczynski’s second vice president, Mercedes Aráoz, and his campaign manager, today’s President Vizcarra, received 6 million soles that no one can account for. He is calling for an investigation into PPK and the current president himself.
Vizcarra is counting on crucial support from two bourgeois left parties in his government’s campaign against the Peruvian workers. Their ecstatic reaction to the referendum results has aligned them closely with the government. Indira Huilca from Frente Amplio declared that “the people had sanctioned fujimorismo,” while Veronika Mendoza from Nuevo Peru backed Vizcarra, calling for “a new Constitution for a new Peru.” She added that the referendum demonstrated “that in democracy it is the sovereign people who command.”
As Vizcarra seeks to refurbish the image of a bourgeois state that had lost all credibility in the eyes of the working class and the poor, Mendoza has taken upon herself the job of providing him with a left cover, concealing from the working class the sharp threats posed by the current government’s policies.

Hundreds of residential tower blocks around UK still clad in flammable material

Margot Miller 

Tens of thousands of UK residents are still living in high rise buildings covered with flammable cladding, 18 months after the horrific inferno that consumed Grenfell Tower, killing 72.
The deadly consequences of wrapping buildings in thermo-plastic materials was confirmed by experts recently at the government inquiry into the Grenfell fire. The cladding and its inept installation were identified as the main contributory factors in the fire spreading from a small fire in one flat to the whole building in half an hour.
It took almost a year after the Grenfell fire for Prime Minister Theresa May to announce that the government would provide a paltry £400 million to remove cladding composed of aluminium composite material (ACM) from publicly owned buildings, to be replaced with a safe alternative. ACM is in fact only one kind of cladding with incendiary properties.
“Councils and housing associations must remove dangerous cladding quickly,” May said in parliament as a means to diffuse public anger over the issue.
That no action has been taken by the government to enforce this is proved by the latest monthly Building Safety Programme report. The Building Safety Programme was set up following the fire “with the aim of ensuring that residents of high-rise residential buildings are safe, and feel safe from the risk of fire, now and in the future.”
But its October 25 report, published by the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, shows hardly any progress in removing the cladding. It identified that there are still “457 high-rise (over 18 metres) residential buildings and publicly-owned buildings in England [which have] Aluminium Composite Material (ACM) cladding systems unlikely to meet current Building Regulations guidance.”
Of these, “157 are social sector residential buildings, managed by local authorities or housing associations; 291 are private sector buildings, of which 201 are private residential, 28 are hotels, and 62 are student accommodation. 9 are publicly-owned buildings, comprising hospitals and schools.”
Not all buildings with cladding have even been tested yet: “There are approximately 30 private sector residential buildings where the cladding status is still to be confirmed—this has fallen from approximately 170 buildings in June.”
The report lists the work to date: “22 of the 157 social sector buildings (14%) have finished remediation… and a further 98 buildings (62%) have started the process of remediation… Of the 291 private sector buildings 17 have finished remediation…; 21 have started remediation; remediation plans are in place for 92 buildings but remediation works haven’t started on these buildings yet; there are 40 buildings where building owners intend to remediate and plans are being developed; and remediation plans remain unclear for 121 buildings.”
Therefore, out of a total 457 buildings identified, work has been completed on just 43 (less than a tenth).
On October 17, six months after the cladding fund was announced, the government finally began to release the first tranches to Local Authorities to begin the remedial work on public buildings.
Work began on some high-rise blocks in the city of Salford, which has 29 flats encased with dangerous cladding—the highest concentration in the UK—daily threatening the safety and lives of residents.
Cladding has been removed from some of the nine local authority owned blocks—up to the fourth floor, and completely from Plane Court. Even before winter sets in, residents at Plane are complaining of freezing conditions in the flats, because the cladding has not been replaced and the outer walls provide no insulation.
One resident told the Salford Star, a local campaigning and investigative journal, “It’s really cold, absolutely freezing; it’s like being in the North Pole. We’re sat with heaters on, blankets and onesies and it’s still cold... They’ve [the local council] not done anything, apart from ask us to be patient.”
Another said, “We’ve got the heating on but it doesn’t make a difference. We’ve got the hot water on but it’s warm water; and when you run a bath you’ve got to boil the kettle and pour it into the bath.”
A couple said they have resorted to sleeping under “silver thermal blankets from one of the homeless organisations. That is how me and my partner sleep... in tin foil,” adding, “Pendleton Together are a joke.”
Pendleton Together Operating Limited (PTOL) is the private company that manages the flats on behalf of the Labour Party-run Salford City Council.
Funding the remedial work has proved a Kafkaesque nightmare. Labour Party-run Salford City Council originally borrowed £25 million to finance the work, which the government blocked. Pendleton Together does not qualify for the government cladding fund because it is a Private Finance Initiative (PFI) contractor, which pays dividends to shareholders.
The Deputy City Mayor, Labour councillor John Merry, announced the “contractor, PTOL, have the means to pay for a detailed fire safety programme to keep homes safe and warm.”
What he failed to explain is that SCC is tied into a PFI agreement with PTOL until 2042 and each month must make a payment “Sufficient to pay bond debt, to include interest and amortisation, operational costs and to provide for shareholder return...”
Residents of Spruce Court spoke to WSWS reporters expressing their worry, and anger at being kept in the dark.
Bob, 62, who lives on the sixth floor, said, “All those people [in Grenfell Tower] died for nothing. They were doing cheap renovations. The council are supposed to be sorting it [remedial work] out, but it could take two years.”
“My 85-year-old relative lives on the tenth floor,” said Janice, “And I’m worried about him.”
Dany, 26, said, “The Council are doing nothing. People are in danger. We’re not animals. Capitalism needs to go otherwise there will be more dangers.”
Salim, 32, explained he got a flat in Plane Court because “I was homeless, I had no choice. It’s scary, I’m worried. I call it modern slavery. It’s about the rich people not the poor people.”
Residents in the Pendleton Together blocks were recently informed by letter that the company had “secured funding for the removal and replacement of cladding over nine blocks at Pendleton, along with other fire related works. Further details on the work will be available shortly...”
There was no information on the amount of funding, or whether work would proceed on other defects in the blocks, such as faulty wiring, windows and entrance gates.
Salford City Council are equally unforthcoming, refusing to reveal the contents of a safety report into their flats commissioned by PTOL, saying it was up to the company to do so.
As there was initially no commitment by the government to fund work to remove ACM cladding on privately owned blocks, a government spokeswoman indicated that the cost for remediation should be met by landlords: “This is money for social housing. We expect private building owners to take responsibility for removing and replacing and to not pass the cost on to leaseholders.”
A recent legal judgement, however, ruled in favour of freeholders, who own the land on which flats stand. It ruled that leaseholders (flat owners) can be charged for removing dangerous cladding from buildings.
The quagmire has not been resolved by the government’s recent about-face on the issue—more apparent than real—authorising Councils to do the necessary remedial work, for which they will be reimbursed from central government funds.
Given the dire state of Local Authority finances—depleted of funds by massive austerity cuts to their budgets by Labour and Conservative governments since 2008—and the stipulation by both parties for councils to balance the books, it can be expected that councils will continue to prevaricate.
At the end of November, James Brokenshire MP, Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, banned all combustible cladding, including ACM, from new buildings taller than 18 metres. The ban will be effective from December 21.
Combustible doors, windows, seals and thermal break materials will be exempt, however—even though these were proved to have contributed to the rapacious fire spread at Grenfell tower. The government said only that this exemption will be “reviewed.”
Moreover, tower blocks built before 2013, wrapped in combustible cladding other than ACM, will not be covered by the ban. This means that approximately 160 high-rise flats, hotels and student blocks will remain wrapped in rainscreen cladding made from combustible materials—because the government in its indifference and criminality has only committed to fund the removal of buildings wrapped in ACM.

Russian workers strike against social misery and austerity

Clara Weiss

The past few months have seen a number of walkouts and hunger strikes by various sections of the Russian working class to protest their growing social misery and exploitation. The vast majority of these strikes are organized independently of the trade unions, which are closely integrated with the Russian state apparatus and oligarchy.
Among the most significant were strikes in late October by 99 gold miners in Kamchatka, a region in Russia’s Far East. Kamchatka is home to some of Russia’s largest gold mines.
Miners reported that the required minimum they had to produce had risen significantly, which resulted in a significant decline in their premiums. In a video showing a meeting between the striking workers and management, one of the workers said: “I get the same salary as back in 2005. I now don’t even get $1,000. And in 2009, I would get $2,000 or even $5,000. But the gold hasn’t devalued, has it?”
The strike occurred in the Ametistovoe field, which is the largest in the region, with reserves of 52.6 tons of gold and 175 tons of silver. It belongs to the conglomerate “Zoloto Kamchatki” (Gold of Kamchatka), which employs a total of some 2,000 people and is owned by Viktor Vekselberg, one of Russia’s biggest oligarchs, with an estimated fortune of over $12 billion. The mine is considered of strategic significance for the economic development of the region and the company enjoys significant tax benefits.
Almost as soon as news of the strike broke, workers at a nearby field declared their readiness to strike as well. An amateur 10-minute youtube video that cheered the strike as a “rebellion” and called on its viewers to spread the word about it amid a general media shut-down has received over 900,000 views. Over 8,000 people commented on the video, expressing their disgust with the oligarchs and the government.
In an indication of the enormous nervousness and fear within the oligarchy of a spread of strike activity, the government immediately intervened to put an end to the miners’ strike. The regional governor, Vladimir Ilyukhin, who officially ranks as the fourth richest governor of the country, promptly ended his vacation and flew back. He reportedly met with miners and told them to not speak to the media.
The internet was shut off at the plant and workers reported being threatened by police. Just a few days after the strike began, by November 3, 54 of the 99 strikers had been fired and Vekselberg’s company announced it would initiate a lawsuit with the aim of declaring the strike illegal, which would make all workers involved liable for criminal prosecution.
The official trade union apparatus of the FNPR solidarized itself with the crackdown on the strike, cynically declaring that it was “unable to do anything” because the miners were not unionized.
A few weeks after the suppression of the strike in Kamchatka, some 200 workers launched a strike at SK Sever, the biggest supplier of the Russian gas monopoly Gazprom. The walkout took place on the Yamal peninsula in Russia’s Arctic region. Like the oligarch Vekselberg, the leadership of Gazprom belongs to the inner-circle of oligarchs around President Vladimir Putin.
The workers, many of whom had come to the region to work in the mine, were striking because their wages had not been paid for four months. The company was in arrears to the tune of some 15 million rubles ($225 690). The workers reported slave-like conditions: they had not been fed for months at their workplace, they had no means of getting home, and their work contracts had been taken away by management.
Almost as soon as the strike was launched, the region’s governor, Leonid Dyachenko, called an emergency meeting of his anti-crisis staff, which included the region’s police, the siloviki (state security forces such as the FSB, the Russian equivalent of the FBI), and the head of SK Sever, Alexei Pestriakov. The authorities quickly put an end to the strike, arguing that the demands of the workers had been met.
Around the same time, in the neighboring region of Vorkuta, between 16 and 17 SK Sever workers declared a hunger strike over unpaid wages and abuse by management. One of the strike activists was beaten up the same night by what is generally believed to be a thug sent by the company.
Following the walkout in Vorkuta, a cab driver in Moscow declared a hunger strike over intolerable working conditions and low pay. He told the press that the strike was the result of his despair over the long hours he and other drivers had to work and the ever decreasing pay.
“We drive 500 kilometers every day,” he said. “We work for 12, sometimes 14 hours. Some work 24 hours straight.”
He was soon joined in his protest action by dozens of other drivers. On social media, Moscow cab drivers are trying to organize another strike during the Christmas holidays.
Similar hunger strikes were held in different cities earlier this year by firefighters and paramedics. (Both are legally banned from engaging in strike action).
Strike law in Russia is extremely restrictive. It is very difficult to declare a strike and very easy for management and the authorities to declare a strike illegal and victimize workers both with layoffs and criminal charges.
Large sections of the working class in critical sectors of the economy, including doctors and paramedics, teachers, rail workers, electrical workers and telecommunication workers, are entirely banned from striking. It is also virtually impossible to go on a legal strike for the estimated 40 percent of Russia’s workforce who are employed without labor contracts (about 34 million people).
While the number of protests in 2018 has so far been slightly lower than in 2017, a growing percentage of them are work stoppages, and most of them are taking place outside the control of the trade unions. In the first half of this year, there were 122 labor protests (as opposed to 170 in the first half of 2017), while the percentage of work stoppages grew from 36.5 percent to 47.5 percent.
Only 17 percent of all labor protests were organized by the unions. A recent poll by VTsIOM found that among all institutions and organizations in Russia, only the judicial system, which is seen as utterly corrupt, and the widely hated liberal opposition, which is most directly associated with the “shock therapy” of the 1990s, enjoy less confidence than the unions.
There are three main union structures in Russia. There are the official trade unions of the FNPR (Federation of Independent Unions of Russia), which directly emerged out of the Soviet trade unions controlled by the Stalinist bureaucracy. The FNPR officials enriched themselves massively during capitalist restoration by selling off a good portion of the assets of the Soviet-era union structures, and have since become firmly entrenched in the management of companies and the decisions of the Kremlin on a national level. The FNPR president, Mikhail Shmakov, is considered one of the richest people in the country, and works closely with Putin.
The second structure is Sotsprof, which was also heavily involved in capitalist restoration.
The other union structure, the so-called Federation of Russian Labor (KTR), purports to be “independent.” It emerged after restoration but is equally pro-capitalist.
While large sections of the Russian pseudo-left glorify the KTR unions as an alternative to the FNPR, like the FNPR the unions that entered the KTR had participated in and benefitted from capitalist restoration. The union maintains ties to the pro-US liberal opposition.
The aggressive crackdown by the authorities, especially on the strike in Kamchatka, reflects the fear within the Russian oligarchy that the rapid development of the class struggle internationally will sooner rather than later drive Russian workers into an open struggle. This would inevitably develop in a rebellion against the unions and all established political parties.
Extreme poverty in Russia has grown rapidly in recent years under conditions of far-reaching Western sanctions and the attempts by the Russian oligarchy to make the working class pay for the years-long economic crisis. Those officially ranked as “extremely poor”—people who have to live on 9,828 rubles (less than $174) a month—totaled 19.6 million (13.4 percent of the population) in 2016.
Since the beginning of 2018, regional governments have carried out a new round of social cuts in response to a presidential decree raising the minimum for many state employees. These governments have massively reduced work hours and laid off staff. Numerous kindergartens, institutions of higher education, hospitals and medical practices were shut down virtually overnight. In some places students have been unable to go to school at all. In many rural areas people have to drive eight or more hours to get to the nearest hospital.

Caterpillar to close plant in Joliet, Illinois

George Marlowe & Marcus Day

Caterpillar Inc., the global construction and heavy equipment giant, recently announced it would be laying off 285 workers at its Joliet, Illinois, facility between January and June of 2019. The company had previously indicated it would be closing the plant entirely next year. The closure will have a devastating impact on hundreds of families in Joliet and its surrounding suburbs, an already economically hard-hit area, 40 miles southwest of Chicago.
The proposed shutdown is part of a decades-long onslaught on workers’ jobs, wages and working conditions by Caterpillar. This has been facilitated by the United Auto Workers (UAW), the United Steelworkers (USW) and the International Association of Machinists (IAM), which have sabotaged all resistance by workers. The IAM betrayed a bitter three-and-a-half-month strike by nearly 800 workers at the Joliet plant in 2012, paving the way for its closure.
Joliet Caterpillar workers on strike in 2012
“Caterpillar intends to transition manufacturing currently performed in Joliet to other Caterpillar factories,” CAT spokesperson Kate Young wrote in a notice about the layoffs. The company had previously indicated in 2015 that it would move several production lines from Joliet to Mexico. The exact date of the plant closing has yet to be confirmed.
A Joliet Caterpillar worker who has only worked there for a year told the World Socialist Web Site , “Some are more affected by it because they just don’t want to start back at square one. They have families to care for, some want to send their children off to college and some pay bills like most of us.”
She pointed to already-existing financial strain on her own family. “Living on your own is definitely not so easy in this generation. It costs a lot more now, so I stay with my parents. I help my father pay bills as well. We both work here and now we will have to look [for other jobs] as well. Unemployment will be good help. Buts it’s definitely not the same as getting a good check for a family of six!”
The planned shutdown of the Joliet facility comes in the midst of an escalation of the global corporate assault on jobs. On November 26, General Motors announced its plans to close five factories in the US and Canada and two abroad, eliminating 15,000 hourly and white-collar jobs, as part of a plan to slash $6.5 billion in costs. Since then, additional GM plants have become targets for closure, threatening 6,000 additional jobs. Financial analysts are both predicting and lobbying for further cuts in the auto industry, including at Ford Motor Company, where 25,000 layoffs are projected for next year.
A worker leaving in tears following the vote in 2012
In every country, Wall Street is demanding that corporations carry out further attacks on workers in anticipation of a major global economic downturn and trade war. The corporate and financial elite are also deeply concerned with the rise internationally of workers’ resistance and strikes, including the revolt of French workers in the “yellow vest” protests against inequality and austerity.
Caterpillar has driven up its share value—its stock was the second-best performing in the Dow Jones Industrial Average in 2017—on the basis of relentless cost-cutting and factory shutdowns. The company announced a multi-billion-dollar restructuring campaign in 2015, stating its intention to lay off more than 10,000 people through 2018.
Earlier this year, the company announced plans to shutter plants in Waco, Texas, and in Panama, and floated the possibility of shuttering its Progress Rail locomotive engine plant in the Chicago suburb of La Grange, with the possible elimination of 600 full-time positions.
In March 2017, at the opening of contract negotiations with the United Auto Workers union, Caterpillar threatened the closure of its Aurora, Illinois, facility by the end of 2018, putting a question mark over more than 800 jobs. After the UAW rammed through a sellout contract over widespread opposition, the company confirmed its plans to close the plant. This is expected to be finalized in the coming months. Globally, Caterpillar has also shuttered facilities in Belgium and elsewhere.
Neither the IAM national leadership nor the IAM Local 851 in Joliet have issued any statement opposing the layoffs or closures. In fact, Young, Caterpillar’s spokesperson, pointed to the ongoing collaboration of the union in her statement, noting the IAM had agreed to the extension of the existing contract into next year. “We have reached an agreement with the IAM to extend the current Joliet contract into 2019 to complete the work at the facility so we can meet customer needs.”
Zach, a worker in Joliet, spoke about the effect on those working at the Caterpillar facility. “Some family friends of mine got moved there from the Aurora plant that my dad spent 33 years working at. The family friend is going to have to move again while all his family is here. The other plant he almost got sent to is in Texas.”
In 2012, nearly 800 Joliet Caterpillar workers struck for three months, seeking to prevent an attack on their living standards. The IAM ended the strike by imposing a concessions contract, which included a 20 percent reduction in real wages, as well as cuts to healthcare, benefits and pensions.
The workers at the plant—who produce cylinders, gears, valves and pumps for mining trucks—have seen their livelihoods destroyed. During the course of the strike, they were strung along on meager strike pay, which drove many workers into hunger and poverty, while others exhausted their savings or lost their homes.
Far from expanding the struggle or calling for joint strikes among other Caterpillar facilities, the IAM and the unions representing other Caterpillar workers, including UAW and the USW, enforced the isolation of the Joliet workers.
The unions’ betrayal of the 2012 strike, far from “saving jobs,” paved the way for layoffs and the eventual closure of the current facility.
Even as Caterpillar was reaping massive profits, the Joliet strike was widely seen by the Obama administration and industry analysts as another benchmark—alongside the restructuring of the auto industry—in the reduction of wages and benefits of manufacturing workers. Between 2012 and 2015, Caterpillar laid off more than 31,000 workers and closed 20 facilities.
Caterpillar, which has more than 123,000 workers worldwide, including 53,400 in the US, reported a record $1.72 billion in profits in the third quarter of 2018. The massive profits have also followed tax cuts by the Trump administration. Despite these record profits, Caterpillar has been affected by the US-China trade war measures, with increased costs due to tariffs and higher supplier prices.
But that has not stopped the company from lavishly paying its top executives and shareholders. Former Caterpillar CEO Doug Oberhelman left the company in 2016 with a total compensation package, including salary and stock options, of $15.5 million after overseeing thousands of layoffs, plant closures, a tax corruption scandal and more.
Current Caterpillar CEO D. James Umpleby III has a total compensation of $14 million, with $1.2 million in annual salary, $3.5 million in bonus, $5.3 million in stock options, $3.3 million in stock and hundreds of thousands in other compensation benefits. Umpleby currently makes more than 213 times the median compensation of a Caterpillar worker.
After just completing a five-year $10 billion stock buyback program to further enrich its top shareholders and executives, CAT is scheduled to embark on another $10 billion program on January 1, 2019.
Top IAM union officials are also paid handsomely for their part in imposing the dictates of management. Current IAM president Richard Martinez takes in a total compensation package of $340,227, according to their LM-2 filings with the US Department of Labor, placing him within the top 5 percent of income earners. The total disbursements for the IAM officers amount to $3.2 million for 11 officials.
The defense of workers’ jobs and living standards must be taken out of the hands of the unions, which function as cheap-labor syndicates and arms of management. Workers must form rank-and-file committees, independent of the unions, to oppose plant closures, layoffs and any further concessions from these global corporations. Caterpillar workers should link up with GM and other autoworkers, as well as broader sections of the working class, such as teachers and UPS workers, to mount a counter-offensive against the corporate and financial elite.

German army to acquire new tank battalion

Johannes Stern

On December 6, the German defence minister, Ursula von der Leyen, announced the deployment of a new tank battalion. “Today is a good day for the troops of the tank division,” she declared at the Munster army training ground in Lüneburg Heath. The backdrop was warlike. The official army (Bundeswehr) video shows von der Leyen addressing her troops in front of an armada of battle tanks and soldiers.
She announced, “We will set up another new tank battalion in 2019.” It is to be stationed in Hardheim in Baden-Württemberg and involve over 500 new personnel.
The expansion of tank divisions is part of Germany’s comprehensive plans for the upgrading of its military forces. “Since the reunification (of Germany) and for the past 25 years, the Bundeswehr has only shrunk in size and repeatedly dismantled tank battalions,” the defence minister announced. “Now, for the first time in many decades the Bundeswehr is growing and a new tank battalion is being established.”
Germany’s “Panzer Force” was “the backbone of the army” and “bore the main responsibility for national and alliance defence,” von der Leyen continued. That’s “one reason why we are investing heavily. Over many, many years, if not decades, national and alliance defence has been neglected. There have been gaps and empty structures and we are filling them again.”
Seventy-five years after the crimes it committed in World War II, the German ruling class is once again constructing a powerful force of tanks for the anticipated wars and great power conflicts of the 21st century.
“In coming years, the army will receive over a hundred new tanks, another hundred will be brought up to the latest stand,” von der Leyen said. “We will get 140 Puma armoured infantry vehicles in 2018/19 … as well as 70 Boxer infantry fighting vehicles and nearly 100 Fuchs tank transporters. Also to be delivered is “the new Leguan bridge builder tank ... and finally, finally, more than 6,000 night vision goggles.”
The rearmament of the German tank force is directed above all against Russia, which Hitler’s Wehrmacht attacked in World War II in a veritable war of extermination.
“We will set up the rapid spearhead force not only in 2019, but also in 2023,” bragged von der Leyen in Munster. NATO’s so called “spearhead” rapid reaction force or Very High Readiness Joint Task Force (VJTF) is a rapid-deployment squad formed in 2015, which plays a central role in NATO’s preparations for war with Russia.
In order to ensure the “efficiency of our tank troops” and the VJTF, the government will invest “over four billion euros” in coming years in the “complete digitalisation of land-based operations,” von der Leyen declared. “The point is to bring together the many different digital sites to form a unified military overview and ensure a fast networking of all units involved. Our soldiers deserve the most modern equipment.”
The Bundeswehr site in Munster is to be massively expanded in this context and established as the army’s biggest site—the “heart of the armoured forces” (von der Leyen). Overall, “more than 300 million euros will flow into about 219 projects,” the defence ministry official website states. Among the projects is “the construction of 16 accommodation buildings at the site, an economics building with accommodation for team members, a dual-purpose building for home operations and a NCO community office.” In addition, the main shooting range and various shooting lanes on the training grounds in Munster and Bergen are to be modernised.
Another €19 million have been allocated for the German tank museum in Munster, von der Leyen proclaimed. This “heartfelt concern” was not just about “training our offspring, but also about preserving tradition.”
The garrison town of Munster bears adequate testimony to the historic traditions of the Bundeswehr. The first occupant of the camp, which was established in 1892, was the Oldenburg Infantry Regiment No. 91 under its commander Paul von Hindenburg. The name “Hindenburg Barracks” has been retained up until today, although Hindenburg was a leading figure in Germany’s first bid for world power. In World War I Hindenburg was head of the Supreme Army Command (OHL). After becoming president of Germany, it was the same Hindenburg who appointed Adolf Hitler as Reich Chancellor and laid the path for World War II.
The Nazi traditions of the German military are still being observed in Munster. In 2012 the German TV program “Kontraste” reported on a commemoration ceremony at the Bundeswehr training centre in Munster, during which “the song of allegiance to the Nazi Waffen-SS” was played.
In the past year, Munster again hit the headlines regarding the neo-Nazi terror network around Bundeswehr Lieutenant Franco A. According to media reports, Franco A. and his accomplice Maximilian T. were in contact with a student at the Bundeswehr University in Munich, who was in Munster in February 2017 when a P8 pistol, two G36 assault rifles, two radios and 60 rounds of ammunition were stolen from a tank.
It has since emerged that the terror cell consisted of around 200 former and active Bundeswehr soldiers, including troops of the special forces unit (KSK) and the Military Defence Service (MAD). In a detailed article titled “The Conspiracy,” Focus magazine reported in November on a “dangerous shadow army,” which was preparing to murder leading politicians and violently suppress revolutionary unrest just as the notorious “Black Reichswehr” did during the Weimar Republic (1919-1933).
Many people have asked themselves why official politics and the media have largely ignored these dangerous revelations. Von der Leyen has provided an answer. Ultimately, those responsible in the ministries, the political parties and editorial offices remain silent because they are shielding and support the right-wing cliques. They need such far-right structures in the Bundeswehr to facilitate massive rearmament and suppress growing domestic opposition.
Significantly, the German Tank Museum, which is being actively supported by the defence ministry, currently features an appeal by the Army High Command dated November 28, 1918 as its “exhibit of the month.” The document is a despicable tirade against the Russian October Revolution and its leading supporters in Germany, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. It warns against the “terror regime of the Liebknecht people” and expresses solidarity with the social-democratic Ebert government, which in close cooperation with right-wing Freikorps mercenaries, bloodily suppressed the November Revolution in Germany 100 years ago.

UK: May staggers on as more than a third of Tory MPs oppose her

Robert Stevens

Prime Minister Theresa May survived a vote of no confidence by her own Conservative Party Wednesday evening. In a vote of the 317 MPs, May won with the support of 200, with 117 voting against.
The large vote against her by her hard-Brexit wing, combined with the loss of support from the 10 Democratic Unionist Party MPs, confirms that May is numbered among the walking dead. Arch critic of her proposed Brexit deal with the European Union, Jacob Rees-Mogg, told the press, “163 Conservative MPs are on the payroll—ministers, PPSs, vice chairmen of the party, trade envoys, and therefore of the non-payroll of the back benchers, the prime minister lost really very heavily.”
May was told that 48 MPs had written letters demanding a no confidence vote after returning from a lightening round of diplomacy Tuesday night, desperately trying to obtain further concessions from European leaders following her decision not to hold a vote in parliament—that she would have lost—on her proposed deal over the terms for exiting the EU.
Winning the no confidence vote means she cannot face another for a year, but does not resolve the crisis of rule in Britain. Seeking to exert maximum pressure, May said Wednesday morning outside 10 Downing Street that if she were to be defeated any new Tory leader would not realistically be in place until late January at the earliest, and that they would be forced to extend Article 50—the legislation authorising withdrawal—and delay Brexit until after the scheduled exit date of March 29, 2019. Even so, she was forced to promise a meeting of the 1922 Committee of backbench MPs, just before they cast their votes, that she would stand down as Tory leader before the next general election, set for 2022.
One Tory MP, George Freeman, tweeted that May “has listened, heard & respects the will of the Party that once she has delivered an orderly Brexit, she will step aside for the election of a new Leader...”
EU leaders meeting May on Tuesday offered her very little, but made clear that they saw no advantage in her downfall. They calculate that without May, any chance of the UK exiting in a soft-Brexit and maintaining some access to Europe’s markets would be threatened. If a Brexiteer took over Tory party leadership, there would be a high likelihood of the UK crashing out with no deal, and a heightened threat of economic turmoil and social unrest.
May will hold further talks with EU leaders at today’s EU summit in Brussels, aimed at obtaining, as she said after the vote, “legal and political assurances that will assuage the concerns that members of Parliament have” on the Northern Ireland backstop that will keep the province in the EU Customs Union if there is no long-term trade deal agreed between Britain and Brussels. Securing some legal codicil making clear that the arrangement is temporary is her only chance of winning the backing of the DUP and maintaining a government majority.
Fear of a hard-Brexit in the dominant sections of the British and European ruling elite is one of the few weapons May can still deploy—though this is becoming increasingly ineffective given that few believe her deal will not fall in parliament. Her other weapon wielded incessantly is that “The only people whose interests would be served” by turmoil in the Tory party “would be Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell.”
Such fears notwithstanding, the Labour leader and his shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, continued to reject calls to put a no confidence vote before parliament—leaving it to the Brexiteers to take the political high-ground. Corbyn’s many apologists claim that he is biding his time so that such a move will be successful and open up at least the possibility of a general election. But the Tories’ own no confidence motion shows the damage that even an unsuccessful motion would have done to the government. And it is this that Corbyn wants to avoid, seeking to convince the ruling class that Labour can govern without arousing a militant movement in the working class demanding the end to austerity he has promised. Last week, McDonnell wrote to a leading civil service official declaring, “In view of the current instability in government as a result of which an election could come at any time, I believe it behoves us to make suitable preparations now to ensure that there is a smooth transfer of power, obviously depending on the outcome of that election.”
This has left Corbyn’s Blairite opponents as the other political force able to set the agenda. They have gone on the offensive once again, despite lacking any popular support within the party—demanding above all that Corbyn openly embrace the demand for a second referendum to overturn Brexit and abandon the “pipe dream” of a general election. Writing in the pro-Remain Guardian last Friday, Blairite columnist Jonathan Freedland wrote of Corbyn’s Brexit policy, that “the era of ‘constructive ambiguity’ [on Brexit] has to end next week ... that fudge is past its sell-by date. We are at the moment of decision now.”
At Prime Minister’s Questions Tuesday afternoon, one would barely have known that May even faced a vote of confidence threatening her premiership in a matter of hours, so timid was Corbyn. Following the vote, Corbyn was equally careful to say and do nothing to alert workers of the gravity of the situation. Stating that “she pulled the vote on her botched Brexit deal this week and is trying to avoid bringing it back to parliament,” he demanded nothing except that May “must now bring her dismal deal back to the House of Commons next week so parliament can [vote on it and ] take back control.”
What was required was a Brexit “deal that works for the country and puts jobs and the economy first.”
While Corbyn is seeking to keep everything within the confines of the institutions of the capitalist state, the hard-Brexit wing of the Tories are reportedly preparing their next moves against May to push through their pro-austerity agenda for Brexit. Telegraph senior political correspondent Steven Swinford tweeted after the vote that “Eurosceptics [are] already thinking about the ‘nuclear option’—a non-binding motion of no confidence against their own PM, removing her with backing of Labour, SNP [Scottish National Party] & Lib Dems. They’re not giving up.”
The political crisis in Britain deepens amid an upsurge of anger in the working class, with strikes and anti-austerity protests across Europe and internationally.
For the last five weeks, hundreds of thousands of “Yellow Vest” protesters have mounted demonstrations against the hated government of French President Emmanuel Macron. Corbyn’s greatest fear is the spread of this movement to the UK. Throughout this entire process—resulting in Macron being forced to make a national televised address promising concessions amid brutal repression on the streets of Paris—Corbyn has not uttered a word regarding the world historic events unfolding across the Channel.

Democrats downplay Google censorship at congressional hearing

Andre Damon

Google CEO Sundar Pichai denied allegations that the company was engaged in political censorship Monday at a hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Throughout the hearing, Republicans repeatedly claimed that the company was censoring search results to the detriment of right-wing viewpoints, while Democrats either denied the company’s censorship or justified it.
The fundamental reality—completely ignored at the hearing—is that the real targets of censorship by Silicon Valley, working with the US intelligence agencies and with the consent of both political parties, are left-wing, anti-war and socialist political organizations.
In August 2017, Google announced that it would implement changes to its search algorithm to promote “authoritative” news sources to the detriment of what it called “alternative” viewpoints. This action led to a massive decline in search rankings and traffic to left-wing, anti-war and progressive websites.
The campaign to implement this censorship regime was spearheaded by the Democratic Party, which, based on claims of Russian “meddling” in the 2016 election, sought to pressure the technology giants to block and suppress left-wing opposition, which it branded as “extremist viewpoints.”
The narrative of both parties is strikingly at odds with reality. Compared to April 2017, the far-right Breitbart.com had its search traffic increase by 25 percent. By contrast, search results for the World Socialist Web Site are down by 76 percent over the same period, and other left-wing sites remain down by 50 percent or more.
At the hearing, Pichai made one of Google’s most explicit denials to date that it was carrying out political censorship.
“I lead this company without political bias and work to ensure that our products continue to operate that way,” Pichai declared. “To do otherwise would go against our core principles and our business interests. We are a company that provides platforms for diverse perspectives and opinions,” he said.
He added, “It’s not possible for any employee or groups of employees to manipulate our search results.”
In fact, the changes implemented in 2017 by the company were intended to empower “search evaluators” to impact Google search results. These individuals, whose input was added to Google’s more impartial PageRank algorithm, were told to respond negatively to pages displaying “alternative” viewpoints unless users explicitly specified they were looking for such views.
While some political organizations aligned with the Democratic Party were affected by Google’s actions, they either ignored or supported the censorship regime. The far right, meanwhile, made opposition to censorship a rallying cry.
US President Donald Trump, setting the tone for substantial sections of the Republican Party, has prominently accused Google of censoring search results. Republican members of Congress repeatedly held hearings accusing the company of suppressing right-wing and conservative political views.
“Google has long faced criticism for manipulating search results to censor conservatives,” Representative Lamar Smith declared at Monday’s hearing.
The Democrats, for their part, used Pichai’s testimony to alternately deny and justify the company’s censorship. In his remarks, committee chairman Jerrold Nadler declared that “no credible evidence supports this right-wing conspiracy theory.” In effect, Nadler and the other Democrats used the Republicans’ accusations about Google’s ‘liberal’ bias as a straw man, arguing, by extension, that all claims that Google is manipulating search results are a “conspiracy theory.”
Nadler then proceeded to justify Google’s censorship, which he had just denied. “Even if Google were deliberately discriminating against conservative viewpoints, just as Fox News and Sinclair broadcasting and conservative talk radio hosts like Rush Limbaugh discriminate against liberal points of view, that would be its right as a private company to do so, and not to be questioned by government.”
This, too, is a straw-man. In carrying out their censorship of left-wing views, Google and the other technology giants are acting at the instigation of the US intelligence agencies and leading political figures, serving as the state’s accomplice in violating the Constitution.
Responding to the Republicans’ claims, The Washington Post wrote in an editorial, “Members of the conservative majority on the House Judiciary Committee spent much of their time hammering Mr. Pichai with baseless accusations that Google rigs its search results to censor conservative content. Black-box algorithms will inevitably prioritize some content over other content, and to the extent companies can be transparent about how their systems work, they should be. But a single-minded and mindless focus on a nonexistent left-wing conspiracy within Google has had the paradoxical effect of discouraging companies from properly policing their platforms, as they hesitate to remove content that should be removed for fear of unfounded criticism.”
In other words, the Post is concerned that the Republican’s grandstanding about what they allege to be a bias against right-wing viewpoints might undermine the plans by the US intelligence agencies to intensify their censorship of left-wing opposition.
As working class-opposition throughout Europe and around the world continues to mount, the American political establishment is ramping up demands for censorship. Responding to the Yellow Vest demonstrations against social inequality in France, the New York Times wrote an editorial warning that “the power of social media to quickly mobilize mass anger, without any mechanism for dialogue or restraint, is a danger to which a liberal democracy cannot succumb.”
The clear implication is that a growing international upsurge of the working class will be met with even further repression and censorship.