13 Apr 2019

Polish teachers launch nationwide strike

Clara Weiss

As part of an international rebellion by teachers, on Monday April 8, over 80 percent of Poland’s 400,000 teachers joined an indefinite, nationwide walkout. This is the first national strike by teachers in the country in 25 years, and one of the biggest strikes in Poland over the past several decades.
The strike was declared by the trade union ZNP (Związek Nauczycielstwa Polskiego, Union of Polish Teachers) after month-long negotiations with the government of the extreme right-wing Law and Justice Party (PiS) broke down on Sunday. The other teachers’ trade union, Solidarity, had accepted a government offer on Sunday for a gradual 15 percent wage increase, and had called upon its members not to join the national walkout. The union signed the deal with the government without any consultation with the membership and has still not disclosed its exact contents.
Outraged over the union leadership’s deal with the government, teachers from the Solidarity trade union joined the walkout across the country. Many nonunionized teachers also joined the strike.
According to the ZNP, over 86 percent of Poland’s teachers participated. Polish media reports suggest that even these numbers might be an understatement. As one newspaper remarked, “silence in the class rooms” reigned in most of the country’s schools.
The strike has already badly shaken the PiS government ahead of the European elections in May, and the Polish parliamentary elections in the fall. For the first time since 2015, when PiS received the majority of votes in the parliamentary elections, there is a real possibility that it will lose its majority in the country’s parliament and suffer major losses in the European elections.
Behind the strike lies enormous social and political anger. Thirty years after the restoration of capitalism in Poland, teachers and their families are forced to live on poverty wages. The starting salary for a teacher in Poland is 2,538 Zloty ($666), and the maximum salary is around 5,603 Zloty ($1471). Meanwhile, prices in Poland for basic food items and clothing are similar to those in Western European countries.
The past years have also seen a massive reduction in the teaching workforce. Just a few years ago, there were about 670,00 teachers in Poland; now they number just around 400,000.
There is also widespread anger over the PiS’s education policies and reforms. Teachers are under enormous pressure to comply with the government’s nationalist and historical revisionist agenda, which includes the whitewashing of the crimes of Polish nationalists against the country’s Jewish population. Any mention of the latter was banned by law last year.
In recent months, there have been numerous signs that anger among teachers is reaching the boiling point: In December, some 10,000 teachers handed in sick-notes to protest their low wages; in March, teachers in Cracow occupied the school board’s building and went on a hunger strike for weeks.
Although the national walkout comes just days before high school exams, it enjoys broad support within the population. In cities like Lublin, in the east of Poland, high school students have announced protests in support of their teachers. Protests and meetings are also being held at institutions of higher education, including Warsaw University.
Students and workers throughout Poland and the world have declared their solidarity with the teachers on social media. Thus, one twitter user wrote, “I am proud of my mum—today she is protesting alongside other Polish teachers over low pay and funding issues in the education sector. Teachers are the backbone of society and they deserve our respect and better pay.” A resident of Warsaw tweeted, “I've seen too many teachers among friends and family take second jobs, get burnt out, quit, or all three. Teaching is too important and teachers don’t deserve poverty wages. So it’s good to hear reports of 80 percent schools closed in Warsaw, 90 percent in some other parts.
One teacher from Connecticut wrote on Twitter, “Jesteśmy z wami! [We are with you!] You all have always had our back, after all!:) Solidarity from a teacher in CT, USA. Down with austerity, up with workers!!”
The Polish teachers’ strike is part of a global upsurge of the class struggle, which has found particularly sharp expression among teachers and educators. Over the past year, hundreds of thousands of US teachers and educators have gone on strike in multiple states; educators have struck in Britain, Mexico, Brazil and many countries in Europe, Africa and Latin America. Most of these strikes were organized in defiance of the unions. Whenever the unions regained control over the movement of workers, they betrayed the strikes and shut them down as soon as possible.
The Polish trade unions are no different, and Polish teachers must place no confidence in the ZNP. In talks with the government, the ZNP has already made numerous concessions, reducing its initial demand of a 1,000 Zloty wage increase across the board to a 30 percent wage increase. Throughout the talks, the ZNP has pursued the reactionary strategy of demanding to gut other social programs in order to fund wage increases for teachers. As of this writing, the ZNP has not declared whether or not it will accept the government’s offer to re-enter negotiations and immediately end the strike.
In talks with the ZNP, the government has remained intransigent, arguing that there “is no money” and offering an insulting maximum 15 percent wage increase. The main motivation for this “zero compromise” line has been the government’s fear that any concession to the teachers would trigger unrest among broader sections of the working class.
The argument that “there is no money” is a blatant lie. Working in close alliance with the imperialist war planners in Washington and NATO, the PiS government has been pursuing a massive military build-up against Russia. In March, the Polish government announced that it would spend $48 billion by 2026 to expand and equip its armed forces. By 2030, the government is planning to raise military spending to 2.5 percent of GDM. Just a few weeks ago, Poland ordered 20 mobile missiles from the US, worth $411 million. In March 2018, the government ordered a US Patriot missile defence system worth $4.7 billion.
While harbouring differences of a tactical nature over foreign policy alliances with PiS, the main bourgeois opposition party “Civic Platform” (PO) has likewise pursued a policy of austerity when in power. Throughout the past decades, the PO has supported the US-led military build-up against Russia and has helped transform Poland into a potential staging ground for a Third World War.
The striking teachers face important political issues. The struggle to defend public education and fight for decent wages is inseparable from the struggle against the growing danger of war, and attacks on democratic rights. In order to carry out this fight, teachers must break from the nationalist and pro-capitalist unions, form rank-and-file committees and appeal to the broadest possible support among the working class in Poland and internationally. This strategy requires a socialist and internationalist program, and the building of a revolutionary leadership in the working class. 

9 Apr 2019

UK Government Agri-tech Catalyst Funding Competition 2019 for UK and African AgriBusinesses

Application Deadline: 29th May 2019 12:00pm

Eligible Countries: UK businesses in partnership with African businesses.

About the Award: There is up to £3 million of funding available from the Department for International Development (DFID) for early stage feasibility studies, mid stage industrial research and late stage experimental development. Projects must work on agri-tech and food chain innovations with partners in eligible African countries.

The aim of this competition is to increase the pace of development of agricultural and food systems innovation and its uptake by farmers and food systems actors in Africa. Actors can include manufacturers, processors, retailers, distributors and wholesalers.
All projects must be collaborative and must include at least one partner from the UK and one from an eligible African country. All funding for businesses and research organisations will be sent through the administrative lead organisation.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility: Any UK business claiming funding must be eligible to receive state aid at the time we confirm you will be awarded funding.
Early stage feasibility studies must last between 12 and 18 months. Mid stage industrial research can last up to 3 years. Late stage experimental development can last up to 18 months.
If your project’s total eligible costs or duration fall outside of our eligibility criteria, you must provide justification by email to support@innovateuk.ukri.org at least 10 days before the competition closes. We will decide whether to approve your request.
All projects must:
  • be collaborative
  • include a partner from an eligible African country from the list below
  • include a technical lead from any country
  • include a UK-based administrative lead
  • implement significant activity in the eligible African country
  • include at least one business
See the table in the guidance for applicants to fully understand the different international collaboration options.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: Your project’s total eligible costs must be between:
  • £100,000 and £500,000 for early stage feasibility studies
  • £250,000 and £1 million for mid stage industrial research
  • £150,000 and £800,000 for late stage experimental development
How to Apply: 
  • It is important to go through all application requirements on the Programme Webpage (see link below) before applying

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Nokia Bell Labs Prize Call for Entries 2019

Application Deadline: 26th April, 2019.

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: All

About the Award: A prestigious competition that aims to provide a unique opportunity for innovators to change the world with big ideas, following in the great tradition of Bell Labs.
The Bell Labs Prize is a competition for innovators from participating countries around the globe that seeks to recognize proposals that ‘change the game’ in the field of information and communications technologies by a factor of 10, and provides selected innovators the unique opportunity to collaborate with Bell Labs researchers to help realize their vision.

Categories: Web Applications, Cloud Services, Information Theory, Coding Theory, Computational Sciences, Cryptography, Distributed Systems, Data Privacy, Mathematics of Networks, Modulation Schemes, Optical Systems or Components, Communications Systems, Network Protocols, Security, Network Architecture, RF design, Sustainability, Wireless, Fixed Network technologies, Software-Defined Networks, Virtualization Technologies, Real-time Analytics, Search algorithms, Self-Optimizing Networks, Inference systems.

Type: Contest

Eligibility: Ideas will be evaluated by Bell Labs researchers based on the following 3 criteria:
  • 10x Innovation Potential – How is your proposal novel – what has not been done before, what is the “out of the box” thinking that could result in a 10x change in performance (e.g., speed/throughput, distance, latency, cost, energy efficiency or simplicity)?
  • Technical Merit – How technically sound is your proposal? On what current principles and capabilities does it depend versus further/future advancements and innovations?
  • Feasibility – Can a proof of concept, simulation or demonstration be built in the course of the competition? What is required to do so? In order to build a commercially viable (revenue and profit-generating) solution, what more would be required?
The finalists who present to the Judging Panel will also be evaluated on a 4th criterion, which focuses on the commercial value proposition:
  • Business Impact – What is the magnitude of the new ICT-related business created by the proposal? How soon could it be brought to market and how differentiated/unique is the proposition?
Number of Awardees: Three

Value of Award:
  • Bell Labs will be awarding a 1st prize of $100K, 2nd Prize of $50K and 3rd prize of $25K.
  • All three winners will also be considered for the unique opportunity to work within the world-renowned Bell Labs to further explore their ideas, following the end of the competition.

CDT-Africa MSc in Clinical Trials Fellowship 2019 for African Students – Ethiopia

Application Deadline: 15th May 2019.

To be taken at (country): Lectures will be held at the College of Health Sciences, Addis Ababa University, while students will have hands-on teaching-learning experience at different research projects of the Center as well as partner institutions.

About the Award: The program’s overall aim is to prepare competent individuals who would work in research institutions, academia, pharmaceutical industries, regulatory agencies, contract research organizations, and other study centres, with the primary objective of assisting with the designing, execution and reporting of clinical trials pertaining to drugs, diagnostics, vaccines, behavioural interventions and medical devices commensurate with good clinical practice, legal, ethical, and regulatory requirements.

Type: Masters

Eligibility:
  • A candidate must have a Bachelor Degree in healthcare or life sciences, such as pharmacy, public health, nursing, biology, doctorate degree in medicine or equivalent, doctor of dental medicine, and doctor of veterinary medicine. Those with Bachelor of Statistics are also eligible.
  • Others with additional qualifications with or without Bachelor Degree in the life sciences may be eligible if relevant further qualifications are obtained. Examples of such qualifications are Master of public health, MSc in pharmacy, MSc in pharmacology, MSc in statistics, and doctor of Pharmacy (PharmD).
  • As this is a needs based program, it is desirable for applicants to have one or two years of service after last graduation with relevant program to have the exposure to real-life challenges prior to joining the program.
  • Applicants may need to submit a sponsorship letter from their institution once they are selected, unless they are private applicants.
  • Applicants need to meet also the general requirements laid down by the School of Graduate Studies, Addis Ababa University (www.aau.edu.et)
  • English is the medium of education and candidates should demonstrate sufficient knowledge of English.
Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:
  • The Center will pay for any required registration fee.
  • The Center will have a modest funding to support research projects of all students.
  • Any student coming from countries outside Ethiopia will have a dormitory within Addis Ababa University and a monthly living allowance of net 10, 000 Ethiopian birr for male and 13,000 for female students.
  • Other national students are required to have sponsorship from their institutions.
Duration of Award: 
  • The MSc program is designed to meet the highest international standards of training for MSc in Clinical Trials. It is a two years program with 96 ECTS (European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System) consisting of 59 ECTS general and specialized subject area modules, 2 ECTS seminar works, 5 ECTS attachments, and 30 ECTS MSc research project work.
  • The program will be delivered in full time mode in a modular block teaching approach.
How to Apply: 
  • Application document (CV, copy of official transcript, copies of degrees, motivation letter) must be submitted in electronic copy via email to Dr Tsegahun Manyazewal (email: tsegahunm.cdtafrica@gmail.com) copying Ms Samrawit Ketema (email: samryket@gmail.com)
  • The deadline for applications is 15th May 2019.
  • Interview may be conducted as appropriate.
  • Selected candidates will be communicated by 15th June 2019.
  • Class will start by late September 2019.
  • Female applicants are highly encouraged to apply.
Visit Award Webpage for Details

German Government Green Talents Award 2019 for International Graduate Students (All expenses paid to Germany)

Application Deadline: 22nd May 2019, 2 p.m. CEST.

Eligible Countries: International

To Be Taken At (Country): Germany

About the Award: The German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) hosts the prestigious ”Green Talents – International Forum for High Potentials in Sustainable Development” to promote the international exchange of innovative green ideas. The award, under the patronage of Minister Anja Karliczek, honours young researchers each year.
The winners come from numerous countries and scientific disciplines and are recognised for their outstanding achievements in making our societies more sustainable. Selected by a jury of German experts the award winners are granted unique access to the country’s research elite.

Type: Contest

Eligibility: Applicants must meet the following requirements:
  • Enrolment in a master’s or PhD programme or a degree (master’s/PhD) completed no more than three years before the end of the application process
  • Strong focus on sustainable development and an interdisciplinary approach
  • Proven excellent command of English
  • Significantly above-average grades
  • Not a German citizen nor a resident of Germany (individuals therefore not eligible to apply: German passport holders as well as anyone living in Germany at the time of application even if the residence is temporary)
No exceptions to these requirements can be accepted. Ineligible applications will automatically be disqualified.
The Green Talents Competition focuses on outstanding young scientists who are active in the field of sustainable development. The German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) fosters interdisciplinary approaches in this regard. Applicants can therefore come from any scientific field closely related to sustainability research.

Number of Awards: 25

Value of Award: The prestigious Green Talents programme offers you the unique opportunity to become part of an exceptional world-wide network of outstanding young minds and leading German institutions.
  • The first part of the prize consists of an invitation to a two-week Science Forum in Germany, where you will be introduced to renowned research facilities and have individual meetings with experts (individual appointments). Here you will learn about potential collaborations and experience the country’s excellent research infrastructure at close hand.
  • In addition, a workshop on research and funding opportunities will provide you with further information for your future research stay in Germany.
  • The journey will culminate within a festive award ceremony hosted by a high-level representative from the BMBF.
  • You will have the opportunity to return to Germany for up to three months to conduct a research stay at an institute of your choice the year after the Science Forum.
How to Apply: Apply now!
It is important to go through the FAQs for application procedure and requirements before applying.

Visit the Program Webpage for Details

The Crippling of Britain in the Age of Brexit

Patrick Cockburn

Future historians will look back at Britain in the age of Brexit and seek to explain why its people reduced their power and influence in the world in the belief that they were doing the exact opposite.
But historians will have to move quickly if they are to have a say because the most important consequences of Brexit are already with us. People do not see this because UK membership of the EU is wrongly discussed as an economic issue when it is primarily a political one.
This is a traditional mistake by the British who have been making it with varying degrees of intensity ever since the French politician Robert Schumann put forward his plan for the French-German Coal and Steel Community on 9 May 1950 – a pact that eventually turned into the EU. Enhancing the political power of European states, particularly France and Germany, was always the chief objective.
The misperception has meant that the outcome of the Brexit crisis is talked about with alarm or enthusiasm, depending on the views of the speaker, but generally on the supposition on all sides that this is something good or bad that lies in the future. There is ceaseless discussion about custom unions and single markets which masks the devastating loss of UK power and influence that has already occurred in three crucial areas.
There is greater political division in Britain than at any time since the 17th century and this is not going to go away. Even if parliament is finally forced to swallow Theresa May’s withdrawal agreement at least half the population is going to feel that they have been betrayed or, at best, are the victims of an act of self-destructive idiocy. Theresa May has systematically made these divisions deeper by pretending that there was national unanimity about the referendum decision.
Secondly, the UK as a state is more divided than it has been since the Scottish Act of Union in 1707. Scottish nationalists and Irish nationalists in Northern Ireland – half the population – are strengthened because Scottish independence and Irish unity can be presented as a jump into the future with the EU rather than staying put with a regressive and xenophobic England. Through resurrecting Irish partition as an issue, Britain will be permanently at odds with the Irish government, something which might not have mattered much in the past, but does now when Ireland is empowered by the rest of the EU. Angela Merkel was in Dublin this week telling Leo Varadkar that Germany would “stand by Ireland” and earlier the Irish taoiseach was seeing Emmanuel Macron in  Paris. This used not to happen.
The third area in which the balance of power has swung against the UK over the last three years is that, as Britain becomes more divided, the EU becomes more unified. This was not inevitable: remember how there was talk in 2016 of the EU shedding more members and possibly even breaking up. Having seen what is happening to Britain, dissident members of the EU are these days keeping secessionist thoughts very much to themselves.
Evidence of the swing in the balance of power away from Britain has become more apparent over the course of the Brexit negotiations. Retreat on one side and advance on the other was the inevitable consequence of Brussels having much the strongest hand of cards. Nothing is more absurd, and a sign of a frightening detachment from reality, than the claim of prominent Eurosceptics that Britain would have got what it wanted in negotiations if only it had been firmer, something it failed to do because the British negotiators were weak-willed, incompetent or treacherously sabotaging their own side.
At one level, the explanation for the crisis gripping Britain is not a mystery: globalisation has produced political crises all over the world which differ in some respects but have certain common themes such as de-industrialisation, increased inequality, immigration, and the alienation of large parts of the population. There are obvious parallels between Trump supporters in Pennsylvania and Leave voters in the Labour strongholds in the Welsh Valleys. The same pressures were long visible in the Middle East where kleptocratic elites clustered around authoritarian rulers and their families, leaving the rest of the population to rot.
But this does not tell us why it is that the political crisis in the UK looks worse than elsewhere in Europe. Unsurprisingly, the historically minded have sought guidance from past precedent and, more particularly, from crises that revolved around the UK’s relations with continental Europe and, equally important, those that threatened the integrity of the UK itself.
Jacob Rees-Mogg caused some hilarity by plunging deep into the Middle Ages for an analogy, pillorying May’s withdrawal agreement as a sell-out by claiming that it was “the greatest vassalage since King John paid homage to Phillip II at Le Goulet in 1200”. Academic historians immediately pounced to call his history wrong, but there was nothing wrong with taking the longer view.
One could even go back a further 800 years and look at Roman Britain’s departure from the empire at the start of the fifth century. The circumstances are murky and ill-recorded, but there is evidence that the Romans did not pull out unilaterally but were encouraged to go by the local inhabitants. According to the sixth century historian Zosimus, quoted in The Anglo-Saxon World by Nicholas J Higham and Martin J Ryan, they were reduced “to such straits that they revolted from the empire, no longer submitted to Roman law, and reverted to their native customs. The Britons, therefore, armed themselves and ran many risks to ensure their own safety and free their own cities from attacking barbarians.”
This early example of Brexit did not end happily, though it would be interesting to imagine some Romano-British version of Liam Fox trotting off to sign trade deals with the Angles, Saxons and Jutes on behalf of “global Britannia”.
A constituency has always existed in Britain open to the idea that continental entanglements are a costly waste of money and are undertaken with the complicity of simple-minded or corrupt British politicians. Jonathan Swift wrote a devastating pamphlet, The Conduct of the Allies, making such charges three hundred years ago that would not look out of place in Leave campaign literature.
Britain has traditionally tried to avoid having a crisis in relations with continental Europe powers at the same time as a crisis threatening the unity of the UK. But Brexit was guaranteed to produce both simultaneously. Eurosceptics denigrate the EU as a leviathan and then seem shocked when it behaves like one. “Splendid isolation” was a dangerous idea for Britain even when it was at the height of its power at the end of the 19th century and looks like an even worse one today. Even so, Leavers are blithely confident that it does not much matter that Britain is now more isolated in Europe than at any time since the five-year period before Napoleon marched on Moscow in 1812.
The failure of historians to find a convincing parallel between events in Britain’s past and the Brexit crisis may have a simple explanation: never before has the nation embarked on a project likely to make it poorer, weaker and less able to control its own future.

Rising number of Michigan and US households unable to afford basic necessities

Debra Watson

The number and percentage of households in Michigan without sufficient income to pay for even the most basic necessities has continued to rise relentlessly in Michigan, years after the Great Recession of 2008-2010 was officially declared over.
At the end of 2017 there were 1,664,606 households in Michigan without enough regular income to meet the most basic monthly costs. This is up from 1.5 million households in 2010, an increase of six percent in seven years. The percentage of distressed households in the state also increased, from 40 percent in 2010 to 43 percent at the end of 2017.
These alarming increases are presented in the latest ALICE report released at the end of March 2019 by the United Way in Michigan. The acronym ALICE stands for Asset Limited Income Constrained-Employed.
The Michigan report is one of 20 covering other US states that were released last month. They gather data that expands the understanding of what growing inequality means: social deprivation is impacting ever-broader sections of the population. Even under conditions of a low official unemployment rate, rising numbers of families are in distress. With little or no resources to act as a cushion against unemployment, a new recession will throw even greater sections of the working class into dire poverty.
The 43 percent of distressed households in Michigan are divided into two portions. One is households formally designated ALICE by the authors of the report. They have incomes that place them above the official US Census official poverty threshold but still cannot cover basic living costs each month. They make up 29 percent of households with income below the ALICE threshold.
The other 14 percent of households that fall under the ALICE threshold are barely surviving on incomes below the grossly inadequate official poverty level. More than half a million households in the state fall into this category.
This is the third ALICE report for Michigan. The 2017 report also showed a rise in households below the ALICE threshold, from 38 percent in the state before the recession, to 40 percent at the end of 2015, even as unemployment had fallen.
The ALICE budget takes into account that households living in higher cost urban areas pay more for basics, especially housing, than rural areas. Statewide, on average, an annual income of about $21,000 is needed for an individual living alone to make ends meet and a little over $61,000 is needed for a family of four, far above the respective figures of $12,060 for a single adult and $24,600 for a family of four attached to the official Federal Poverty Level.
The authors describe a combination of low wages, precarious work hour arrangements, and the dramatically rising cost of the most basic necessities as factors impacting the size of ALICE in the state. These factors are putting more and more working class families in a vise.
Those that are impacted include nearly 400,000 families with children in households below the ALICE threshold. Thus children are being severely impacted by the growth in social inequality.
The federal government determines poverty on the bases of an inflation-adjusted figure originally calculated in the early 1960’s. The utter inadequacy of the official federal poverty level, used to determine eligibility for social supports such as food assistance (Bridge Cards in Michigan), comes into focus with this report.
Two years ago, the United Way report estimated that only nine percent of the population made an hourly wage of the $40 to $60 an hour needed to reach the more generous “Household Stability Budget.” That budget allows a family to pay premiums for employer-based healthcare, for example.
The Michigan report seeks to address why so many are unable to live even paycheck to paycheck, and why so many are exhausting savings and spiraling into deeper debt.
Though unemployment is down to four percent this month, from a high of 17.5 percent in Michigan in the immediate aftermath of the 2008-2010 recession, the number and percentage of households living below the ALICE threshold has not fallen proportionately. In fact there has been a substantial rise.
The report notes current and future structural changes in employment conditions and wages that have kept incomes low. References to the gig economy and precarious work hours, along with the proliferation of traditionally low-wage jobs in a state still highly dependent on manufacturing, are included.
Assemblers and fabricators are the third-largest group of workers in the state, but this report does not address the dramatic fall in wages that has impacted industrial jobs related to auto in recent decades.
In Michigan, the report notes that 61 percent of jobs pay less than $20 per hour, with almost two-thirds of those jobs paying less than $15 per hour. Another 29 percent of jobs pay from $20 to $40 per hour. Only 8 percent of jobs in the state pay from $40 to $60 per hour.
The typical ALICE budget highlights the inadequacy of the ALICE figure itself. For example, health care cost is based on the penalty for not buying health care under Obamacare, and not on the cost of buying health care itself, which is much higher. Not even the high-deductible bronze plan under Obamacare is affordable for most.
Details relating to the rise in households made up of families, individuals living alone, seniors, millennials and workers in their prime years living in distressed economic circumstances are outlined in the report. The authors note, “The number of senior households with income below the ALICE Threshold grew by 17 percent between 2010 and 2017. By 2017, 41 percent of senior households had income below the ALICE Threshold.
“The next oldest age group, households headed by 45- to 64-year-olds, remained flat between 2010 and 2017, yet the number of these households with income below the ALICE Threshold increased by 6 percent—a surprising drop in income for those in their prime earning years (American Community Survey, 2010, 2017).”
Millennials, they note, are less likely to form households now than in years past and 76 percent of those under 25 who do, have incomes below the ALICE threshold.
The cost of the average Michigan family budget increased 27 percent from 2010 to 2017, more than twice the rise in the official inflation rate of 12 percent. One driver of this increase was a 59 percent increase in out of pocket costs and even larger increases in health care premium costs used in their calculations.
Health care disparities result in a reduction of 13 years of life for men and 14 years less for women in the lowest quintile of income.
Astronomical costs for prescription drugs are a significant factor driving health care costs. An obstetrician interviewed by the World Socialist Web Site pointed to the cost of new drugs available in her field. The new treatment for postpartum depression has been priced at $35,000 for one infusion. A new drug for endometriosis pain is $10,000 for a year. Cost sharing in health care plans will immediately put these out of reach for many, if they are covered at all.

Office workers killed in building fires in Bangladesh

Rohantha De Silva

Major fires continue to hit Dhaka, Bangladesh’s capital, one of the most densely populated cities in the world. Late last week 26 office workers were killed and at least 70 others were injured in a fire at FR Tower, a 23-storey building in an upmarket commercial district of the city. Two days later another fire razed to the ground about 300 small shops in a market district in the city’s north.
The flames in the FR Tower [photo credit: Twitter user @iamkanizliza]
This week three more fires were reported in Dhaka. On Wednesday night blazes occurred at the Salauddin Specialised Hospital at Wari and the Tropical Tower at Paltan, both in the city’s south, and early on Thursday morning a fire gutted 25 small shops in a row of 1,300. Although no casualties were reported, poor building standards and fire safety, along with inadequate emergency services, have made the city a death trap for its residents.
Successive Bangladeshi governments have claimed they will crack down on safety and building-code violations, without any real changes being implemented because planning, construction and safety regulations are all subordinated to the drive for profit.
The FR Tower blaze occurred on March 28. Nineteen bodies were found inside the building and several other people died attempting to escape from the multi-storey building using computer leads and other cables as ropes.
The fire was only brought under control after four hours by 22 firefighting units, backed by army, navy and air force personnel and equipment. Air force helicopters were used to drop water on the building. As is common in most Dhaka buildings, there were no water sprinklers installed in the multi-storey building.
Dhaka Fire Department spokesperson Shajahan Sikder told the BBC that there was a lack of fire safety equipment inside the building and that fire escapes on a number of floors were locked. With no proper exits, victims were seen shouting for help from windows.
The FR Tower, which was built before 2006, did not have a single fire-protected staircase and the main staircase was filled with choking smoke. Office workers able to reach the top of the building were rescued by air force helicopters. According to news reports, the Bangladesh fire department had sent two letters in the last two years highlighting the dangerous lack of safety in the building.
S.M.H.I. Faruque, who owned the land on which the FR Tower was located, and Tasvir Ul Islam, one of the owners of the illegally constructed top floors of the building, were arrested on March 30 and were to be held for seven days for questioning.
Abdul Beaten, a police official, accused the two men of being responsible for “deaths of many through negligence and indifference.” He said that they treated the FR Tower as a “money-making factory.” Such statements are designed to stem public outrage over disasters, but invariably no action is taken to prevent them in the future.
Authorities knew the multi-storey block was unsafe. The tower building, in fact, was supposed to be just 18-storeys high but was illegally extended to 23 floors.
FR Tower’s faulty construction, illegal extension, lack of emergency exits, insufficient smoke detectors and absence of firefighting equipment is typical of most buildings in Dhaka.
The Awami League-led government’s response to the FR Tower blaze was completely cynical. As with previous tragedies, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina announced various cosmetic measures, including increased building inspections by fire-fighting services.
Two days after the FR Tower blaze, on March 30, fire gutted hundreds of small shops at the Gulshan DNCC Market. Two years ago, in 2017, another fire destroyed the busy market place, forcing traders to take out expensive loans to rebuild their shops. Yet, no serious safety measures were implemented.
One fire victim, Jahirul Islam, told media: “I recently took out a loan of 500,000 taka (about $US6,000) and stocked new products in the shop. Everything I worked for was turned into ashes today.
The government has offered a pittance of 10,000 taka to each affected trader and 20 kilograms of rice to impacted market labourers.
Hundreds of residents have been killed in Dhaka and other Bangladesh cities by building fires in recent years. So frequent are these disasters that the Daily Star anxiously headlined its lead story on March 29 as “The City That Burns.”
Earlier this year, on February 21 , 78 people were killed by a massive chemical fire and explosion in the city , and nine others died in a fire in a slum in the coastal city Chittagong.
On March 2, a fire broke out in Churihatta in Chowk bazaar in a scrap metal shop. A gas cylinder exploded, leaving three workers with burns to 30 percent of their bodies. On the same day, 50 homes in a slum were incinerated by a fire which began in a pile of rubber.
Three days later, a fire broke out in a tyre warehouse in old Dhaka’s Nawabpur area, and followed by a fire in a slum in Nakhaopara which needed eight units to bring it under control.
On March 11, more than 50 shops were destroyed in a fire at a market in Moheshkhali Upazila, Cox’s Bazar.
The worst factory fire in the country’s history occurred in 2012 when the eight-storey Tazreen garment factory on the outskirts of Dhaka was gutted by a devastating blaze. At least 117 workers were confirmed dead and over 200 were injured.
While this list is long, the Daily Star noted that only 1 percent of fires are ever reported in the media. In fact, according to Fire Department statistics, an average of 43 fires requiring firefighters has occurred every single day over the last three years.
Dhaka city is sitting on a time bomb. A survey by the Fire Service and Civil Defence headquarters in 2017 revealed how vulnerable the city is to fire.
The survey investigated basic fire-safety measures including: Does the building have firefighting equipment? Is it heavily populated? Does it have emergency exits? Have practice evacuation drills been established? Is there any chance of an electrical fire? Is there an underground water reservoir?
The overwhelming majority of 3,786 establishments surveyed were regarded as highly dangerous. Only 129 buildings were classified not as “Risky” or Extremely Risky.”
Major AKM Shakil Newaz, Bangladesh Fire Service and Civil Defence Headquarters operations director, said that the survey included schools, colleges, universities, hotels, banks, hospitals, media houses and shopping markets in Dhaka city and that the results were “frightening.”
A key factor in the lack of basic building safety is that the Bangladesh National Building Code (BNBC) only came into effect in 2006. All the buildings constructed prior to that year have no real fire protection.
While successive Awami League and Bangladesh National Party (BNP) governments are politically responsible for lack of fire safety, the real cause of these tragedies lies in the capitalist system and the drive for profit by local and foreign investors at the expense of the health and lives of workers.

America the Barbaric

Niles Niemuth

Rapes, murders, beatings, stabbings, mutilations and arson are rampant. Pleas for help, scrawled in blood, stain the walls from prisoners held in solitary confinement. Fifteen suicides have been recorded in the last 15 months.
This is not the description of a torture chamber in el-Sisi’s Egypt or Bin Salman’s Saudi Arabia. Nor is it about the abuse of detainees at the notorious Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, the prison camp at Guantanamo Bay or a CIA black site.
These are the nightmare conditions in the Alabama state-run prison system, described in a Justice Department report released this week. They constitute a gross violation of the US Constitution’s Eighth Amendment ban on cruel and unusual punishment.
More than 2,000 photos of abuse in one Alabama prison given to the media by the Southern Poverty Law Center in advance of the report’s release depict the gruesome reality of the conditions detailed in hundreds of interviews with prisoners and their families conducted by federal investigators over more than two years.
While particularly horrific, such conditions are by no means unique. They are repeated in different forms in the prisons of every state, county and city across the United States. More than 2.3 million people are packed like cattle into America’s overflowing system of state and federal prisons, local jails and immigration detention camps. Including those on probation or parole, nearly seven million Americans are caught up in what is absurdly called the “criminal justice system.”
The US accounts for more than one-quarter of the world’s incarcerated population. For every 100,000 residents, there are 698 people in detention. More than 540,000 of those held in jail on any given day have not been convicted of any crime. Many are kept in detention simply because they are too poor pay to pay the median bail of $10,000. Another half a million, one in five inmates, are serving long prison sentences for nonviolent drug convictions.
Researchers estimate that 61,000 prisoners are held in solitary confinement on any given day, a form of incarceration that the UN has declared to be tantamount to torture. At least 4,000 of those held in complete isolation from the outside world suffer from severe mental illness. Confinement to these living coffins is known to drive prisoners to suicide.
While debtors’ prisons are officially outlawed, poor workers are routinely held for their debts. A mother in Indiana was detained for three days in February in a squalid jail alongside convicts because of an unpaid ambulance bill, which she had never received in the mail. Such stories are common.
Under the Trump administration, extending the policies developed by Obama, the federal government is waging a war on immigrants, holding thousands of men, women and children in degrading conditions. Some 77,000 people were detained in February for seeking to cross the southern border. Immigrant workers are being hunted down and arrested in their homes and at their work places.
The cruelty of the American government was on full display this week when 280 undocumented workers were detained by federal agents in Allen, Texas. It was the largest such raid in more than a decade.
Then there is the unending wave of police killings, with more than 1,000 people shot, tased or beaten to death every year on the streets of American cities. Criminal charges for police killings are rare and convictions almost unheard of. Cops are given a green light to kill, maim and brutalize with impunity.
With boundless hypocrisy, Democrats and Republicans proclaim their outrage over alleged human rights violations in whatever country the American ruling class is targeting for regime change or invasion. They proclaim one of the most cruel and unequal societies in the world, where the three richest Americans control more wealth than the bottom half of the population, to be a beacon of democracy to the world.
If the conditions that exist in US prisons were exposed in Russia or China, there would be a hue and cry in the press and the halls of Congress for economic sanctions and “humanitarian” military intervention that would resound in the media.
Fifty years ago, a report such as that exposing the conditions in Alabama prisons would have been met, even within sections of the political and media establishment, with shock and demands for action, but today it passes with barely a murmur.
The Democratic Party is silent because it is complicit in the vast retrogression in conditions in US prisons. President Bill Clinton signed the legislation that paved the way for a historic increase in the prison population. The Democrats oversee a prison system in California that was found by the Supreme Court in 2011 to be “cruel and unusual” and in violation of the Constitution.
The upper-middle class, self-obsessed layers in and around the Democratic Party are disinterested. The promoters of the #MeToo campaign in the media and academia have nothing to say about sexual violence in American prisons, nor about the violence inflicted on immigrants fleeing to the United States.
The media has made as little as possible of the report, with no coverage on the major nightly news programs. As with the photos of abuse at Abu Ghraib and the Senate report on CIA torture, there has been an effort to suppress information of what is happening in Alabama. The New York Times and other media outlets have chosen not to publish most of the photos documenting abuse and death.
In the end, this is their state. The conditions of American prisons, and the overall apparatus of violence, is a noxious expression of the reality of American “democracy.” The state apparatus will be utilized in the suppression of social and political opposition to the demands of finance capital. It is the real face of American capitalism.

More layoffs point to worsening jobs crisis in Australia

Terry Cook

A new wave of factory and shop closures indicates a deepening slump in Australia, accompanied by greater casualisation of the workforce which Liberal-National and Labor governments alike have enforced for decades.
This week alone, Kimberly-Clark said it would eliminate 220 jobs by closing the Ingleburn plant in southwest Sydney that makes Huggies nappies. The US corporation plans to shift production to Asia by July as part of a “global restructuring program.”
Retail giant Woolworths also confirmed the closure of 30 Big W stores, as well as two distribution centres. The store closures, the locations of which have not yet been announced, represent about 16 percent of its 183-strong network, threatening thousands of jobs.
Officially, unemployment in February fell 0.1 percentage points to 4.9 percent. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) employment surveys, however, understate the real level of joblessness by counting anyone who has worked for one hour a week as employed.
For the same month, the number of people in full-time work fell for the third time in four months, dropping by 7,300, while part-time workers increased by 11,300. The participation rate also slipped to 65.6 percent in February, from 65.7 percent the previous month, as more people gave up actively looking for work.
A more reliable jobs survey conducted by Roy Morgan research put unemployment for February at 9.6 percent, almost twice the official rate. Under-employment—people in part-time work and looking for more work—stood at 8.6 percent. That means around 2.5 million workers, or 18.2 percent of the workforce, are either jobless or under-employed.
The jobs situation for young people, even on official figures, is chronic. Unemployment for 15- to 24-year olds stood at 11.1 percent in February, more than double the overall ABS unemployment rate.
According to a survey by the charity group the Brotherhood of St Laurence, around a quarter of a million young people are without work. Youth joblessness was particularly high in regional areas, such as in Bendigo and Shepparton in Victoria, where the rate was 18.3 percent and 17.5 percent respectively. In the Coffs Harbour and Grafton region in New South Wales, the rate was 23 percent, while outback Queensland, which includes Mt Isa, Cape York and Longreach, had a rate of 25.7 percent.
Job vacancies are falling. The ANZ Job Ads Index dropped in February, for the fourth consecutive month, by a further 0.9 percent in seasonally-adjusted terms. The index was down 4.3 percent over the past year. An ANZ bank spokesman said the result pointed to a “more challenging period for employment growth in the year ahead.”
Further job losses are expected across the construction industry. In February, activity fell in all key sectors, with house and apartment construction declining for an 11th consecutive month. The overall decline continued the trend from the last quarter of 2018, which was down 2.6 percent from the same period in 2017.
A National Bank of Australia (NAB) economist warned that the forecast decline in dwelling investment “would of itself likely lead directly to a plunge in employment of anywhere between 50,000 to 150,000, depending on how protracted the decline becomes.”
The slump also is hitting jobs in industries supplying the residential construction sector, including importers, manufacturers, hardware-suppliers and related services such as developers, the real estate industry, finance and plant hire.
Major companies across a range of sectors continue to shed jobs in the drive to slash labour costs amid forecasts of a worsening global slowdown, particularly in China, Australia’s largest single export market.
In telecommunications, Telstra, Australia’s largest company, announced in January the axing of 750 jobs in the second tranche of its T22 restructure plan to shed 9,500 positions over the next three years. From June to December 2018, the company destroyed 3,200 jobs in the first tranche.
In the banking and finance sector, Westpac bank announced in March it would divest its financial advice business arm, cutting 900 full-time jobs in the process. Rival NAB announced it would axe 900 jobs after handing over some of the bank’s financial advice customers to Viridian Advisory.
Analysts have warned of further job losses in retail, with a growing list of bankruptcies and store closures. According to Business Insider, more than 4,000 store closures have been announced this year, led by Payless, Gymboree, Shopko, Performance Bicycle and Charlotte Russe. All filed for bankruptcy and announced full or partial liquidations.
Clothing retailer Ed Harry will close all its 87 outlets, shedding nearly 500 jobs. Department store chain Myer announced it would axe 50 jobs, mainly in marketing. Retailer Coogan is to close its store in Tasmania by the end of June at the cost of 35 jobs.
Qantas announced it will send its Boeing 717 fleet offshore for heavy maintenance, cutting 40 aircraft engineering jobs.
Ford Australia is to axe more than 205 jobs, including powertrain and chassis design engineers, as part of a global restructure. By 2017, Ford, GM Holden and Toyota had ended all vehicle production in Australia, costing thousands of jobs.

UK local councils sell off billions of pounds in public assets due to austerity

Joe Mount

Local councils across Britain are selling off assets in property and land to the private sector on a huge scale. More than £9 billion in assets has been sold in just over the last five years.
This was revealed by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism (TBIJ), which, working with news website Huffington Post UK, conducted its largest ever investigation. It sent Freedom of Information requests to each of England’s 353 local authorities, many of which refused to fully cooperate.
The findings exposed the previously hidden impact of austerity on communities across the country, as the councils have sold billions of pounds in assets they used to own. This is part of the wholesale transfer of social wealth from the working class to the financial aristocracy carried out by politicians of all political stripes in recent decades.
TBIJ is a London-based, non-profit organisation founded in 2010. Funded by donations, it comprises over 900 journalists, academics and members of the public to conduct public-interest journalism. They have won awards for their coverage of topics such as imperialist war crimes in the Middle East, government corruption and financial criminality.
The mass selloff of public assets has been ramped up due to severe austerity measures imposed by central government in the wake of the 2008 financial crash. Since 2014, over 12,000 publicly-owned assets with a total value of over £9.1 billion have been sold off, including libraries, health clinics, youth centres and public spaces. Analysis of the data found that £381 million of the proceeds of these sales was used to facilitate further budget cuts by councils, with one third of this sum (£115 million) used to finance redundancy payments. Since 2010, more than 1 million jobs have gone in the public sector.
TBIJ have produced an interactive map detailing the privatisation made in each local area. Although some councils withheld their information, the data from various parts of the country demonstrates the scale of the process.
In London, Haringey Borough Council—now controlled by supporters of Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn—sold off 30 properties to raise £35.7 million between 2014 and 2018, including two community centres to a property developer. In another Labour council, Tower Hamlets, the council raised £72.7 million through the sale of 22 properties. Bexley council sold 11 public spaces between 2014 and 2016 for a total of £10.8 million—the biggest being Hill View cemetery for £6.4 million.
Other councils listed include:
  • Birmingham City Council, in the period from April 2016 to July 2018, sold off 167 buildings or plots of land. The Labour-run council, the largest single local authority in the UK, has utilised £49 million from asset sales to assist in trying to balance its books.

    Since 2010, the council has imposed 12,000 redundancies. According to the Birmingham Mail, at least £35 million has gone to fund redundancies at the council. Along with new cuts being imposed by the council in this year’s budget, six community centres have either already been sold or are earmarked for sale. The Birmingham Mail reported last month, “The council plans to make another 1,095 people redundant in the coming year, further decimating frontline services. It has also confirmed it intends to plough on with plans to sell off public assets to raise the necessary finances. It has set aside another £12.1 million next year from capital receipts to pay for redundancies.”
  • Labour-controlled Middlesbrough council raised £155 million through the sale of 222 properties, including Acklam Hall, the town’s only grade I listed building.
  • Manchester City Council, also Labour, sold 707 public assets worth £42.9 million, including valuable inner-city land.
  • Sheffield’s Labour council sold 313 public spaces for a total of £36.4 million, including several sites of former schools.
  • Bradford’s Labour council sold off £22.7 million in assets between 2014 and 2018 in 318 separate sales, including nearly £1.2 million for the former site of the Shirley Manor primary school and £0.7 million for the Whetley Hill Resource Centre, an assisted living facility for the disabled.
Many of the sales were council houses and schools that have been transferred to privately-controlled academy trusts as part of the creeping privatisation of the education system. Many of the details of the sales have not been made public and involved amounts below their real market value. Rather than these properties being regenerated in the “spirit” of free enterprise, studies have found that the occupancy rate in the private sector is generally lower than that for public buildings.
An April 2016 regulation change gave councils more freedom to dispose of their property assets if the proceeds contribute towards “ongoing savings.” This enabled councils to use the money raised by selling off their assets to finance large-scale redundancies. Bristol council increased its redundancy rate by a factor of ten, from 39 to 401 following the changes, according to TBIJ. Haringey council spent £8 million of these proceeds on job losses, which increased by 70 percent after the regulations changed.
Local councils face a desperate financial squeeze, with some beginning to collapse financially. Local authorities have seen their budgets reduced by 60 percent since 2010, according to official figures, as part of the austerity agenda of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat 2010/2015 coalition and Theresa May’s government that followed.
Despite May’s announcement last October at the Conservative Party conference that “austerity is over,” further budget reductions of 36 percent are due next year as the central government grant to local authorities is slashed further.
Other councils have used the money to reorganise their activities, hiring expensive management consultancies, and commission outsourcing companies paying lower wages.
This is part of the broader reduction in the “bureaucracy” of central government oversight over local authorities that aims to facilitate the privatization of social services. A recent milestone in this process was the Localism Act 2011, which devolved decision making powers to local councils and increased their financial room for manoeuvre.
The loss of these assets will be to the detriment of working class communities for years to come, with the removal of facilities upon which essential social services rely hitting vulnerable social layers hardest. The report details the effect of these cuts to youth clubs, community care centres, libraries, etc. The sell-offs also increase financial barriers to establishing new facilities in the future due to a shortage of properties. It was recently revealed that councils are paying huge sums to private landlords for housing stock that was formerly public property.
The sell-offs undermine basic democratic rights as they reduce the availability of public spaces to meet, organise and hold protests, such as in town centres.
The report sheds light on social reality in Britain, which is dominated by the social gulf between the financial oligarchy and the mass of the working population. According to official figures, the top wealthiest 10 percent of households have five times more wealth than the bottom half of the population combined.
There has been no organised opposition to these cuts, which are being imposed by Conservative, Labour and Liberal local councils at the diktat of central government. Ever since he was elected Labour leader, Corbyn has urged Labour councils to enforce “legal budgets” i.e. collaborate with central government austerity measures. The trade unions have worked hand-in-glove with their Labour partners to isolate and dissipate all resistance to cuts and lay-offs.
Many Labour members are becoming disillusioned with the party’s complicity in austerity. Workers and young people seeking to oppose cuts to public services and the mass selloff of public assets built up and maintained by working people over decades must seek a new path of struggle.
Public sector workers must make common cause with those in the private sector in Britain and internationally, as part of a resurgence of the international class struggle, in rebellion against the labour and trade union bureaucracy. Central to this is the development of a unified movement against austerity based on the formation of rank-and-file committees in workplaces and local communities.