17 Nov 2020

New Zealand government rejects calls to increase welfare payments

John Braddock


In the first month since New Zealand’s October 17 election, the reconstituted Labour-Green Party government has shown its pro-business colours already, as it implements the demands of the corporate elite for deeper austerity measures against the working class.

Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern last week flatly rejected a plea by 59 organizations, including trade unions, charities and poverty action groups, to lift the level of welfare payments before Christmas in order to address mass unemployment and impoverishment.

Through the umbrella group ActionStation Aotearoa [New Zealand], the groups published an open letter saying the situation was “urgent.” Families were being “pushed into poverty” by the loss of jobs under COVID-19, coupled with a long period of stagnant wages and high housing costs. Low welfare benefit rates meant that “right now, hundreds of thousands of children are constrained by poverty, despite parents’ best efforts.”

Jacinda Ardern (AP Photo)

The missive did not come from opponents of the coalition government but from allies that had campaigned for its re-election—and donated tens of thousands of dollars to Labour, in the case of the unions—on the false basis that a “progressive” government would be open to pressure from the “left.” In the friendliest of terms, the letter pleaded for measures to “help achieve your vision of making Aotearoa the best place to be a child.”

Ardern responded by ruling out increasing core benefits. At a post-cabinet press conference on November 9, she declared: “This is not going to be an issue that gets resolved within one week or one month or indeed one term.” Ardern had promised during the 2017 election campaign that she would lead a “transformative” government dedicated to eliminating child poverty and the housing affordability crisis.

A government Welfare Advisory Group in 2019 recommended an extra $5.2 billion a year for social welfare, with an immediate increase in main benefits ranging from 17 to 47 percent, and an indexation of benefits to average wages. The government supported the indexation and increased benefits by a paltry $25 a week, but ruled out any further increases as “not fiscally sustainable.”

Labour and the Greens, now without NZ First as a government partner, were reinstalled in office after Labour won a majority of seats, including many in wealthy areas previously held by the conservative National Party. Following two weeks of coalition negotiations, a deal with the Greens was secured to provide a phony “progressive” face to the government’s agenda.

A vast social crisis is erupting. Labour’s pro-business response to the COVID-19 pandemic has mirrored that of other governments worldwide. Tens of billions of dollars have been handed to big business and the banks, creating an enormous debt that will be recouped through austerity and economic restructuring at the expense of the working class.

Radio NZ reported last week that almost 23,000 people had come to the end of the COVID-19 income relief payment, without a job to go to. Figures from the Ministry of Social Development (MSD) to the end of October showed that only 5,000 had transferred onto the jobseeker benefit. Thousands of others still looking for work are not eligible for the benefit because of stringent criteria.

A jump in the official unemployment rate to 5.3 percent in the September quarter is expected to worsen, while food bank demand has tripled since last year. The MSD recorded a 68 percent increase in 16-24 year-olds needing emergency housing grants between March and June.

According to a new report, Now We Are Eight: Life in Middle Childhood, from the Growing up in New Zealand Study, nearly 40 percent of 8-year-olds are living in cold, mouldy and damp homes. About 20 percent of the families surveyed did not have enough money to eat properly. Nearly 15 percent of children had changed school at least twice, mainly because of having to move between rental properties.

With a social explosion brewing, concerns are being aired in the media that the government is discrediting itself. Television presenter Duncan Garner warned on his AM Show on November 11: “Capitalism is simply where the rich get richer. But get this wrong and you get a fraying society.” He chastised Ardern over her refusal to lift benefits, declaring: “Despite all the slogans and words and kindness, what has Labour achieved on poverty and incomes at the bottom? Zip.”

Newshub editor Tova O’Brien told the Guardian that despite Ardern’s “massive mandate,” Labour’s “smart politics will come at the expense of its fundamental values, and be driven by its desire to stay in power.”

In reality, Labour’s “fundamental values” have been to maintain the capitalist order, particularly during times of crisis. Ardern’s persona of “kindness,” alongside boasts that Labour’s cabinet is the most “diverse” ever in its representation of women, Maori and Pacific Islanders and gays, is being assiduously promoted while the government oversees a massive further transfer of wealth to the rich.

The Green Party issued a statement supporting an increased welfare payment. Co-leader James Shaw described himself as “incensed” over rising house prices, labelling Labour as “irresponsible” for refusing to entertain a tax on capital gains. This is hollow theatrics. The Greens have, in return for two ministerial posts, promised to support the government.

The Reserve Bank last week extended its program of “quantitative easing,” pledging $28 billion on top of its already-committed $100 billion, to provide loan funding to banks at near-zero interest rates. The money has no strings attached. It is being used to bolster the banks’ profits and pump up house prices—which have escalated by 20 percent in the past year—through loans to speculators. On Tuesday, Ardern flatly rejected calls for the government to intervene and rein in the Reserve Bank.

The Labour-Greens pro-business trajectory exposes all those, especially the trade unions and pseudo-left groups, who promoted them during the election campaign. The union-funded Daily Blog, which is now complaining that Ardern “disappoints the Left,” previously glorified a possible Labour-Greens-Maori Party coalition as “the most progressive Government NZ could ever have,” ready to implement “radical reforms.”

The unions are playing a cynical role. A line-up headed by the NZ Council of Trade Unions signed the ActionStation open letter. Yet they have all suppressed any opposition among workers to the attacks on jobs, wages and social conditions carried out under the cover of the COVID-19 pandemic, while applauding the government’s billion-dollar handouts to big business.

Following an announcement by Air New Zealand this month that 385 international cabin crew would be made redundant, adding to the 4,000 already laid off with the collaboration of the unions, the E Tu union launched a nationalist “Kia Kaha Aotearoa” petition, begging the company to stop outsourcing work overseas.

Company CEO Greg Foran bluntly dismissed the suggestion as not “the best or most feasible business outcome.” A multi-million-dollar share offer has been given to Foran and his executive team, which E Tu meekly declared would “further damage the airline’s recovery.”

While refusing to lift welfare benefits, the Labour-Green government is continuing to pour cash into the hands of the wealthy. The country’s major companies, now including Fletcher Building and Fulton Hogan, have received millions of dollars from the COVID-19 “wage subsidy” scheme to boost profits while sacking thousands of workers. Fulton Hogan not only announced a $222 million annual profit, but rewarded shareholders with $79.5 million in dividends, bolstered by $34.3 million from government subsidies.

Hunger and evictions surge in the US

Jacob Crosse


The worst social catastrophe to befall the US working class since the Great Depression of the 1930s continues to leave millions of people hungry, jobless and facing eviction.

Video taken outside a food distribution site in Dallas, Texas this past weekend by CBS News gives some indication of the widespread hunger facing workers and their families. Saturday’s giveaway hosted by the North Texas Food Bank was the largest ever put together by the organization.

Feeding America, the second-largest food charity in the US estimates that upwards of 54 million people, including 1 in 4 children in the US are facing food insecurity.

People line up and check-in for a food giveaway at Harlem's Food Bank For New York City, a community kitchen and food pantry, Monday, Nov. 16, 2020, in New York. Over five hundred turkeys and produce food boxes were given away by lottery to needy families for Thanksgiving. (AP Photo/Bebeto Matthews)

The growing need for food among millions of workers and their families is coinciding with record levels of COVID-19 infections reported in states across the country. In Texas, over 1 million have contracted the coronavirus with over 20,000 perishing, the second most in the country behind New York. The Institute for Health Metrics forecast roughly another 190,000 deaths by March 1, 2021 if current trends continue.

On top of food insecurity, between 11 and 13 million renter households across the country are at risk of eviction, according to research by Stout, an investment bank and global advisory firm.

The Eviction Lab at Princeton University reports that eviction filings have increased in several major metro areas following the expiration of CARES Act provisions at the end of July and before the CDC eviction moratorium was implemented on September 4. However, even with the moratorium, Princeton researchers note that evictions have continued across the country, and Stout estimates that with its expiration at the end of the year this could lead to up to 6.4 million eviction filings.

The Eviction Lab data showed that two weeks after the CDC moratorium was implemented, evictions still continued to be processed, with 508 in Fort Worth and 1,053 in Houston, Texas. Filings also increased on a month-to-month basis in several cities after its passage, including in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and in the Florida cities of Tampa, Jacksonville and Gainesville.

In North Carolina almost 25,000 eviction cases were filed between July and September, according to data from the N.C. Administrative Office of the Courts, with almost 15,000 completed. Overall, Stout estimates that between 300,000 and 410,000 North Carolina households are unable to pay rent, with 240,000 expected eviction filings by January 2021.

In an interview with CNN, attorney Michael Trujillo commented on the bind that renters will find themselves in come January 1, 2021. “The pandemic is not going away before the end of the year,” he said. Trujillo added that without additional protections, “a huge wave of evictions” is on the horizon.

In a Hill-HarrisX poll taken between November 10-13, 77 percent of US voters were in favor of passing a coronavirus relief package “as soon as possible.” Yet despite massive popular support for more stimulus, no relief is incoming.

After the House and Senate passed the $2.2 trillion CARES Act at the end of March, which provided billions to Wall Street, large corporations and the well-connected, ensuring their financial stability for a lifetime, workers were left with limited protections and time-sensitive unemployment relief. Congress has yet to pass another bill long after the $1,200 stimulus checks and enhanced unemployment expired. Months of inaction have left millions of workers and their families without additional stimulus, eviction protections, health care, food, or medicine, exacerbating mental health issues and stress.

Included in the CARES Act was an eviction moratorium that expired, along with the federal $600-a-week unemployment supplement at the end of July. After Congress failed to come to terms on another bill at the end of July, on September 4 the Centers for Disease Control implemented a federal eviction moratorium, which required tenants to sign a declaration and provide a copy to their landlord. This, along with additional federal unemployment assistance distributed under the Pandemic Unemployment Assistance (PUA) and Pandemic Emergency Unemployment Compensation (PEUC) programs are set to expire the final week in December, leaving millions of people, who have yet to find jobs or come up with the monies needed to pay back rent, facing evictions in less than 50 days.

As of October some 13 million people were receiving benefits through the PUA or PEUC program, more than on state unemployment insurance, which has also expired for millions of workers.

While the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) estimates that over 11.1 million people are unemployed, thousands of workers, primarily low wage workers, continue to be laid off. Last week the BLS recorded over 709,000 first-time unemployment filings for the 34th week in a row, with first-time unemployment claims exceeding any week throughout the 2008-09 Great Recession.

The working class has been made to shoulder the brunt of the layoffs. A Washington Post analysis found that among higher education workers, low-wage and administrative staff have seen ongoing monthly job losses or have not been called back to campus while higher paid instructors have been hired back. The Post found that while colleges hired 180,000 workers during the fall semester last year, only 20,000 jobs were added this year.

Mass unemployment has led workers to apply for state unemployment benefits, but hundreds of thousands have yet to receive anything nearly eight months into the pandemic. In Wisconsin, TMJ reporters working with Wisconsin Watch found that nationally only 56 percent of unemployment claims were paid from March through August, while in Wisconsin it was only 42.5 percent. As of November 10, more than 94,000 people in the state were still waiting for either state or federal unemployment benefits.

For those who were fortunate enough to receive benefits, their expiration and the inability to find safe well-paying work have left them unable to afford basic necessities.

The out-of-control spread of the virus coupled with overcrowded hospitals prompted a flurry of public health declarations over the past 72 hours from Republican and Democratic governors, such as Iowa Republican Kim Reynolds and Michigan Democrat Gretchen Whitmer. These included curfews, mask mandates and calls to limit social gatherings to 10 people or less. However, not one politician in either party is advancing the necessary demand to resume lockdowns of all non-essential businesses with guaranteed pay for jobless workers and small business owners.

As Democratic President-elect Joe Biden made clear in his speech yesterday after meeting with corporate executives, the number one concern of the ruling class is “to get the economy back on track,” not stop the spread of the virus, feed the hungry, pass stimulus or house the homeless, but to ensure and increase profits for the corporations and Wall Street.

Not once in Biden’s speech did he call for extending the unemployment benefits in the CARES Act nor for additional stimulus or an extension on eviction moratoriums.

This is because despite all their declarations, the Democratic Party is not a party of workers. It, as Biden’s transition team attests, is the party of Wall Street, big banks, Amazon, and the military-industrial complex.

In the latest round of political theater on Tuesday, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer wrote a letter to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell appealing, “for the sake of the country,” to “come to the table and work with us to produce an agreement that meets America’s needs in this critical time.”

The letter noted that the negotiations should begin from the previous failed starting offer of $2.2 trillion, which McConnell and Republicans have dismissed as unfeasible, a position they have not budged from in the last six months. Despite the supposed intransigence on the part of Republicans, the fact is Democrats and Republicans in the Senate have found time to advance several of President Donald Trump’s federal judges past committee hearings, including Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett, allowing them to be approved.

Ultimately, both parties see the provision of even the most meager benefits to millions of people from destitution as being a “disincentive” for their real aim: getting workers back on the job in factories and other workplaces amid a raging pandemic.

German unions offer Lufthansa up to 50 percent compensation reduction

Ulrich Rippert


The three trade unions represented at Lufthansa have agreed to wage cuts, benefit reductions and dismissals that surpass all the concessions made by the unions to date.

The pilots’ union Cockpit (VC), the Independent Flight Attendants Organization (UFO) and Verdi, which represents the approximately 35,000 ground workers and functions as Lufthansa’s house union, are literally outbidding one another other with concessions.

According to their own statements, they are offering the Lufthansa board of directors a 1.2 billion euro cut in the income of union members.

In the spring, Cockpit agreed to reduce pilots’ salaries by up to 50 percent and to maintain that level until the end of the year. On Wednesday, Cockpit announced that this salary cut would be extended until the end of June 2022.

Lufthansa AIRBUS a320-200 (Image credit: Flickr/Bjorn)

In addition to reduced hours and the attendant pay reduction, the package imposes concessions in salaries and pensions, VC explained. VC President Markus Wahl said, “These additional concessions, along with those agreed to in the spring, total over 600 million euros. This corresponds to salary reductions of up to 50 percent compared to the pre-crisis period.”

The UFO signed an agreement with Lufthansa in the summer that will save the airline group half a billion euros by the end of 2023. Averaged over the 22,000 cabin employees of the parent company to which the agreement applies, the deal means a loss of income of €23,000 per worker over three-and-a-half years.

The savings will be realized by suspending wage increases, shortening work hours with a corresponding reduction in earnings, reducing contributions to the company pension scheme and cutting jobs. In addition, there will be “voluntary” measures such as unpaid leave, further reductions in work hours and early retirement. Those affected will lose not only a large portion of their current income, but also their future pension provisions.

Last Wednesday, Verdi approved a separate agreement for ground personnel. By immediately waiving vacation and Christmas bonuses, foregoing allowances and accepting a wage freeze until the end of 2021, “the ground workers are producing a savings contribution of more than 200 million euros to overcome the crisis,” explained Verdi Vice Chairman Christine Behle, who is also vice chairwoman of the Lufthansa Supervisory Board.

The company’s human relations director, Michael Niggemann, boasted in Manager Magazine that the agreement with ground staff meant that personnel costs for the employee group could be cut next year by up to 50 percent.

German trade unions have never before agreed to such a cut—some 1.2 billion euros—in the income of their members. It marks a new point of departure for union sellouts. Averging out the impact among 130,000 current employees, the deals will cut per-worker income by nearly 10,000 euros.

And that is not the end of it.

Verdi functionary Behle declared last Wednesday that this was an „initial result“ that had been achieved after “tough negotiations.” Talks on further cost-cutting measures from 2022 onwards were in early stages.

All three unions and their works councils are laboring intensively on cutting more jobs. They are compiling lists of redundancies and holding individual meetings to push termination agreements, constantly increasing the pressure on employees. During the summer, a reduction of 22,000 employees was described as inevitable. Now job cuts have been increased to at least 30,000.

On the other side of the table, board members and shareholders are pocketing millions. A glance at Lufthansa’s 2019 Annual Report shows that the immediate impact of the coronavirus pandemic is being used as a pretext to implement a long-planned, radical restructuring of the group, which had up to now failed due to employee resistance.

In the face of global competition and intensifying trade wars, the aim is to “slim down” the group, increase productivity and efficiency, and trim all areas so as to increase profits.

Last year—long before the pandemic—revenues had already fallen significantly compared to 2018, and profits had slumped by 44 percent.

In the same period, the salaries of the six members of the board of directors increased significantly to a combined total of almost 14 million euros. Group CEO Carsten Spohr alone received almost 4 million euros. The annual report states: “Not included in this figure: Pension provisions for the members of the Board of Directors active in fiscal 2019 amounted to €16.7 million (previous year: €12.4 million).”

In addition, there was “payment from stock programs of €3.465 million for the six members of the Management Board” and “running payments and other compensation to former members of the Management Board and their surviving dependents.” These outlays amounted to 6.4 million euros.

The trade union officials and works council members who sit on the corporate board also made a killing, above all Verdi functionary Christine Behle, who, as deputy chairwoman of the Supervisory Board, received 140,000 euros last year.

She was followed by Christina Weber (works council, Verdi), Alexander Behrens (UFO board member until May 2019), and Joerg Cebulla (Cockpit Association), each receiving 110,000 euros.

Ilja Schulz (ex-president of Cockpit) collected 100,000 euros. And 80,000 euros went each to Christian Hirsch (Verdi), Klaus Winkler (works council, Verdi), Olivia Stelz (UFO), Holger Benjamin Koch (spokesperson for the executive staff) and Birgit Rohleder (representative of employees not covered by collective agreements).

The 10 so-called employee representatives on the Supervisory Board received a total of €1,070,000 for their close cooperation in the cost-cutting measures and dismissals.

During the summer, the World Socialist Web Site published the article “Germany: Lufthansa and the bankruptcy of the unions,” in which we stated:

The events at Lufthansa clearly show the bankruptcy of the trade unions and their perspective. For decades, they have subordinated the interests of the workers to the profit interests of the corporations, within the framework of “social partnership.” There are no mass dismissals or plant closures in Germany that do not bear the signature of the trade unions and their works council representatives. At Lufthansa, the unions are now going so far as to organize rallies for a ‘rescue package’ that includes the destruction of tens of thousands of jobs and massive wage and social cuts!

With the 1.2 billion euros in concessions in the new contracts, the transformation of the unions into management enforcers defending the interests of the corporations and the government is obvious. In the midst of the deepest global crisis of capitalism in 75 years, the unions are determined to decimate the living standards of workers in order to defend the profits of “their” national corporations in the international trade war--not only at Lufthansa, but also in the automobile, construction, steel, chemical and all other industries.

It is time to break with these corrupt organizations. Jobs, wages and social achievements can be defended only in a rebellion against the established unions. For this it is necessary to build independent action committees that network internationally and across companies and organize the struggle to defend jobs and wages.

This requires a socialist perspective that does not proceed from the profits of the capitalist owners, but the interests of the working population. The crisis in the aviation industry cannot be solved on a capitalist basis and within a national framework. It requires the expropriation of the corporations and their transformation into democratically controlled public institutions that serve the needs of society rather than profit.

IsDB Prize for Impactful Achievement in Islamic Economics 2021

Application Deadline: 30th November 2020.

About the Award: The Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Prize for Impactful Achievement in Islamic Economics is a renewed version of the 32-year-old IsDB Prize in Islamic Economics, Banking & Finance. The Prize has been widened to reward outstanding achievements both in knowledge creation and in implementing innovative development solutions guided by the principles of Islamic Economics.

Under the new format, the Prize has two categories. The first category will reward significant contributions to knowledge in areas with the potential to solve major development challenges of IsDB Member Countries; while the second category will reward successful projects that solve critical development challenges in IsDB Member Countries.

In the knowledge contribution category, the first-place winner will be awarded USD70,000, while the runner-up and third-place finisher will receive USD30,000 and USD20,000 respectively. In the development solutions category, the reward is USD100,000 for the first place, USD70,000 for the second place, and USD50,000 for the third place.

The Prize aims to recognise, reward and encourage creative projects that successfully solve important development challenges in the IsDB Member Countries (MCs).

Type: Award

Eligibility: The nominated projects shall meet the following criteria:
▪ Successfully solve economic and financial challenges;
▪ Have positive and significant impact on people’s life;
▪ Be consistent with moral values as guided by the principles of Islamic
economics; and
▪ Have been initiated within past seven years.

The Prize will be awarded only in one category each year, alternating
between the category (a) Prize for Knowledge Contribution, and category
(b) Prize for Development Solution Achievement. Self-nominations are
not accepted for the prize category on knowledge contribution; whereas
individuals or institutions can nominate themselves for the prize category
on development solution achievement. The admissibility criteria are
shown below for each category of the prize.

Selection Criteria: The Projects shall be:

1. Innovative: It shall be new, original, and better than existing solutions

  1. Impactful: It shall show evidence of significant positive impact on people’s life
  2. Replicable: It shall be replicable at other places and time
  3. Sustainable: It shall be financially and operationally sustainable
  4. Scalable: It shall show clear potential for scaling up with relative ease

Each category will be awarded every other year, alternating between the two categories for contributions made over the previous seven years. The seven-year period is intended to incentivise the younger generation to contribute to development in MCs.

Eligible Countries: IsDB Member countries

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: Individuals and institutions engaged in economic development worldwide are invited to nominate projects eligible for the ‘Development Solutions Achievement’ category of the Prize, which comes with a US$ 100,000 award for the first-place winner, US$ 70,000 for second place, and US$ 50,000 for third place. Winning projects must be innovative, impactful, sustainable, and consistent with Islamic values.

How to Apply:

Nominations can be submitted on the IsDB Prize Portal from 1st July 2020 to 30th November 2020.

More details on the nomination procedure is available on IRTI website and on the dedicated IsDB Prize Portal, where the information about the call for nominations and brochure can be downloaded from the ‘Announcement’ tab.

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Government of Hungary Stipendium Hungaricum Scholarships 2021/2022

Application Deadline: 15th January 2021

Eligible Countries: International. See list of countries below

To be taken at (country): Hungary

Field of Study: Applicants are encouraged to apply for study fields that are in the educational cooperation programmes between Hungary and the specific Sending Partner.

About the Award: Thousands of students from all around the world apply for higher educational studies in Hungary each year. The number of Stipendium Hungaricum applicants is continuously increasing as well as the number of available scholarship places.

The programme is based on bilateral educational cooperation agreements signed between the Ministries responsible for education in the sending countries/territories and Hungary or between institutions. Currently more than 50 Sending Partners are engaged in the programme throughout 4 different continents.

Offered Since: 2013

Type: Stipendium Hungaricum scholarships are available for bachelor, master, one-tier master, doctoral and non-degree programmes (preparatory and specialisation courses).

In the Hungarian education system, one-tier master programmes cover both the bachelor and the master level of studies; therefore it is an undivided master programme that results in a master degree. These one-tier programmes are offered in specific study fields such as general medicine, pharmacy, dentistry, architecture, law, veterinary surgery, forestry engineering, etc.

Eligibility: See full eligibility of all study types in Scholarship Webpage (Link below).

Applications will not be considered in the following cases:

  • Hungarian citizens (including those with dual citizenships)
  • former Stipendium Hungaricum Scholarship Holders, who are re-applying for studies in the same cycle of education (non-degree studies, bachelor, master, doctoral level) including both full time and partial study programmes

Number of Awardees: Numerous

Value of Scholarship: 

  • Tuition-free education
    • exemption from the payment of tuition fee
  • Monthly stipend
    • non-degree, bachelor, master and one-tier master level: monthly amount of HUF 40 460 (cca EUR 130) contribution to the living expenses in Hungary, for 12 months a year, until the completion of studies
    • doctoral level: according to the current Hungarian legislation, the monthly amount of scholarship is HUF 140 000 (cca EUR 450) for the first phase of education (4 semesters) and HUF 180 000 (cca EUR 580) for the second phase (4 semesters) – for 12 months a year, until completion of studies.
  • Accommodation
    • dormitory place or a contribution of HUF 40 000 to accommodation costs for the whole duration of the scholarship period
  • Medical insurance
    • health care services according to the relevant Hungarian legislation (Act No. 80 of 1997, national health insurance card) and supplementary medical insurance for up to HUF 65 000 (cca EUR 205) a year/person

Duration of Scholarship: Duration of candidate’s chosen program:

  • Bachelor programmes: Fulltime: 2-4 years. Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Master programmes:  Fulltime: 1.5-2 years. Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • One-tier master programmes: Fulltime: 5-6 years Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Doctoral programmes:  Fulltime: 2+2 years Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Non-degree programmes:
    • Preparatory course in Hungarian language: 1 year
    • Other preparatory and specialisation courses: up to 1 year

List of Eligible Countries: For full time programmes, students can apply from the following Sending Partners: Arab Republic of Egypt, Argentine Republic, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Federal Republic of Nigeria, Georgia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Japan, Kingdom of Cambodia, Kingdom of Morocco, Kurdistan Regional Government/Iraq, Kyrgyz Republic, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Lebanese Republic, Mongolia, Oriental Republic of Uruguay, Palestine, People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria, People’s Republic of China (including the Hudec scholarships), Republic of Albania, Republic of Angola, Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of Belarus, Republic of Colombia, Republic of Ecuador, Republic of Ghana, Republic of India, Republic of Indonesia, Republic of Iraq, Republic of Kazakhstan, Republic of Kenya, Republic of Korea, Republic of Kosovo, Republic of Macedonia (FYROM is used at OSCE, UN, CoE, EU and NATO fora), Republic of Moldova, Republic of Namibia, Republic of Paraguay, Republic of Serbia, Republic of South Africa, Republic of the Philippines, Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Republic of Turkey, Republic of Yemen, Russian Federation, Socialist Republic of Vietnam, State of Israel, Syrian Arab Republic, The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Tunisian Republic, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, United Mexican States.

For partial study programmes, students can apply from the following Sending Partners: Georgia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Japan, Kingdom of Cambodia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Lebanese Republic, Mongolia, People’s Republic of China (only Hudec applicants), Republic of Albania, Republic of Belarus, Republic of India, Republic of Korea, Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Republic of Turkey, Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Russian Federation, Syrian Arab Republic, United Mexican States.

How to Apply: Apply for a Stipendium Hungaricum Scholarship Here

Separate: Call for Applications for doctoral programmes 2021/2022

  • Applications shall be submitted to the responsible authority of the Sending Partner
  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Schneider Electric Engineering Graduate Programme 2021

Application Deadline: 30th November 2020

About the Award:

Schneider Electric Engineering Graduate Programme 2021 for EAST AFRICA

Req ID: 006E1N

Location: Nairobi, Kenya

Our Schneider Electric East Africa Graduate Program is open for applications from 2 November 2020 with aim to attract the most talented, innovative and creative engineering minds. We are looking for Engineering Graduates who have completed their studies in 2018, or 2019 . We encourage both males and females to applyOur Offering? 

  • Competitive package with opportunity for future employment
  • An opportunity to work for the Global leader in the Energy industry
  • Continuous learning and development.
  • On the job training and mentorship programs provided by senior experts in the industry
  • Buddy who will help you to smoothly find yourself in our company
  • Exposure to working in a multi-national and multi-cultural environment, as well as the most recent trends of global technology
  • Relaxed, fun and engaging environment – we’re not just about business: volunteering, extra projects, integration events
  • Real business experience and client interactions preparing you for the job market expectations

Role Requirement

  • Minimum education level required: Bachelor’s degree in Electrical Engineering( Minimum 2nd Class Upper) doubled with a minimum of a B+ in KCSE
  • Newly graduated in 2018 & 2019 with the above-mentioned qualifications are preferred.
  • Internship experience from technical or techno-commercial roles is advantageous but not a must.
  • This is a full-time graduate program.

Desired profile

  • Broad Technical Acumen
  • Problem Solving Ability
  • Creative Thinking
  • Good planning and organizing skills
  • Creating & Innovating
  • Entrepreneurial & Commercial thinking
  • Presentation & Communication (written and verbal) skills
  • Teamwork & collaboration skills
  • Basic financial Understanding

Why is Schneider a great place to work?

We empower everyone to make the most of our energy and resources, ensuring Life Is On everywhere, for everyone, at every moment. Along the way, we create and provide equal opportunities for everyone, everywhere. We continuously create an inclusive environment and welcome people from all walks of life. We are empowered to do our best and innovate, while living our unique life and work. Together, we dare to disrupt and turn our bold ideas into reality.

N/B

Applicants should submit their resumes and cover letter on our official website. Applications will be reviewed on a rolling basis.

Schedule: Full-time
Req: 006E1N

Schneider Electric Engineering Graduate Programme 2021 for SOUTHERN AFRICA

Req ID:006E0U

Categorie(s):Human Resources

Location(s): Johannesburg (Gauteng), South Africa

Program Summary

Schneider Electric South Africa is looking for passionate undergraduates who are expected to graduate in 2019 and wish to join the company’s graduate trainee program. If you are eager to learn about our field, gain insights into the world of big corporates, and contribute value to our business; we encourage you to apply& get to learn about the world of sustainable energy and the technology of energy management and automation.

What we offer? 

  • Paid internship under the supervision of a mentor in an international environment
  • Relaxed, fun and engaging environment – we’re not just about business: volunteering, extra projects, integration events
  • Buddy and mentor – who will help you to smoothly find yourself in our company
  • Real business experience and client interactions preparing you for the job market expectations
  • Special training tailored to your needs and career goals
  • Opportunity of future employment and professional development
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How Livestock Impacts Ecosystems

George Wuerthner


Livestock production is one of the most ubiquitous human activities around the globe.  It is particularly detrimental to arid lands, and much of the western public lands are arid. Typically most livestock advocates, which also includes far too many conservation organizations, focus on one or two areas where livestock impacts can be mitigated (not eliminated) such as fencing riparian areas to protect water quality or range riders to fend off predators.

But all of these are just halfway measures that ignore a full accounting of the multiple ways that livestock production harms our ecosystems, wildlife, and our planet. They do not address the real issue-does it make sense to use water-loving, slow-moving, domesticated animals to produce protein? There are alternative sources of protein, and certainly better places to do this than the arid lands of the Western U.S.

There have been some excellent reviews of livestock impacts.

Welfare Ranching: The Subsidized Destruction of the American West (Wuerthner and Matteson 2002) has numerous chapters addressing many aspects of livestock production ecological impacts in the arid West.

Waste of the West: Public Lands Ranching by Lynn Jacobs. A classic book that is heavily illustrated. An excellent primer for anyone who is interested in getting acquainted with the issue.

A classic paper is Thomas Fleischner’s Ecological Costs of Livestock Grazing in North America (Fleischner 1994).

Another is Freilich et al. Ecological Effects of Ranching: A Six-Point Critique.

A critical review of Allan Savory Claims by John Carter et al. (2014) is useful.

More recently, a review of global impacts is Livestock’s Long Shadow, which asserts that livestock production is the leading cause of biodiversity loss (FAO 2006).

In 2019 the U.N. updated the earlier report with the IPBES (2019): Global assessment report on biodiversity and ecosystem services of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services. The review finds that Agriculture, particularly livestock grazing, is the single greatest impact on global biodiversity and contributes significant amounts of CO2 to GHG emissions.

Quoting from the report, “Over one-third of the world’s land surface and nearly three-quarters of available freshwater resources are devoted to crop or livestock production {2.1.11}. Crop production occurs on some 12 percent of total ice-free land. Grazing occurs on about 25 percent of total ice-free lands and approximately 70 percent of drylands {2.1.11}. Approximately 25 percent of the globe’s greenhouse gas emissions come from land clearing, crop production, and fertilization, with animal-based food contributing 75 percent of that.”

The key findings of the report include:

Livestock production (grazing and feedstock) is the single largest driver of global habitat loss.

Grazing areas for cattle account for about 25% of the world’s ice-free land.

Animal agriculture contributes at least 18% to global greenhouse gas emissions.

Livestock production uses a large portion of freshwater resources.

One-third of the world’s crops are used as feed for livestock production.

Animal-based foods, especially beef, require more water and energy than plant-based foods. This production of crops for animal feed means more greenhouse-gas emissions.

The meat and dairy industries use 83% of farmland but contribute only 18% of food calories.

Farmed animals now account for over 90% of all large land animals.

Producing protein via farmed animals is a very wasteful use of resources. It can take from 10kg to 100kg of plant foods to produce just 1kg of animal products.

The demand for grain-fed meat is one of the main drivers of global biodiversity loss.

Within the United States, livestock production is a significant land use (see excel chart) NPLGC  has been identified as contributing to these ecological losses and habitat degradation.

Cattle grazing Sonoran Desert National Monument, Arizona. Photo by George Wuerthner.

KEY IMPACTS OF LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION (NOT JUST GRAZING) UPON THE LAND.

1. Forage competition—the majority of the forage is consumed by livestock, leaving little residual cover or food for native wildlife (Schieltz and Rubenstein. 2016).

2. Livestock compact and trample soils reducing infiltration, creating higher run-off, more flooding and erosion (Kauffman B. and W. C. Krueger. 1984 , Belsky, J.A et al. 1999).

3. Livestock is the major source of non-point water pollution in the West (FAO 2006).

4. Livestock destroys soil biocrusts that bind soils and captures free nitrogen making it available to plant growth, soil crusts and inhibit weed establishment (Zaady E., Eldridge D.J., Bowker M.A. (2016).

5. Livestock is among the chief sources of weed dispersal. Also, the trampling of plants, as well as cropping of desirable plants give weedy species a competitive advantage (Hogan J. P., Phillips C. J. C. (2011).

6. Most of the West’s water is diverted for livestock forage production (i.e. hay). In Montana, 97% of all water removed from streams is used by agriculture (M.R. Cannon and Dave R. Johnson 2000).

7. Livestock can socially displace native species. Elk and other species have been shown to avoid areas actively being grazed by domestic animals (Clegg, Kenneth. 1994).

8. Livestock transmits disease to native, i.e. as in bighorn sheep (Pils and Wilder 2018).

9. Predator and pest control such as the killing of wolves and prairie dogs greatly reduces the ecological integrity of the landscape (Ripple and Beschta 2012).

10. Trampling of riparian areas negatively affects 75-80% of the West’s wildlife species (Kauffman B. and W. C. Krueger 1984).

11. Plant community conversion—grazing can lead to the eventual transformation of a plant community (F. Amiri, Ali Ariapour and S. Fadai).

12. Livestock grazing contributes to increased fire severity by removing grasses allowing tree seedlings to become established, leading to greater tree densities. Livestock has led to the spread of cheat grass—a highly flammable annual grass that increased fire frequency, negatively impacting native grasses and shrubs (Belsky, A.J., and J. L. Gelbard, 2000).

13. Livestock interrupts nutrients cycles (Fleischner 1994)

14. Livestock degrades the aesthetics of the landscape.

15. Forage production and livestock grazing off and on public lands affect native plant communities. There are 1.9 billion acres in the United States outside of Alaska. Agriculture, particularly, livestock production affects more than half of that acreage. There are 408 million acres of agricultural land were in cropland—much of it forage crops to feed to livestock–614 million acres were in pasture and range, 127 million acres were in grazed forestland (Cynthia Nickerson and Allison Borchers 2012).

16. Livestock affects many smaller native species that are seldom on the radar screen of most citizens from snails to frogs (Wuerthner and Matteson 2002).

17. Livestock production is responsible for more endangered species than other land use in the West (Flather et al. 1994).

18. Fences, water development, and other developments used to maintain livestock operations have negative impacts on native species. Fences can block wildlife migration or fence posts may provide perches for birds of prey to attack sage grouse (Jakesa et al. 2018).

19. Getting at the true costs of livestock production is nearly impossible. The real ecological costs are uncountable, and even the public taxpayer costs are obscured (Wuerthner and Matteson 2002).

Unifor sells out militant Newfoundland Dominion grocery strike

Carl Bronski


The bitter 12-week strike of 1,400 Dominion grocery workers at 11 stores across Newfoundland ended Friday with Unifor announcing the strikers had ratified a new four-year contract. Unifor has refused to release the vote count, a clear sign that significant opposition to the sellout deal was registered.

Speaking with CBC, Chris Macdonald, assistant to Unifor President Jerry Dias, conceded, “Our members are feeling disappointed. This is not the deal that they wanted and this isn’t the reason why they went on strike.”

The new contract is virtually the same as a Unifor-endorsed tentative agreement that the workers overwhelmingly rejected last August.

Unifor President Jerry Dias at a September 22 press conference.

Back-dated to October 2019, the new contract provides a paltry pay increase of $1.35 spread over four years. But only full-time workers and part-timers with more than five years seniority will receive the full $1.35. In a further insult, Dominion management “threw in” a store gift card. Most workers will receive cards worth just $50 or $100, with the few high seniority full-time staff receiving $500 cards.

The Dominion workers had not received a contractual pay increase since early 2018. In early June, after just three months, the grocer eliminated a $2.00 per hour “emergency bonus” introduced to keep workers on the job during the COVID-19 pandemic.

A major issue in the strike was the company’s years-long assault on full-time jobs. Under the new agreement, only 22 of the more than 60 full-time positions eliminated in 2019 will be restored.

When the strike began, 83 percent of the Dominion workforce was made up of low-wage part-time employees with no or minimal benefits. Fully three-quarters of the workers made less than $14.00 per hour, with a majority of the part-timers labouring at or just above the then provincial poverty-level minimum wage of $11.65 (since raised by the province to $12.15).

Dominion is one of the many holdings of the giant Loblaws conglomerate. Loblaws and its subsidiaries are Canada’s largest retailer, employing 200,000 workers. Its owner, Galen Weston Sr., has a fortune in excess of C$13 billion.

Striking Dominion workers. (Photo credit: Unifor)

Loblaws is raking in huge profits on the backs of its low-paid, precariously-employed workforce. It recorded a $162 million increase in second-quarter net profits and bumped it up another 7 percent in the third quarter. Profits so far this year total nearly half a billion dollars and are expected to double by year’s end.

Given this shameless profiteering in the midst of a global health crisis and the vast wealth at Loblaw’s disposal, there is no question an appeal for job action in support of the striking Dominion workers would have won powerful support among workers across Canada—beginning with the hundreds of thousands of supermarket workers, including many at other Loblaws outlets, whose contracts have or will soon expire.

But such a working class counteroffensive was precisely what Unifor was determined to prevent. A close ally of the federal Liberal government, Dias and the Unifor apparatus have responded to the pandemic and the eruption of the greatest crisis of global capitalism since the Great Depression of the 1930s by deepening their anti-worker corporatist partnership with big business and the state.

That is why the union recommended an employer-dictated agreement last August, and why it refused to mobilize grocery workers across the country in support of the strike and a joint struggle against the retail food giants.

The well-heeled Unifor bureaucrats tried to cover their treacherous actions with a few brief and ineffectual publicity stunts, including a never realized threat to launch a national “boycott” of Loblaws. They immediately kowtowed to the anti-worker court injunctions and police violence that was employed against the strikers after they tried to disrupt Loblaws’ Newfoundland distribution network.

Unifor is now trying to claim it had nothing to do with the strikers’ isolation and the strike’s defeat. “Ultimately,” MacDonald told CBC, “they had an employer who refused to budge … essentially threatening many more months back on the picket line.”

The reality is that Unifor ran the strike into the ground. It softened the strikers up by isolating their struggle, then begged Loblaws to present workers essentially the same rotten offer they had voted down 12 weeks earlier.

The union exploited a reactionary court ruling to advance this agenda. When a judge ruled that it was illegal for pickets to block company shipments to and from its central warehouse, but permitted ineffectual information pickets, local Unifor president Carolyn Wrice hailed the ruling as a “victory.” “You got to love it,” she said. “It’s given us an opportunity to say to the company, ‘Look, come back. We want to get this done and over with.’” In other words, having made clear the union would order the strikers to comply with a court ruling aimed at barring all but token picketing, Wrice signalled to the company that Unifor now believed the strikers could be prevailed upon to grudgingly ratify a sellout contract.

A post from one worker revealed how the union pressured workers at her worksite to accept the company offer. Unifor official Chris MacDonald told the workers “it’s costing them around $500,000 for us to be out on strike a week. He said that basically with a strike the end game is to get better than what we had, but the company has said right from the start they aren’t going to give us anything regarding sick days or better pay. He said that it would be different if the company was run in Newfoundland, but as far as the company is concerned we’re just a blip on their radar.”

Another Dominion worker wrote, “I thought a ratification vote happens when a union and company reach a tentative agreement. That did not happen, not even close. It seems like our union is giving up and Loblaws is getting what they want. It’s time for Unifor to pull all union workers from Loblaws across Canada, now is the time. Don’t say it’s not legal. Loblaws don’t play fair, neither should we.”

As the World Socialist Web Site previously wrote in an article widely read by workers in Newfoundland and across Canada, “Although it represents tens of thousands of grocery workers across the country who confront similarly miserable working conditions, the union has done nothing to mobilize them in support of the strikers. Nor did it called on other unions, like the United Food and Commercial Workers, which also represents tens of thousands of grocery clerks, to support their fight. Instead, Unifor has isolated the militant Dominion workers on small picket lines, with the occasional visit from a regional or national official to boost morale.

“This is not a question of union incompetence, but of a deliberate policy aimed at smothering any working class movement against low wages, social inequality, and the fabulous enrichment of the super-rich like Weston. Unifor and the rest of the pro-capitalist union bureaucracy are determined to block any social opposition among working people that could disrupt its corporatist partnership with the big business federal Liberal government and the heads of corporate Canada.”

The strike in Newfoundland had the potential to trigger a working class upsurge. The valiant strikers had the heart-felt support of working class Newfoundlanders across the province. It was the first grocery contract dispute in Canada since the beginning of the pandemic. Over the coming year, 2,400 other Loblaw operations across the country will see the expiration of their collective agreements.

Spain’s PSOE-Podemos government imposes internet censorship

Alice Summers


The Socialist Party (PSOE)-Podemos government has advanced plans to censor the internet across Spain.

The “Procedure for Intervention against Disinformation,” approved last month by Spain’s National Security Council (CSN) and published this month in the Official State Gazette (BOE), allows the state to monitor and suppress internet content under the pretext of combating “fake news” and “foreign intervention.”

The document makes legal provision for constant state surveillance of social media platforms and the media more broadly to detect “disinformation” and give a “political response” to such campaigns, including retaliatory measures if there is supposedly foreign involvement. The government will counter “disinformation” by pushing its own communication campaigns and also suppress oppositional views.

Spain's caretaker Prime Minister Podemos party leader Pablo Iglesias speaks after signing an agreement with Spain's caretaker prime Minister Pedro Sanchez in the Spanish parliament in Madrid, Spain, Monday, Dec. 30, 2019. (AP Photo/Paul White)

The new protocol is a dangerous attack on freedom of speech with grave implications for the democratic right to access and use the internet freely. It gives the Spanish state complete decision-making power to determine what does or does not constitute “fake news,” without any involvement from journalists or public oversight.

A Permanent Commission will operate the censorship apparatus; it will be coordinated by the Secretary of State for Communication and directed by the National Security Department, with the aim of “ensuring inter-ministerial coordination in the area of disinformation.” Members of the committee will come from the Foreign Ministry, the Finance Ministry and the Centro Nacional de Inteligencia (National Intelligence Agency, CNI), among others.

Podemos general secretary Pablo Iglesias sits on the board of the Intelligence Affairs Commission, which directs and supervises the activities of the CNI spy agency. The “left populist” Podemos party will thus play a leading role in implementing the attacks on democratic rights.

The protocol establishes four levels of activity for the system, ranging from monitoring the internet to detect, analyse and track the activity of disinformation campaigns at the lowest level, through to the launching of a “political response” by the CSN if the campaign can be attributed to a “third State.” Final stages could include diplomatic action against the foreign power, complaints filed with international bodies, or more aggressive retaliatory measures.

The new protocol bases itself on the claim that attempts by external forces to influence public opinion within a state constitute acts of aggression. This is particularly the case during election cycles, the document states, which are “ever more threatened by the deliberate, large-scale and systematic spread of disinformation that seeks to influence society with self-serving and spurious aims.”

Although the document does not name those who are supposedly guilty of conducting such disinformation campaigns, these charges of foreign election meddling are clearly aimed at Russia. This is only the latest attempt by the Spanish bourgeoisie to blame systemic political crises on “Russian meddling.” Similar claims of interference were made about the 2017 Catalan independence referendum.

Only last month, Spanish paramilitary police made ludicrous claims that Russia had planned to invade Catalonia in support of the secessionists, alleging without evidence that the Kremlin offered Carles Puigdemont—the former Catalan premier now living in exile in Belgium—ten thousand soldiers to deploy across the region.

El País, a daily closely aligned with the ruling PSOE, used false claims that Russian interference had been “proven” in the 2016 US presidential elections and the 2017 Brexit referendum in the UK to justify the Internet crackdown in Spain.

This continued peddling of anti-Russian propaganda by the state, actively supported by bourgeois media, poses immense dangers to the working class. Claims of “Russian disinformation” will be used to discredit and suppress online content opposing the official narrative, as well as providing a potential casus belli for war with a nuclear-armed power in response to potentially imaginary acts of “aggression.”

The new protocol updates and makes public anti-disinformation legislation which has been in place since March 2019—passed under the premiership of PSOE Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez—the details of which were never shared publicly. These measures are based on an action plan put forward by the European Union in December 2018 and will be carried out in close collaboration with the EU.

The protocol gives a legal stamp of approval to censorship measures now underway in Spain for a number of years—particularly since the 2017 Catalan referendum, when Popular Party (PP) Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy’s government launched a vast campaign to monitor and censor social media in order to detect supposed secessionist “disinformation.”

While Podemos nominally opposed the PP’s attempts to enshrine these reactionary measures into law in 2018, accusing the then government of trying to create an Orwellian “Ministry of Truth,” two years later, they are at the forefront of attempts to suppress freedom of speech. At the end of October, the Spanish Congress of Deputies passed a motion, put forward by Podemos. It obliges the government to adopt measures to prevent the spread of “hate speech” on social media by imposing its monitoring and immediate removal.

Podemos’ proposal would put in place mechanisms to facilitate denunciations of this content by internet users and would require operators of internet platforms to remove posts which “incite hate” within 24 hours, or within one hour if the target is a minor. Internet operators would also be required to store this content and provide it to the authorities for investigation.

While Podemos tries to give its reactionary policies a progressive veneer of opposition to hate speech, the ultimate target of its moves to censor the internet is the working class. As unrest grows in Spain and internationally in response to governments’ homicidal handling on the COVID-19 pandemic—exacerbating unemployment, lack of access to health care, and poverty—Podemos is stepping up efforts to silence domestic political opposition. It aims to prevent the outbreak of mass demonstrations and strikes against its own murderous policy.

Appearing before the Spanish congress, Podemos declared that the pandemic had created a “growing polarisation” in public opinion, reflected online.

Podemos claimed that the pandemic is being “instrumentalised for ideological purposes,” which poses the risk of digital “lynchings.” This implies that legitimate criticisms of Podemos itself and its coalition partner, the PSOE, for their criminal policies on the COVID-19 pandemic are in fact attempts to intimidate and “lynch” bourgeois politicians and should therefore be suppressed.

Global press organization Reporters Without Borders (RSF) condemned the new protocol as an attack on freedom of expression. RSF Spain president Alfonso Armada said: “We deplore the fact that a such a loosely-worded document constitutes the basis of an initiative to combat disinformation. All over the world, we condemn laws that are supposed to combat fake news and which, in reality, are designed to erode press freedom by means of a deliberate ambiguity.”

In response to such criticisms, the Federation of Spanish Journalist Associations and the Madrid Press Association, as well as from right-wing parties fraudulently posturing as defenders of democratic rights, the PSOE-Podemos government issued a statement. It tried to cover over the reactionary nature of the PSOE-Podemos legislation.

It said: “The objective [of the protocol] is to avoid foreign interference in matters of national interest as well as to detect campaigns promoted from outside which could damage the national interest in our country.” It stressed the supposed necessity of increasing “electoral integrity” and claimed that the new measures do not target “fake news” but “disinformation campaigns.”

The distinction is bogus. In reality, this protocol is a part of a broader turn in the Spanish ruling class towards police-state rule. It exposes yet again the “left populist” parties of the affluent upper-middle class like Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece and their affiliates across Europe, who, once in government, have enthusiastically implemented policies of austerity, militarism and attacks on democratic rights indistinguishable from those of the right-wing.