5 May 2021

CRISPR Madness: Welcome to the Age of Genetic Chaos

Stuart A. Newman


The Nobel prize in chemistry awarded last year to the biochemists Jennifer Doudna and Emmanuelle Charpentier for the genetic modification technique called CRISPR cemented the popular idea that a new era of precision manipulation of hereditary material had arrived. The award came on the heels of the unauthorized use of the technique by the scientist He Jiankui in 2018 in China in an effort to produce individuals (twin girls in this case) resistant to HIV, and a flurry of studies in early 2020 showing that accuracy in altering DNA in a test tube or bacteria in a culture dish, did not hold up when applied to animal embryos. Attempts to modify single genes in human embryos (not intended to be brought to full-term) in fact led to “large-scale, unintended DNA deletions and rearrangements in the areas surrounding the targeted sequence,” aka “genetic chaos.”

Dr. He was imprisoned, fined, and fired from his academic position in China for his actions, although it is still not clear to what extent the higher-ups at his institute were aware of it. At a small meeting that I attended in Berkeley in early 2017 where He spoke, he unambiguously stated that “these things are thought of differently in China than in the U.S.” The U.S. scientific establishment uniformly condemned He’s experiments, but when questioned, most scientists, including Doudna herself, and bioethicists (a profession dedicated, with a few exceptions, to getting the public used to what the scientists and bioentrepreneurs have is store for them), left the door open to future manipulation of humans.

In a recent review in the New York Review of Books of four books on the prospects of using CRISPR and related gene modification technologies for the improvement of human biology (“Editing Humanity’s Future”; April 29), including Walter Isaacson’s paean to Jennifer Doudna, the biotechnology editor and writer Natalie de Souza addresses the safety of such manipulations as a fundamental requirement for moving forward with human applications. But de Souza, in common with the authors of all the books under review, downplays the fact that “safety” means entirely different things when therapeutic alterations of the tissues of a mature body are considered, in contrast to those that are administered at early embryonic stages. The engineering of retinal cells to relieve blindness, for example, a promising, although still uncertain, application of the technique, is not comparable to ridding embryos of genes associated with cystic fibrosis, HIV susceptibility, or sickle cell disease.

Body cell, or “somatic,” modification is in line with traditional medical practice, where a sick person undergoes a procedure or takes a drug that may be the best means for saving their life or sparing them a life of misery. It might or might not be successful but is a risk a patient or those responsible for them can reasonably assume. In embryo modification, in contrast, the tissues of the body are pervasively altered as it is taking form in ways that are poorly understood.

Even so-called single-gene traits are established with the participation of dozens or hundreds of other genes often acting in compensatory fashions, leading to the situation that in some individuals a double dose of the most threatening cystic fibrosis or sickle cell gene variants leads to no adverse symptoms at all. Under such circumstances, a single gene change, no matter how accurately administered, is an uncontrolled experiment on a prospective person that may do more harm than good. While errors can be propagated to future generations (leading to the misleading claim that the hazard is primarily through the reproductive cells or “germ line”), damage would also be incurred by the initial experimentally produced person.

All the books under review, from the frankly promotional ones of Isaacson, Kevin Davies and Jamie Metzl, to the more balanced one of Françoise Baylis, accept the baseless premise propounded by many CRISPR researchers that gene modification of embryos can be done safely, as does the reviewer herself. “[I]n ten years or so, we will probably meet the minimum conditions of safety and predictability for editing out single-gene diseases,” de Souza writes, and there is no indication that any of the authors disagrees. (In a 2019 magazine article, “Should the Rich Be Allowed to Buy the Best Genes,” Isaacson even portrayed the proposal of the co-discoverer of DNA and eugenicist James Watson to make CRISPR improvements available to the lower orders of society at reduced cost as a late-in-life compassionate turn.) Baylis, the book author most critical of the technology, is similarly concerned with ensuring that the fruits of this powerful, perfectable technology will be distributed equitably, and that enough disparate voices participate in deciding whether the endeavor (i.e., making experimental changes in prospective children; irreversibly changing the human gene pool; bringing human production into the commodity system) is what “we” really want.

But the science of developmental biology (which is different from the microbial and biochemical sciences that came up with CRISPR technology) has shown again and again that embryos simply cannot be reliably engineered. The confusions and misinformation that inevitably accompany the manufactured need for these questionable procedures is not allayed by the futuristic pondering in the books discussed in the NYRB piece, which offer nothing to help the buyer to beware in what the reviewer unskeptically calls the “genetic supermarket.”

Seedstars Africa Ventures Challenge for Startups

Application Deadline: 14th May 2021

About the Award: Seedstars Africa Ventures seeks companies with active markets in logistics, health, energy, education, financial services, agriculture, energy, enterprise services, telecommunications and mobility.

These startups must be offering bottom-of-the-pyramid access to products and services that are impacting the middle class on the continent.

Seedstars Africa Ventures seeks to identify with African innovations that can disrupt their local market, or rather establish a new one.

The expected solutions can be tech or non-tech based around product, process and organizational innovation.

Type: Entrepreneurship

Eligibility:

  • The company must be active on the continent and show some level of market traction
  • The company is solving a specific challenge that has been identified on the continent
  • The company must have a pan-African potential

Eligible Countries: African countries

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award:

  • A prize award of $2,000,000 in equity investment
  • Opportunity to pitch in the presence of up to a thousand investors at Vivatech
  • A chance to exhibit their products and services on Seedstars Africa Ventures Digital booth

How to Apply: Apply HERE

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) Postdoctoral Research Fellowship 2021

Application Deadline: Not specified

About the Award: The GIGA German Institute for Global and Area Studies / Leibniz-Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien is an independent social science research institute based in Hamburg, Germany. It analyses political, social, and economic developments in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East, and links this knowledge to questions of global significance. It combines region-specific analysis with innovative comparative research on accountability and participation, peace and security, globalisation and development, and global orders and foreign policies. The GIGA is seeking to appoint a Postdoctoral Research Fellow (m/f/d).

The successful candidate will work in the project «COVID-19 and Executive Personalization in Sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, Latin America and the MENA Region» funded by the German Re-search Foundation / Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. This project is co-lead by Dr. David Kuehn, Prof. Mariana Llanos and Dr. Thomas Richter.

Type: Research

Eligibility:

Mandatory qualifications:

  • an excellent doctoral degree in political science, sociology, public policy, public health, economics, African studies or related disciplines
  • a strong background in research on politics and/or society of sub-Saharan Africa
  • on-site research experience in sub-Saharan Africa
  • proven proficiency in the application of state-of-the-art comparative social science methods
  • proficiency in English

Desired qualifications:

  • strong analytical skills
  • strong teamwork skills
  • experience in academic research on public health
  • experience in research on autocratisation and/or democratisation
  • experience in organizing academic events and outreach activities
  • proficiency in additional languages spoken in sub-Saharan Africa

Part-time options will be considered, if so desired by the successful candidate. Diversity and the reconciliation of work and family life are of great importance to the institute. The GIGA promotes the equality of all gender

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of Award: The salary is commensurate with TV-AVH / TVöD EG 13.

Responsibility: The successful candidate will

  • contribute to the development of the conceptual and theoretical framework of execu-tive personalisation
  • lead the preparation and conduct of a comparative, empirical analysis of personalisa-tion of executive power in the area of public health
  • be an active member of the GIGA, be affiliated to the GIGA Institute of African Af-fairs, and belong to the Research Programme “Accountability and Participation”
  • contribute to the academic output of the project with single-authored and co-authored publications in leading scientific journals
  • engage in the dissemination of project findings within the academic as well as policy community, and among the wider public

Duration of Award: 3 Years

How to Apply: Please fill out the application form (found at https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/career/) and send it together with your full application (Ref.-No. GIGA-21-07) including relevant supporting documentation (cover letter, CV, credentials/diplomas/certificates, names and contact details of two references, list of publications, max. two work samples), as one PDF (except for the completed GIGA application form) to:

Gabriele Tetzlaff, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Neuer Jungfernstieg 21, 20354 Hamburg, Germany Email: jobs-iaa@giga-hamburg.de (email applications are particularly welcome).

Screening of applications will begin on 7 June 2021.

  • It is important to go through all application requirements in the Award Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Wage Stagnation in the Global North

Yanis Iqbal


According to the Global Wage Report 2020-21, in the few years before the COVID-19 crisis, annual average real wage growth for North  America (Canada and USA) and Western Europe fluctuated between 0 and around 1 per cent. What accounts for this wage stagnation over much of the Global North? To answer this question, we need to briefly look at the pre-neoliberal economy and examine how it was impacted by the advent of neoliberal organization.

Segmentation

In the period before neoliberal globalization, the world economy was deeply segmented. In this segmented arrangement, the labor reserves of the South did not restrain the rise of real wages in the North. There was consequently, a widening of inequalities between the workers of the North and the South. While tropical labor was not free to move into the temperate regions, capital from the latter was free to move into the former. Yet, despite this formal freedom, capital chose not to do so except in specific spheres like mines and plantations. To be more specific, it did not move manufacturing to the tropical regions, despite the very low wages prevailing there. 

In fact, what we witnessed was the implementation of restrictions on the bourgeoisie of the peripheral economies in setting up manufacturing units within these economies, using the same technologies as in the metropolis with locally available cheap labour, for the purpose of exports. From the absence of “infant industry” protection, to the denial of credit from a banking system controlled by metropole, to the placing of high tariffs in the metropolis on manufactured goods exports from the backward economies (restrictions that did not exist when it came to primary commodity exports), innumerable obstacles were placed in the way of the domestic bourgeoisie of the backward economies (at least in the pre-first world war period) to ensure that it could not challenge the near monopoly position of metropolitan capital in manufacturing activities. The question is: why did not capital move from the North to the South to take advantage of its low wages for producing the same goods with the same technology as used in the North?

The institutionalization of a pattern of international division of labour during the colonial period – with the metropolis producing manufactured goods and the periphery primary commodities – was done for three purposes. First, domestic de-industrialization in the colonies – the displacement of local artisan production by imported manufactured goods from the metropolis – kept the prices of primary commodities low. If the value of money falls against commodities, there is a danger that consumers will become hesitant about holding money and move towards holding commodities, thereby undermining money’s status as a store of wealth and eventually therefore its status as a circulatory medium. The entire monetary system, under capitalism, would get jeopardized by the threat of an increase in supply price of essential commodities needed for the reproduction of capital. 

Colonial powers achieved the price suppression of primary commodities by reducing their local absorption within the outlying regions through an income deflation imposed on the working people (workers, peasants, artisans, agricultural laborers) of the periphery, which squeezed their purchasing power and hence their absorption of such products. There are no appropriate alternatives to income deflation. In the case of agricultural commodities, one could ask whether land-augmenting technological change – intended to increase the output per natural unit of land – could supplant income deflation. The answer is in the negative. These initiatives not only require state intervention – thus undermining the social legitimacy of capitalism – but also raise the income of peasants, leading to an increased absorption of resources in their own countries. With the help of de-industrialization, metropolitan forces created a large reserve army of labour in the periphery; and to be cast out of work in this way is, in effect, to suffer from an income deflation, ensuring restraint on the domestic absorption in the periphery of the commodities that are sought cheaply by the metropole so as to maintain stability in the value of money.

Secondly, with the consolidation of a primarized, export-oriented commodity structure, the colonies were forced into external dependency on the Global North in the form of the necessity of imports. While the colonized countries exported primary goods like food products, lumber and minerals to the Global North, they tended to re-import manufactured products from these same countries. The value added to these manufactured commodities – typically constructed from the primary inputs imported earlier – generated huge profit for northern countries. In the late 19th century, as Britain lost its home market to emerging industrial powers, it exported large amounts of goods to its colonies so that it could increase its revenue. 

Thirdly, the primarization of colonized economies not only facilitated the absorption of British goods, but also provided the commodity form in which Britain could make its capital exports. Britain did not produce goods which were in high demand in the newly industrializing countries like the US. The demand there was substantially for raw materials, i.e. minerals and primary commodities, which were produced in the colonial possessions. However, we know that Britain became the largest capital exporter in the years before the First World War. These capital exports were made possible by the fact that Britain appropriated the vast export surplus of its colonies. It is pertinent to note that for at least four decades up to 1928, India had the second largest export surplus in the world (second only to the US). 

Neoliberal Globalization 

According to Prabhat Patnaik, the colonial mode of capital accumulation collapsed due to three reasons: “Domestic bourgeoisies in colonies wanted their own space; Japan emerged as a rival to Britain in Asian markets; the scope for investment in the ‘”new world” got exhausted with the “closing of the frontier”; and the scope for further de-industrialization in economies like India also began to get more and more limited. The Great depression of the 1930s was an expression of the fact that the old mechanism for stimulating buoyancy in capitalism could no longer function.” 

After the Great Depression, we had the Keynesian policy regime, characterized by countercyclical macroeconomic management by an interventionist, regulatory state committed to achieving full employment and higher incomes for everyone. Keynesianism entered into crisis in the 1970s with the onset of stagflation – high rates of inflation coinciding with high rates of unemployment. The crisis was intimately related to deepening problems of surplus capital absorption or over-accumulation in the developing monopoly-capitalist economy.

When neoliberal globalization was introduced in the post-Keynesian world, the strict segmentation of the world economy slowly came to an end. According to Prabhat Patnaik, “Even though labor from the South is still not free to move to the North, capital from the North is now far more willing than before to locate manufacturing and service-sector activities – the latter largely through outsourcing – in the South. This now makes real wages in the North subject to the baneful influence of the massive labor reserves of the South. Not that real wages in the United States or any other advanced country are anywhere near parity with Southern real wages. However, they tend to remain stagnant even as labor productivity increases in the North.” 

In other words, as long as the labor reserves of the  South last, not only will Third World wages remain abysmally low, but even metropolitan wages, while not exactly coming down to equal third world wages, will cease to increase as before because of competition from cheap Third World labour. In the foreseeable future, the labor army of the Global South will keep increasing as petty producers get economically dislocated due to the large-scale entry of multi-national corporations. These displaced petty producers will seek employment outside, which adds to the supply of the job-seeking work-force in the capitalist sector. But with meagre employment generation in the capitalist sector, these displaced petty producers only add to the relative size of the labour reserves. Considering this reality, it is entirely possible that wages in the Global North will keep stagnating. 

Going to Court: The EU Sues AstraZeneca

Binoy Kampmark


It has been a relationship of characterised by bitterness and misunderstanding.  It began with a poorly negotiated agreement – poor, that is, from the European Union perspective – between Brussels and AstraZeneca for the supply of COVID-19 vaccine doses.  Less rigorous in terms of penalties and consequences than the UK-AstraZeneca deal, the EU version was very much the poor cousin, giving the company much latitude in terms of production schedules and delays.  While the UK government managed to insert the relevant clause allowing it to terminate the deal and invoke punitive clauses against AstraZeneca, the EU contract makes no mention of it.  But in August 2020, little heed to this was paid by EU negotiators, starry-eyed to the company’s promise to supply 300 million doses of their COVID-19 vaccine, with the option of securing a further 100 million.  The result was a defanged deal based on gentlemanly promises.

Delays and supply problems duly manifested.  In January, the drugs company informed the European Commission that it would ship fewer doses to the bloc than was originally promised.  “While there is no scheduled delay to the start of shipments of our vaccine should we receive approval in Europe,” stated an AstraZeneca spokesperson, “initial volumes will be lower than originally anticipated due to reduced yields at a manufacturing site within our European supply chain.”  Within the first three months, 30 million jabs of the initial 90 million made its way to the EU.  Little by way of improvement was shown in the next quarter: 70 million doses from 180 million promised.

The delays and supply disruptions have resulted in a sluggish immunisation effort in the EU and also done its bit to fray relations between the bloc and the UK.  EU officials have looked on, envious and irritated at the UK’s own, comparatively more successful and rapid immunisation campaign.

It is precisely that latitude of behaviour on the part of the company that is now being challenged in the courts.  The European Commission is suing AstraZeneca, arguing that the company has not discharged its obligations under the vaccine supply contract nor possess an appropriate plan for the timely delivery of doses.  “Our priority,” wrote Stella Kyriakides, the EU Commissioner for Health and Food Safety, “is to ensure COVID-19 vaccine deliveries take place to protect the health of [EU citizens].”

In court, the EU’s Rafaël Jafferali submitted that, “We demand deliveries by the end of June and we also demand with immediate effect the use of all plants listed in the contract.”  A central contention is that AstraZeneca had preferred not utilising all those mentioned (four are noted, two of which are located in the UK); the EU argument is that the company was under an obligation to use all the plants.  Not doing so put it in breach of the contract.

AstraZeneca’s Hakim Boularbah’s submission showed how far apart the parties are in terms of understanding the contract.  “There is no obligation to use the factories,” came the argument.  The point is crucial, given that the company has only utilised sites in Belgium and the Netherlands, sparing the UK outfits run by Oxford Biomedica and Cobra Biologics.  There has also been no resort to the Catalent factory in the United States, mentioned in the contract as a possible “back-up supply site”.

Whatever the merits of the EU’s legal arguments, certain countries within the bloc have been circumspect about dragging the company through the courts.  Germany and France have expressed misgivings.  As one diplomat explained to Politico, “What can we do in practical terms if AstraZeneca says, ‘Take a closer look at our production sites: We just have no vaccines’?”  There were also questions about the enforceability of any ruling.  The entire process risks becoming a vacuous display of anger without effect.

Then comes the issue of bad publicity.  Reluctance to take COVID-19 vaccines is a prevalent sentiment within the bloc. Reliability and trust is already being tested.  A number of EU diplomats worry that the lawsuit may have the effect of further tarnishing a company that is already struggling in terms of its brand.

Much of this can be put down to the sabotaging efforts of various leaders within the Union itself, not least of all French President Emmanuel Macron, who has found it hard to resist sniping at the AstraZeneca vaccine.  At the end of January, he opined that the vaccine was “quasi-effective” for those over 65 years old.  The following month, he changed his mind.  The result: French confidence in the vaccine, along with a good deal of Europe’s, has been shattered.

This distinctly sour note continues the profoundly disunited state of affairs in efforts to battle the global pandemic.  Vaccine patriotism and parochialism continue to limit access.  Pharmaceutical giants continue to maintain IP protections even as they struggle to maintain supply.  And the EU’s own measure of competence in negotiations and planning has been found wanting.

UK Johnson government sends unelected commissioners to take over services in Liverpool City Council

Margot Miller


On March 24, UK Communities Secretary Robert Jenrick announced the Conservative government was sending commissioners to oversee services in Labour Party-run Liverpool City Council (LCC). This followed a police investigation into corrupt business deals, including collapsed multi-million pounds schemes, which led to the arrest of now former Labour Mayor of Liverpool Joe Anderson.

Announcing the decision, Jenrick told parliament there had been a “serious breakdown of governance” and “mismanagement, breakdown of scrutiny and accountability” in the city.

Three appointed commissioners will be sent to oversee the council's planning, property management, highways and regeneration departments for a minimum of three years, with executive powers allowing them to take over the running completely. The commissioners will ensure the council’s appointed chief executive Tony Reeves implements an “improvement plan”.

Jenrick will also introduce changes to council elections in Liverpool. Full election of councillors will take place every four years from 2023, rather than a third each year in a four-year cycle. Each ward will appoint one councillor instead of three. While the number of wards is expected to be increased, this will still mean a cull from 90 to between 70 and 80, according to the Liverpool Echo .

The council will meet on May 19 to discuss and agree the “improvement plan”.

This is a thoroughly anti-democratic intervention by central government into an elected council, unprecedented for a city of Liverpool’s size. Opposition, however, does not imply a political amnesty or solidarity with Labour—which must answer to the working class.

In 2019, during police investigation “Operation Aloft” into fraudulent development contracts in Liverpool, LCC’s head of regeneration Nick Kavanagh was arrested along with property developer Elliot Lawless. The arrests were initiated after whistleblowers furnished police with an LCC audit.

In January 2020, police seized £200,000 from one of Lawless’s properties. In March, Lawless was granted a judicial review of his arrest and police search of his property, on the grounds they were unlawful. The High Court found in his favour. He has not been investigated since.

Kavanagh was rearrested in September with four others for conspiracy to commit bribery, later released on bail. LCC terminated his employment.

In December, Mayor Anderson and four others were arrested in connection with bribery and witness intimidation. These were his son and property developer David; Alex Croft—an aide to the Metro mayor; former leading member of the pseudo-left Militant Tendency and LCC deputy leader in the 1980s, now turned businessman and property developer Derek Hatton, and Andy Barr, Liverpool City Council’s assistant director of highways and planning. They were released on bail subject to further inquiries.

The twice-elected Anderson, who was awarded an OBE, first became Mayor of LCC in 2012. In 2017, police interviewed him regarding a joint venture between LCC and British Telecom (then LDL). Opposing the contract in opposition, as council leader he appointed LDL’s then Chief Executive David McElhinney temporary chief executive for the council during contract negotiations. The contract was suspended when McElhinney and others were investigated for payments received from Lancashire County Council amid allegations of conspiracy to pervert the course of justice and witness intimidation.

Controversy further dogged Anderson when a freedom of information request revealed he instructed council lawyers in 2015 to pursue a case for unfair dismissal against former employer Chesterfield High school. This cost taxpayers £89,500. His employment as a “social inclusion mentor” was terminated as he had not worked at the school for two years due to council duties, though being paid £4,500 annually on top of his £80,000 mayor’s salary.

In 2019, the council awarded a health and safety contract to dismantle a flyover to a company Safety Support Consultants (SSC). David Anderson is a director at SSC.

Three months ago, the government seized on the police operation to launch its own investigation into LCC led by Max Caller. Caller, who previously investigated Tower Hamlets Council in East London and Northamptonshire County Council, produced a highly critical report:  Liverpool City Council Best Value Inspection December 2020-March 2021. 

The failings and possible corruption in LCC are a product of long-term trends in local government.

Local councils, which provide essential services, have been devastated by funding cuts since the 2008 financial crash. Since 2010, central government cut grants to local councils by a third, disproportionately penalising large Labour run metropolitan authorities. All councils, including Labour run authorities, have cut services to the bone while overseeing massive privatisation s of local assets and services.

In 2015, the pseudo-left supported Labour opposition leader Jeremy Corbyn and Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell instructed Labour Councils to set legal budgets, implying they should impose cuts. The Labour Party conference in 2016 made it a disciplinary offence for councillors to “support any proposal to set an illegal budget” or to “vote against or abstain on a Labour group policy decision on this matter”.

The resulting funding crisis has been aggravated by the pandemic, as the government carried out multi-hundred-billion-pound bailouts of big business and the rich while leaving the working class and the services workers depend upon to rot. Up to 25 councils verge on bankruptcy, and 94 percent expect to implement swingeing cuts including job cuts and local tax increases. Liverpool council plans cuts of £15.4 million and a council tax hike to five percent. The council’s budget has lost £450 million since 2010, with cuts to this value imposed against the jobs, terms and conditions of local authority workers and the population of an already socially deprived city.

The combination of cuts and privatisation embraced by Labour has created a cesspit breeding ground for corruption and cronyism, amid the growing impoverishment of the working class. This has now provided an opportunity to the Tory government to intervene and advance their own right-wing agenda in the city. The claimed pretext of fighting corruption is risible.

In 2019, Jenrick himself helped rush through a property deal for Tory donor and personal contact, Richard Desmond, saving him tens of millions of pounds in taxes and affordable housing lost to the local authority. The whole Conservative Party is now embroiled in a corruption scandal over the lobbying efforts of former Prime Minister David Cameron, VIP access to lucrative National Health Service and public health contracts during the pandemic, and undeclared donations to support the lifestyle of Prime Minister Boris Johnson.

The real objectives of the intervention were revealed by Jenrick when he told parliament that the mismanagement of Liverpool council was “damaging the city’s ability to attract investment from reputable developers and investors for regeneration and to take full advantage of the recent application for freeport status.”

The Liverpool City Region (LCR) has been selected as one of the first eight locations in England to be made a freeport—a key pillar of the Tory government’s Brexit agenda. These special economic zones exempt corporations working in them from normal taxes, tariffs and regulations, creating a bonanza for big business at the expense of local revenues and workers’ rights.

A map of the region covered by the Liverpool City Region Freeport. According to the official website of the Freeport, “The LCR Freeport will be a multi-gateway, multi-modal freeport covering 300 hectares of land. This will include three tax sites and strategically located customs zones across all modes of transport, linking to the primary customs zone at the Port of Liverpool. It will take in a 45km diameter (the maximum distance allowed by Government), from the western point Wirral Waters to the eastern point of Port Salford.” (source: liverpoolcityregion-ca.gov.uk)

According to official documentation, “The LCR Freeport will be a multi-gateway, multi-modal freeport covering 300 hectares of land. This will include three tax sites and strategically located customs zones across all modes of transport, linking to the primary customs zone at the Port of Liverpool. It will take in a 45km diameter (the maximum distance allowed by Government), from the western point Wirral Waters to the eastern point of Port Salford.”

The Labour Party have offered no opposition to the Tories’ intervention, in fact they have welcomed it. Shadow Communities and Local Government Secretary Steve Reed told Jenrick that the Parliamentary Labour Party and Labour’s members in Liverpool council “support his intention to appoint commissioners, not at this stage to run the council as he says, but to advise and support elected representatives in strengthening the council’s systems. This is a measured and appropriate response.”

Recognising the opposition in the working class, he insisted that the intervention was not “as some would put it, a Tory takeover.”

Labour’s complicity exposes the bankrupt opposition to Jenrick’s commissioners put forward by the pseudo-left. The Socialist Workers Party shamelessly appeals to the very forces that paved the way for the takeover: “Labour and trade unionists should resist the Tory takeover with protests and strikes”.

The Stalinist Morning Star call on the trade unions, which have worked hand-in-hand with Labour to suppress opposition to privatisations, outsourcing and the slashing of essential services. It writes, “With technocratic commissioners arriving from Whitehall, the dangers for services, jobs, terms and conditions are obvious the… trade unions… have a crucial role to play.” The unions have given no indication whatsoever that they will fight the government’s plan.

Criminal response of UK ruling elite to COVID-19 produces huge waiting list for elective procedures

Rory Woods


The enormous backlog of untreated elective patients in the UK is a product of the murderous herd immunity policy of the ruling elite.

A scientifically coordinated response to the pandemic with test, trace and quarantining along with proper lockdown of non-essential parts of the economy could have not only avoided the massive death toll from Covid-19 but also the unprecedented waiting list for elective procedures, investigations, treatment and care.

With cancer sufferers and patients with other critical ailments languishing in queues running up to months and years, suffering and death, especially among the working class and the poor, will swell the already shocking tally of the pandemic.

In England alone, 4.7 million people were waiting for routine operations and procedures in February according to the National Health Service England latest figures. This is the highest number since records began.

Ambulance worker, critical care practitioner and a nurse taking a patient into a National Health Service hospital cardiac catheter lab (credit: WSWS media)

Some 388,000 patients have waited more than a year to have their investigations, procedures treatment and care started. This means one in 12 patients have had treatment delayed for more than a year. Before the pandemic began, just 1,600 people had waited more than 52-weeks for non-urgent surgery. According to the NHS constitution, patients are entitled to have their procedures started within 18 weeks after a referral from a general practitioner (GP) or a clinician.

Many NHS hospital trusts are buckling under the pressure of budget deficits created by years of underfunding, staff burn out, lack of resources and inadequate staffing levels.

A source in the Royal Bournemouth Hospital (RBH) told the WSWS that the waiting list of their NHS trust for elective procedures has gone up constantly since March last year. Currently 48,000 patients are in the waiting list with a staggering 5,247 patients having waited more than a year. In January 2020, only 786 patients had waited more than 40 weeks for their treatment or investigations after a referral.

The fate of cancer patients is catastrophic. Last year saw an 8 percent decrease in referrals for urgent cancer treatment. Roughly 40,000 fewer people nationally started treatment for cancer in 2020 compared with previous years, mainly due to lack of diagnoses. Cancer screening and routine diagnostic investigations suffered as a result of national Covid-19 pandemic measures implemented belatedly and without proper preparation. For example, around 600,000 fewer endoscopies were performed in England between March and November than the same period in other years.

According to a modelling study published in The Lancet medical journal there will be more than 3,000 additional deaths from four major cancer types (breast, colorectal, oesophageal and lung) over the next five years in England alone.

The study’s authors warned, “Substantial increases in the number of avoidable cancer deaths in England are to be expected as a result of diagnostic delays due to the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK. Urgent policy interventions are necessary, particularly the need to manage the backlog within routine diagnostic services to mitigate the expected impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on patients with cancer.”

The NHS had to attempt to deal with over 400,000 Covid-19 patients over the course of the last year because Tory government policies were aimed at satiating the profit interests of the financial oligarchy rather than containing the virus and saving lives. Largely thanks to 10 years of unrelenting funding cuts and slashing of vital services, NHS hospitals were struggling without adequate staff, resources and beds. Many hospitals became hotbeds for the spread of the virus due to the dilapidated status they were in.

Tens of thousands of health staff became ill with Covid-19 because of a lack of personal protective equipment (PPE) and appropriate infection control measures during the first and second wave of the pandemic. Many more had to isolate themselves as family members became ill with the virus. Staff working in operating theatres and out patients’ clinics were redeployed to cover overrun Covid wards and units. Operation theatres in many hospitals had to be utilised to accommodate intensive care patients being ventilated as demand exceeded the normal capacity of intensive care units.

Delays and failures in patient testing exacerbated the waiting list crisis as it contributed to wasting much needed space on operating lists. This happened despite government having allocated £37 billion to run a test and trace system operated mainly by 22 private companies. It was exposed in the BBC documentary Hospital series that a major hospital in London, the Royal Free Hospital—which carries out dozens of surgical operations—had the capacity for only 13 rapid-response tests a day until November last year. Thereafter that figure rose to a still meagre 40 a day.

In the RBH, clinicians had the capacity to carry out a totally insufficient 35 rapid tests a day on patients—obstructing the elective procedures such as pacemaker implants, angiograms and other surgical interventions.

The richest and affluent with access to private insurance can have the best care and treatment as private hospitals and clinics have mushroomed across the country. Many NHS hospital trusts have built up their own private clinics, creating a two-tier system, after the Tory led government of David Cameron introduced the Health and Social Care Act in 2012 to accelerate the privatisation process.

For private health care hospitals, companies and clinics, the pandemic has provided an opportunity to plunder as the government is ready to pour billions of pounds to buy private care for patients while starving the NHS of critical funds. The government has spent £1.5 billion “renting space” in various private hospitals in London so that NHS surgeons can carry out surgeries in hospitals considered “COVID-safe” during the first wave of the pandemic. Despite being provided with an estimated £125 million a week by the government, these private hospitals had only a third of their capacity used while the NHS hospitals were on the brink of collapse. Colin Hutchinson, a consultant ophthalmologist in the NHS and anti-privatisation activist said last summer, “Private health facilities have been very, very quiet over recent months. They have been paid to stand empty, by and large.”

Prime Minister Boris Johnson claimed that his government would "make sure that we give the NHS all the funding that it needs... to beat the backlog". But in March, documents accompanying the budget revealed a planned cut of £30 billion in day-to-day health and social care spending from April this year. Spending will fall from £199.2 billion to £169.1 billion. A pledge of £1 billion by NHS England to restore the operations and other services in NHS trusts is a fraud in this context even if it materialises.

***

Martin, 44, has been suffering from a cancer for more than 14 years. A close friend of his, Garry, wrote to the WSWS explaining Martin’s years long struggle with testicular cancer.

“Fourteen years ago, Martin had one of his testicles removed because of a cancer. He had to have chemotherapy and thought that the ordeal was over. Unfortunately, he recently developed similar symptoms to what he had with his testicular cancer last time. He managed to have an ultrasound scan during the pandemic in a hospital in the south west. The scans picked up some suspicious markers and the surgeon diagnosed that he had cancer in the remaining testicle. They told Martin that it looked to have spread.

“Last month surgical team removed my friend’s remaining testicle and sent it for biopsy test. He did not have any follow up care since. He is still having a weeping infection in the genital area and the wound has not healed at all. He had to beg and fight for antibiotics. He was left waiting for more than a month for any updates.

“Honestly, I am so very angry as I watched my friend go through hell for the past month. It is cruel that they had not contacted him. My friend was talking about how to end his life if the news was bad.

“I myself had a cancer and have struggled to arrange my follow-up care and investigations over the last year. So, I have a good idea of how frightened you are when it happens. Once you have had investigation biopsies, scans you don’t rest until you have the results.”

“Finally, Martin rang a nurse and she explained that he has to undergo the same process again with chemotherapy and medication. According to the records the prognosis looks good and my friend is relieved. If Martin hadn't rang the nurse, when would they have contacted him? I fear for what is happening with the NHS.”

Mass protests in Colombia continue into second week amid deadly repression

Andrea Lobo


Amid Colombia’s worst economic crisis in recorded history and its deadliest wave of COVID-19 infections, hundreds of thousands have joined mass marches, roadblocks and other protests across the South American country every day for the last week.

The recent protests began with a national strike on April 28 called by the National Strike Committee, a coalition of trade union confederations, farmers’ associations and student groups formed in 2019 to channel growing unrest in the working class behind negotiations with the far-right government of President Iván Duque.

The strike was triggered by Duque’s announcement of Latin America’s first COVID-19 tax overhaul, as the Colombian ruling elite seeks to lead the region in placing the entire burden of the pandemic crisis on the shoulders of the working class.

Supposedly aimed at providing a fixed income of between $20 to $150 dollars per household during the pandemic, the proposal introduced a sharply regressive 19 percent sales tax, including on food and essential services, as well as an additional tax for incomes as low as $700 per month. Credit agencies applauded the bill as providing a “structure of long-term sustainable income” paid for by the working class.

May Day demonstration in Cali, Colombia (CaliesCaliCOL, Twitter)

Defying a hypocritical court order banning marches on the pretext of COVID-19 risks, demonstrators filled the streets of downtown Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Barranquilla and Ibagué, as well as smaller cities. Stores and most public services came to a virtual standstill on April 28, while May Day saw the largest crowds so far.

As spontaneous demonstrations continued to erupt outside of the control of the National Strike Committee, Duque deployed the military to “assist” the police in the repression, which has turned in a systematic and coordinated fashion to the use of live ammunition.

Announcing the deployment of troops, Duque threatened those “who want to intimidate society through violence, vandalism and terrorism and believe that they will defeat the institutions under this mechanism.”

On Friday, ex-President Álvaro Uribe, the leader of Duque’s ruling party and his political mentor, all but confirmed that the murderous repression is being ordered from the highest levels of the state by tweeting: “Let’s support the right of soldiers and police to use their weapons to defend their integrity and defend people and goods against the criminal actions of vandalic terrorism.”

Uribe was recently released from house arrest in a politically-motivated ruling despite dozens of open investigations over his role in creating and financing fascist paramilitary militias responsible for killing hundreds of thousands and displacing millions of Colombians.

Videos shared widely on social media show police officers openly carrying firearms, including rifles, and shooting at demonstrators. The Francisco Isaías Cifuentes Human Rights Network, moreover, sighted plainclothes police on motorcycles with covered license plates shooting at demonstrators in Cali.

Fearful that the repression is only radicalizing and mobilizing wider layers of the working class in Colombia and across the region, UN and European Union officials nervously condemned the “excessive force” used by the police and appealed to protesters to be “calm.”

The US administration of President Joe Biden, even as it hurls provocative accusations against Russia, China and Venezuela, has remained silent over the repression in Colombia, US imperialism’s closest political and military ally in Latin America.

For decades, under Republican and Democratic administrations alike, Washington has provided billions in weapons and military training to turn the Colombian military into the second largest in the region, serving as a bastion of US corporate and financial interests in this oil-rich region, including in Washington’s regime change preparations in Venezuela. This same US-armed and trained military is now being unleashed against unarmed crowds of workers and youth.

As of Tuesday, the Duque government has acknowledged the deaths of 18 civilians and one police officer during demonstrations, while the police reported 431 arrests. The Education Workers Federation (FECODE) has reported 27 deaths, 726 arbitrary detentions, six cases of sexual abuse by security forces, and 12 youth who have lost their eyes to “non-lethal” projectiles.

Having lost the support of the Liberal Party and other right-wing forces for his tax bill, Duque announced Friday that he would ask Congress to drop, at least temporarily, its most hated provisions.

The decision only emboldened the protests, and the National Strike Committee continues to struggle to remain in control by calling for another day of mass demonstrations on May 5. Compelled by the social anger to advance broader demands, union leader Luis Miguel Morantes called for sending troops back to their barracks, dismantling the special forces unit ESMAD, discarding Bill 010 that provides a greater role to private health care providers, mass vaccinations and a universal income of at least $260 per month, among other demands.

Throughout the consistent escalation of the class struggle since the national strike on November 21, 2019, Colombian capitalism has demonstrated that it is completely impervious to the urgent social needs of the masses. The Duque administration has been allowed to continue maneuvering to implement further austerity and privatizations even after repeated massacres of workers and youth.

Last September, the police killed 13 demonstrators and injured at least 75 others with firearms after a rebellion erupted in Bogotá over the police killing of Javier Ordóñez.

Along with the trade unions, the ruling class has relied heavily on the pseudo-left senator and ex-presidential candidate Gustavo Petro to direct all appeals back behind the Duque administration. Since protests began last week, he has demanded that demonstrators only oppose this or that “reform” and not Duque or the security forces themselves. Even as he feigns outrage at the murderous repression, he insists that Duque, the police and military are “not the enemies.”

On Monday, he called in a tweet for “every police, every soldier of the fatherland” and “youth and workers on the street” to “fraternize” and “hug.” This, as video after video has been posted on social media showing cops brutally beating young protesters.

These criminal efforts to sow complacency among workers and youth as the ruling class and imperialism carry out a deadly turn toward dictatorship in Colombia and internationally have been further aided by the Socialist Workers Party (PST), a pseudo-left outfit founded by the Argentine anti-Trotskyist Nahuel Moreno and oriented toward the trade unions.

In a statement Monday, the PST noted that “the masses, which are outside of their bureaucratic control, have remained on the streets” and appeals for “the trade union organizations affiliated to these centrals … to replace that bureaucracy.”

Workers must be wary of such maneuvers to replace trade union officials for others that employ more radical phrases to better channel unrest into the same dead end. The entire political establishment and trade union apparatus, along with its pseudo-left apologists, speak for layers of the middle class with material ties to the capitalist state and corporate management.

During 2020, 3.5 million Colombians fell under the official poverty threshold—a per capita monthly income of $87. A staggering 42.5 percent of the population now lives below the poverty line. At the same time, the country is recording record levels of COVID-19 deaths, reaching 490 deaths per day and 75,164 deaths in total.

Beyond night curfews and a rotation of restrictions to visiting commercial locales based on personal ID numbers—measures which have proven wholly inadequate—the Duque administration and local authorities have rejected any measures that may impinge on the profit interests of corporations and banks.

Mexico City transit bridge collapse leaves 24 dead, scores injured

Bill Van Auken


The collapse of an overpass on Mexico City’s newest metro train line Monday night has left at least 24 dead and 79 injured after train cars and chunks of concrete plummeted onto a street 65 feet below, crushing passing vehicles.

The disaster has fueled growing popular anger over criminal government negligence and corruption that has also led to hundreds of thousands of COVID-19 deaths in Mexico, among the countries worst hit by the pandemic.

(Photo credit: @csdrones on Instagram)

At the site of the collapse, rescue crews and first responders worked frantically to save the lives of the injured and pull survivors from the rubble, the fallen train cars and damaged motor vehicles. Heavy equipment was brought in to lower the train cars hanging from the tracks and recover the bodies of four passengers trapped inside. Helmeted troops armed with automatic weapons surrounded the site.

Distraught relatives raced from hospital to hospital trying to find missing loved ones who were taking the train that night. One youth who found out that his father, a driver, had been killed in the disaster told Univisión, “Like everyone else I want justice. This was not our fault.”

The train disaster took place at around 10:30 p.m. Monday on an elevated section of the number 12 Line of the city’s metro system in the southeast of the Mexican capital. The 12 Line, the newest section of the mass transit system, was built in 2012 to connect the eastern part of Mexico City, among its less developed areas, to the city center.

From its start, the project was plagued by cost overruns, late completion, shoddy construction and charges of wholesale political corruption. According to Jorge Gaviño, who was the director of the metro system in 2017, the line “was born with endemic problems that would never be solved in its life” and would require continuous maintenance.

The Mexican media reported that people living in the Los Olivos neighborhood near the collapsed overpass had repeatedly warned last year that cracks were appearing in the bridge and that there was visible shaking of its columns and overhead beams. The structure had been damaged in the powerful 2017 earthquake that struck southeast of the city, killing 369 people.

Transit workers announced Tuesday that they will carry out a strike to shut down all 12 lines of Mexico City’s Collective Transport System (STC) over increasingly dangerous conditions and lack of maintenance and to demand the immediate sacking of the system’s director, Florencia Serranía.

Even as bodies were still being pulled from the rubble on Tuesday morning, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador declared, along with his sympathy for the dead and injured, his “solidarity” with Mexico City’s Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum, a member of his ruling MORENA (National Regeneration Movement) party.

López Obrador, popularly known as AMLO, insisted that there would be a swift and thorough investigation of the disaster and that there would be “no impunity for anyone.” He promised that “absolutely nothing will be hidden” from the public. At the same time, he warned against “falling into the realm of speculation and blaming without having proof of those possibly responsible.”

Sheinbaum made similar remarks to reporters, declaring, “At this moment, we can’t speculate about what happened. There has to be a deep investigation, and whoever is responsible has to be held responsible.”

Both AMLO and Sheinbaum have ample political motives for tamping down “speculation.” The present Mexican president and his political allies have controlled the Mexican capital since the beginning of the 2000s.

It was under the former mayor, Marcelo Ebrard, now Mexico’s foreign minister and one of AMLO’s closest political allies, that the 12 Line was built. He told the media Tuesday, “I am not afraid of anything,” and that he would place himself “at the disposition of the authorities.”

Under Ebrard, the 12 Line became one of the most expensive public infrastructure projects in Mexico City’s history, completed late with a massive 60 percent cost overrun. The main company involved in the construction was CARSO Infraestructuray Construccion, S.A.B. de C.V (CCICSA), a company controlled by the family of the country’s richest billionaire, Carlos Slim, one of the “honest businessmen” whom AMLO invited to join in his “unity campaign” to reform Mexico when he was first elected in 2018.

Within 10 days of the line’s opening in 2012, it was shut down because of electrical problems. Construction failures forced the shutdown of most of the 12 Line for months in 2014 as repair work was done on stations, including the one where Monday night’s tragedy took place. A subsequent study found that the train wheels used on the line, manufactured according to European standards, were not compatible with the rails that had been installed, which were based on American standards.

In 2015, a commission created by the federal Chamber of Deputies recorded 11,000 construction flaws on the train line and concluded that the project had involved massive corruption.

The tragic deaths on the Mexico City metro system came in the midst of continuing mass deaths from the COVID-19 pandemic.

On Tuesday, the number of recorded coronavirus infections stood at 2,350,000, while the number of deaths had risen to 217,345. In March, the Mexican Health Department acknowledged that the official toll involved an undercount off 60 percent, meaning that the real death toll was closer to 350,000.

A damning report issued last month by the University of California, San Francisco found that the AMLO government’s policies—including its failure to allocate resources to combat the pandemic, grossly inadequate testing and a lack of any support for basic measures such as social distancing, travel restrictions and the use of face masks—had led to the mass deaths. It cited, for example, the repeated statements from Assistant Health Secretary Hugo López Gatell, the government’s spokesperson on the pandemic, that face masks did not offer protection against catching the virus.

The AMLO government, the study found, “prioritized keeping up appearances, and partisan politics, before health.”

These policies have been driven by definite class interests. Hundreds of thousands of lives have been sacrificed to assure the massive fortunes and profits of both Mexican and international capitalism. The policies pursued by the supposed “left” nationalist government of AMLO in Mexico are barely distinguishable from those carried out by the fascist would-be dictator, President Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil.

The only effective shutdowns in the country were those enforced by Mexican workers, who carried out wildcat strikes in April and May of last year which were met by thousands of layoffs at the largely foreign-owned factories on the US-Mexican border.

At the behest of Washington, AMLO agreed to declare all manufacturing “essential” in order to assure the supply of parts to US auto and other manufacturing corporations, while relying on the companies and the unions to cover up outbreaks in the Mexican factories.

The right-wing PAN (National Action Party) issued a statement Tuesday indicting AMLO’s Morena party for Monday’s deaths. “The Morena politicians kill with their corruption and their bad decisions; we already saw it with their terrible handling of the pandemic, and now we are seeing it with the tragedy in the Metro, where innocent people died because of the corruption and indifference of the authorities in Mexico City.”

While all of this is true, it comes from a party that initiated the US-backed “war on drugs” that has killed at least 70,000 Mexicans. The pandemic, like the Metro disaster, has exposed the criminality of the entire Mexican bourgeoisie, including its so-called “left” representatives like AMLO, and the necessity of mobilizing the working class independently in the struggle for the socialist transformation of society.