7 Nov 2021

Massive COVID-19 outbreaks in Germany’s elderly care homes

Markus Salzmann


With the rapid rise in COVID-19 infections in Germany, massive outbreaks are being recorded in elderly care homes. Once again, it is the residents, who are often in poor health or have pre-existing conditions, and the nursing staff who are suffering the most due to the criminal pandemic policy of the government.

A nursing home in Germany

In the first two waves of the pandemic in the spring and autumn of 2020, the nursing homes, in addition to hospitals, became hotspots for COVID-19 infections. According to the AOK Federal Association, the mortality rate in nursing homes during this period was significantly higher than the average of previous years. As the “Nursing Report 2021” by the AOK Scientific Institute found, 20 percent more deaths occurred in the spring than in previous years. From October to December 2020, mortality even exceeded the level of previous years by an average of 30 percent.

With the prioritized vaccination of older people, the imposition of visiting bans in elderly care homes and other medical facilities, as well as other—albeit inadequate—protective measures such as school closings and the partial shutdown of public life, the situation stabilized somewhat and infections in the facilities declined.

However, the unscrupulous reopening policy of the last few months has now led to an even more disastrous situation. Despite the vaccinations, infections are higher than last year at the same time. A massive increase in the number of deaths is imminent in the coming winter months.

Although representatives of all political parties insisted last year that the massive outbreaks in care facilities should not recur, they are happening again all over Germany. The devastating outbreaks of the past few days and weeks make it clear where the policies of federal and state governments have led.

Four people recently died of a COVID-19 infection in a retirement home in Salzwedel (Saxony-Anhalt). A total of 38 people were infected with coronavirus. The infection was apparently brought into the facility from outside. The incidence rate in the Altmark Salzwedel district is currently over 400 infections per 100,000 inhabitants.

According to District Administrator Michael Ziche (Christian Democrats), the schools were the starting point for the wave of infections. Ziche said the situation was “worrying.” The intensive care units in the regional clinics are fully occupied. Some of the patients have to be treated in Magdeburg.

Sixty-eight residents and 22 employees tested positive in a nursing home in Norderstedt. Eight people, including one contact, died as a result of the infection. The public prosecutor in Kiel has now initiated a post-mortem investigation to check whether there were criminally relevant responsibilities. It is noteworthy that, according to the district, visits are already allowed again in the facility, since it has been declared that no one is infectious anymore.

Thirty-nine residents and 11 employees tested positive in the St. Josef House in the Bavarian capital of Munich. Siegfried Benker, managing director of the municipal agency for elderly care homes, said that infections are part of the “new normal” in nursing homes.

Thirty percent of the employees at the care home are not vaccinated. Only after the massive outbreak were workers ordered to wear FFP-2 (N95) masks again. At the same time, Benker refused to take any other kind of protective measures. “We don’t want to close our homes like last year,” he told the Süddeutsche Zeitung .

In a care facility in Bad Doberan, 17 people have now died after a COVID-19 outbreak in mid-October. Most of the 83 residents of the care facility had tested positive since the beginning of October. Out of 60 nurses at the facility, 35 also tested positive.

The State Office for Health and Social Affairs in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania revealed in its current report that the number of nursing homes currently affected by coronavirus infections has increased from 10 to 13 within a few days. A total of 161 residents and 72 nurses were infected last Monday.

In a facility in Schorfheide in the Barnim district (Brandenburg), 12 residents died as a result of an infection after 44 residents and 17 employees had previously tested positive. Only half of the employees have a complete vaccination status, according to an announcement from the responsible medical officer. Only since the outbreak began have workers been tested on a daily basis.

The first criminal complaint in connection with the outbreak has now been filed. According to information from the Frankfurt (Oder) public prosecutor’s office, a citizen’s complaint was filed with the police’s internet station alleging attempted bodily harm resulting in death. The public prosecutor’s office will now examine the facts, as the RBB reported.

The list goes on and on, including outbreaks from all regions and federal states. The situation in Thuringia is particularly dramatic. According to data from the state administration office, more than one in five of the 339 elderly care homes in the state was affected by COVID-19 outbreaks on Thursday. In Thuringia, the seven-day incidence rate on Friday was 386.9 infections per 100,000 inhabitants, more than twice the national average.

In addition, the state’s intensive care beds will soon be fully occupied. According to the DIVI register, only 72 intensive care beds were free on Thursday. Between Monday and Thursday alone, the number of COVID-19 patients in intensive care units rose by 20, an increase of 25 percent within four days. Minister President Bodo Ramelow (Left Party) said on ZDF television, “In the next few days we will reach the situation where we no longer have enough intensive care beds.”

What Ramelow neglects to mention is the fact that he and his government are largely responsible for the catastrophic situation. Since the beginning of the pandemic, the Left Party politician has been a proponent of the murderous conception of “herd immunity.” Under his leadership, Thuringia spearheaded the relaxation of public health safeguards, although it was absolutely clear that this would lead to a resurgence in the number of cases with all the consequences that it entails.

The statements by Ramelow’s Health Minister Heike Werner (Left Party) should be considered in this context. Werner spoke out on Thursday for an expansion of the test requirement for employees in nursing homes. “Currently only the unvaccinated are tested. I think it will have to be expanded so that the unvaccinated are tested daily and the vaccinated maybe once a week, in order to have at least some kind of screening,” said the minister.

This puts her in line with Federal Health Minister Jens Spahn and her colleagues from the other federal states. Spahn also stated that he wanted to campaign for mandatory testing in elderly care and nursing homes and, if necessary, promote enforcement by federal law in parliament.

Apart from the fact that the obligation to test should never have been suspended and is completely insufficient as the sole measure to prevent further cases of infection, it is the height of cynicism when Spahn, Werner and other government representatives, who have been advocating unchecked infection for months, now pretend to be acting for the benefit of patients, residents and employees.

Just a few days ago, Spahn—despite the skyrocketing number of cases—pushed for the end of the “epidemic situation of national scope.” The Social Democrats, Greens and Free Democrats, which have a majority in the new federal parliament, have agreed not to extend the “epidemic situation” in November. This will eliminate the legal basis that enables the federal and state governments to enact protective measures such as mask requirements, social distancing regulations and lockdown measures.

Snap elections called in Portugal after government falls amid mass strikes

Alejandro López


Portuguese President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa has called snap elections on January 30 after Prime Minister António Costa’s seven-year minority Socialist Party (PS) government collapsed amid mass strikes. Parliament had voted down the PS’ 2022 budget last week. It is the first time since the 1974 Carnation Revolution toppled fascistic dictator António Salazar’s Estado Novo regime that a Portuguese budget has been rejected.

São Bento Palace

In a televised address, Sousa said the PS budget defeat “has totally reduced the government’s support base,” and 2022 will be “a decisive year for a sustainable exit from the pandemic and the social crisis that has hit us.” He added, “In moments like this there is always a solution in democracy … to give the word back to the people.”

Costa refused to resign as interim prime minister, promising to lead the PS campaign for a “reinforced, stable and lasting majority.” The PS held only 108 seats in Portugal’s 230-seat parliament, depending on support from the Stalinist Communist Party of Portugal (PCP) and the petty-bourgeois Left Bloc (BE). To maintain the pretense that they oppose austerity despite supporting the PS for six years, the BE and PCP felt compelled to oppose the budget in the October 27 vote in parliament, leading to its immediate failure.

The ruling elite is terrified of an eruption of the class struggle. The snap elections are deeply unpopular; indeed, 54 percent of the respondents in one recent poll opposed the calling of snap elections. It is widely seen as a filthy maneuver, using nationalism and pseudo-democratic rhetoric to try to smother an upsurge of the class struggle. It comes as the unions, under mounting pressure, are desperately trying to divide, call off and defuse a wave of strikes.

In recent weeks, strikes involving tens of thousands of workers across multiple industries have erupted throughout the country. In September and October, rail workers, teachers, pharmacists, subway workers, pre-hospital emergency technicians, tax office workers and prison guards all went on strike.

On Thursday, as Sousa announced the elections, Metropolitano de Lisboa (ML) workers went on the latest in a series of 24-hour strikes against wage freezes and lack of career advancement.

Last week, the National Union of Professional Firefighters called off a strike for higher wages scheduled for November 11-12, arguing that the budget failure and the “predictable fall of the Government decided in the next few days are factors that justify the withdrawal of the strike.” It claimed it would present its demands “in due course to the new elected executive.”

The leader of the Public Administration Union Front, José Abraão, then suspended this week’s strike for salary increases for civil servants, saying: “Without the State Budget, there is a set of measures that are impossible … in what concerns our problems … we suspended all forms of struggle in the expectation that, in the shortest period of time, we can have a budget.”

The FNAM, the federation of doctors, also announced the suspension of the strike scheduled for November 23-25. It stated, “After careful evaluation of the current political crisis, conditioned by the non-approval of the State Budget for 2022,” it was calling off the strike. It concluded by calling for “urgent” negotiations with the new government.

The trade unions, the PS government and the Stalinist PCP and Left Bloc are terrified of mounting working-class anger, notably against the European Union pandemic bailouts. The new government will be mandated to ram through EU austerity measures to pay back the €45 billion the EU is handing over to Portugal’s financial aristocracy in the coming years as part of the bailout fund. It will also be faced with cutting the huge public debt of 133 percent of the GDP.

While the EU and the Portuguese government hand over billions to the wealthy, they plan to strictly limit wages and pursue a “herd immunity” policy of mass COVID-19 infection. Thousands are expected to die in the country, part of the 500,000 more COVID-19 deaths expected in Europe in the next three months, according to statements by World Health Organisation (WHO) Director for Europe Hans Kluge.

The criminal policies of the PS government in Portugal have led to mass deaths. Since March 2020, 18,167 people have died, and 1,091,142 cases of infection have been recorded—10 percent of the population, according to data from the Directorate-General for Health.

Recent opinion polls suggest that the Socialist Party will win re-election but will again fall short of a parliamentary majority. It would obtain 36 percent of the vote. PS leader and interim Prime Minister Costa’s pro-austerity policies, however, face increasing opposition, even according to official opinion polls. He has gone from 45 percent in support and 34 percent against in a poll last July to 34 percent in favor and 38 percent against today.

Fearful that the elections will deepen the political crisis, the PCP and BE, who have seen their support dwindle after having supported Costa for six years and supported the brutal crackdown of the truck drivers strike in 2019, as the PS government called out the army to force the truckers back to work.

The PCP and BE would have preferred that Costa make nominal concessions during the budget debate. Their demands during the budget negotiations, such as increasing the minimum wage to a meagre 805 euros and compensation for collective layoffs; strengthening the hands of the unions in collective bargaining to suppress workers struggles; and slight increases in pensions and public investment in the national health service (SNS), would have done very little to reverse the brutal austerity implemented by both conservative and BE and PCP-backed PS governments.

Reacting to the snap elections announcement, Left Bloc’s parliamentary leader Pedro Filipe Soares began by defending this saying this outcome “does not [mean] it was an inevitability.” He continued, “On the part of the Left Bloc, we did not want elections, and we always wanted to guarantee a budget that the country would not lack at this fundamental moment.”

The PCP leader Jerónimo de Sousa reacted on Friday, cynically stating, “The country does not have a budget because the PS did not want to affront the interests of capital to be free to serve the interests that it has always served.”

In fact, the PCP and Left Bloc, by backing the reactionary policies of the PS, have opened the door to the far-right Chega party to posture as the sole opposition party. It is expected to become the third largest force in parliament, going from one seat in the year of its founding to as many as 20 seats, according some polls. Chega is the first far-right party to win a significant share of the national vote since the toppling of the Salazar dictatorship.

That Chega is on the rise and is taking place as the capitalist class in Europe and internationally pursues a policy of austerity and mass COVID-19 infections is the most serious warning.

In order for the emerging strike movement in Portugal to reach its aims, it must be linked to the expanding international movement in the working class against wage austerity, war and the fascistic “herd immunity” policies of the ruling elite on the COVID-19 pandemic.

6 Nov 2021

UK GREAT Scholarships 2022/2023

Application Deadline: The deadline to apply for a UK GREAT Scholarship varies according to each institution. For details on individual institutions’ deadlines, please see the institution page.

About the UK GREAT Scholarships: GREAT Scholarships offers numerous scholarships from UK universities, across a variety of subjects for students from the countries below. Each scholarship is worth a minimum of £10,000 towards tuition fees for a one-year postgraduate course. 

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Spanish Constitutional Court rules country’s second lockdown was illegal

Alice Summers


Last week, Spain’s Constitutional Court (CC) ruled that the second state of alarm imposed in Spain from October 2020 to May this year was unconstitutional. The challenge to the state of alarm was brought by the far-right Vox party.

The CC judges ruled by six votes to four that the second state of alarm, which extended a measure first implemented in March last year, represented an unjustifiable undermining of the functions of parliament, and handed undue powers to autonomous regional governments.

Vox’s legal case is intended as a signal that the Spanish ruling elite will tolerate no further necessary health restrictions, no matter how serious the evolution of the pandemic may be. It is a juridical expression of the homicidal policies of mass infection pursued by capitalist governments across Europe and the world, whatever their nominal political coloration.

The ruling, drafted by right-wing judge Antonio Narváez, declared that the state of alarm deprived the Spanish Congress of its decision-making powers and oversight by allowing regional authorities to adopt pre-approved coronavirus measures in their own territories, without the direct say-so of the national parliament and government.

“The extension [of the state of alarm] was authorised when the measures restricting rights included in the [Government’s] request were not going to be applied directly by the Government, but would be subject to decisions made by the presidents of the Autonomous Communities,” the ruling states. Therefore, “authorisation was given without [the Government] knowing what measures were going to be implemented to combat the pandemic.”

This is the Constitutional Court’s third ruling in favour of Vox. It issued a July judgement that the first state of alarm in Spain (imposed from March to June 2020) was unconstitutional, as the restrictions implemented under this measure allegedly exceeded its legal remit. In October, it also ruled that a temporary suspension of Spain’s Congress in the early days of the pandemic in spring 2020 violated the rights of congresspeople.

The ruling Socialist Party (PSOE) and the “left-populist” Podemos parties have bowed to the Court’s reactionary decision, making a few merely rhetorical statements of opposition. “The Government respects, the Government complies with, but the government does not share the decision of the Constitutional Court,” PSOE Justice Minister Pilar Llop declared. The Executive “respectfully disagrees” with the ruling, she continued.

This is only the latest in a series of craven capitulations by the PSOE-Podemos government to Vox, which increasingly calls the shots within the ruling elite. The supposedly “left” government has adopted Vox’s policies on issues ranging from its demands to end all coronavirus restrictions to its brutal agitation against impoverished migrants fleeing to Spain. Its response to the Constitutional Court judgement illustrates its indifference to the dangers posed by COVID-19 and the far right.

The Court ruling comes as the PSOE-Podemos government continues to play down the impact of the pandemic, instead trying to force the Spanish population to “live with the virus.” Last week, Fernando Simón, director of the Centre for the Coordination of Health Alerts and Emergencies (CCAES), and one of the government’s key advisors during the pandemic, continued dismissing the “small increase” in COVID-19 cases across the country as unimportant.

Attempting to conceal his demands for the abandonment of mitigation measures behind calls for caution, Simón told a press conference in Santander, “we must be prudent, we must take it step by step. We can continue relaxing measures, probably much quicker than what we had thought a few months ago, but we must evaluate the impact of each relaxation we make [emphasis added].”

Simón predicted that it would soon be possible to impose far less restrictive measures. The infection rates “make us think that it is the appropriate time to establish possible new measures which will allow us to return to a much more normal life compared to what we had previously.”

Now that most older people in Spain are vaccinated, Simón continued, “we can accept a certain number of cases in younger people, where there is a much smaller health impact.”

Last Tuesday, at a conference organized by the UGT trade union, Simón again insisted, without any opposition from the union bureaucrats in front of him, that young people are not seriously affected by the virus. Justifying why under-12-year-olds don’t need to be vaccinates, he said that “serious doubts” exists if they need to be vaccinated because children “are affected very little by the virus,” saying that secondary effects may be worse.

This criminal statement goes beyond mere complacency but speaks to the active policy pursued by the ruling class of trying to reach immunity by mass infection of children and youth.

Simón’s statements epitomize the drive of the entire Spanish ruling establishment to “normalise” COVID-19 and relax health restrictions that are critical to limiting the spread of the virus. He has attacked lockdowns imposed at the beginning of the pandemic as an overreaction, comparing them to “shooting a fly with a bazooka.”

Almost a year ago, last November, as infections reached their highest numbers since the spring, Simón appeared in a press conference for the Ministry of Health to insist that no lockdown would be implemented, even though it could save tens of thousands of lives.

“What we have right now in Spain is not a [stay-at-home] lock-down, and this will probably not be necessary,” he stated. “If we carry out a real and full confinement and nobody leaves their house for any reason, within around 15 days we would have this under control, perhaps within a month. But this is impossible. There are people who need to work, to buy things, who need to leave… Total confinement is impossible.”

Since then, at least 52,000 more people have died of COVID-19, bringing Spain’s total fatalities to nearly 88,000 by official counts, and over 100,000 according to excess death calculations. This massive death toll is the responsibility of the PSOE-Podemos government’s criminal refusal to pursue a scientific strategy of eliminating the coronavirus.

Daily COVID-19 infections in Spain currently number around 2,000, while approximately 30 people die of the virus each day. Infections are rising again, however, as incidence rates and hospital and Intensive Care Unit (ICUs) admissions slowly begin to climb, as well.

The incidence rate has grown from its low point of 40 per 100,000 people in mid-October to just under 50 this week. A rate of 50 per 100,000 is the threshold after which the government considers Spain to be at “medium risk” from the virus. The number of new weekly hospitalisations due to the virus is slowly growing again, reaching 703 last week.

Meanwhile, the so-called “Delta Plus” sublineage of the Delta variant of the virus, AY.4.2 —first detected in the UK several months ago—has also begun to spread in Spain. Four confirmed cases of “Delta Plus” have been detected in the Madrid region, with a further 35 possible cases under observation across the country, as of last week. The AY.4.2 sublineage is estimated to be 10 to 15 percent more transmissible than the original Delta strain.

Argentine judge indicts Spanish Franco-era minister on murder charges

Santiago Guillen & Alejandro López


Argentine judge María Servini de Cubría has indicted Rodolfo Martín Villa, 87, a former minister in Spain’s 1939-1978 fascist Francoite regime, on four counts of homicide. The judge ordered Villa, who lives in Madrid, to be detained. So far, the Socialist Party (PSOE)-Podemos government has refused to honor the warrant.

Servini, sitting in Buenos Aires, based her probe on the principle of universal jurisdiction, which allows an investigator to prosecute individuals who are not its citizens or on its territory, but have committed serious crimes, including crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and torture.

This is the second attempt to prosecute Franco-era criminals since Baltasar Garzón opened an investigation in 2008 of Francisco Franco’s military coup of July 17, 1936, and the disappearances of 114,266 people. Garzón ultimately indicted Franco, 44 former generals and ministers, and 10 members of the Falange party. Over this investigation, Garzón was debarred from the Spanish courts in 2012.

Garzón was accused of perverting justice and breaking the 1977 Amnesty Law passed during the Transition from fascism to parliamentary democracy after Franco’s death in 1975 and supported by the Stalinist Spanish Communist Party (PCE). It aimed to prevent any reckoning with fascist crimes committed during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), Franco’s rule (1939-1975) and the post-Franco interim regime that lasted until 1978. Since then, not a single Francoite has been brought to justice for crimes that include an estimated 300,000 political opponents murdered, 500,000 imprisoned and 500,000 forced into exile.

Hundreds of Spaniards have tried to get around the Amnesty Law by turning to Argentine courts.

The case began in April 2010 after Argentine resident Darío Rivas, son of an elected mayor of a Galician town in northwest Spain who was kidnapped and executed under Franco, turned to international law under which crimes against humanity have no jurisdictional boundaries. The trial now includes 120 individual plaintiffs and 62 human rights organisations.

Servini indicted Villa with a lengthy 968-page detention order, as part of her investigation over crimes against humanity committed by the Franco regime.

Three of the homicides occurred in 1976 during the so-called Vitoria Massacre, when Spanish police fired live ammunition and tear gas at an assembly of 4,000 striking workers taking place in the church in the Basque city of Vitoria. Five workers died, and hundreds were injured.

The other homicide took place in Pamplona during the San Fermín festivities in 1978, when the police fired on a protest by youth demanding freedom for political prisoners. In the protests after the police intervention, 150 were injured, including 11 by gunshot, and 23-year-old Germán Rodríguez, a member of the Revolutionary Communist League, was killed when he was shot in the forehead.

Since 1962, Martín Villa had held different positions in the fascist institutions that operated during the Franco regime. In 1975, he was appointed Minister of Trade Union Relations in the first government after Franco’s death, a role he held at the time of the Vitoria massacre. In June 1976, he was appointed Interior Minister. He was thus in control of police in 1978 during the Pamplona events.

Villa became known as “the baton of the Transition,” due to his repeated resort to violent police crackdowns on protests. In 1977 alone, the police violently dispersed 788 demonstrations in Spain, that is, 76 percent of all protests. To block future investigations, under his tenure Villa also oversaw the destruction of tens of thousands of documents and files on police repression under Franco.

Afterwards, Villa enjoyed a lucrative career. In 1997, he was appointed president of ENDESA, Spain’s main electricity company, which he helped privatise. In 2013, he became a member of the Royal Academy of Moral and Political Sciences. In 2006, he was appointed chairman of Sogecable, a Spanish pay-TV provider. Villa is a also member of the advisory committee of FRIDE, a Madrid-based pro-EU think tank.

The case of Martín Villa is not an exception. The vast majority of Franco’s political, police and military commanders continued to hold top positions in the post-Franco order, both in the public and private sector, abetted and aided by successive Socialist Party (PSOE) governments after the Transition.

Servini’s indictment of Martín Villa is a political exposure of the Transition. The man promoted by the Spanish ruling class as helping effect the reconciliation between Spaniards after the Civil War and open a new era of peace and capitalist democracy under the aegis of the European Union (EU) and NATO, is exposed as a ruthless, unrepentant henchman of the Francoite regime.

In the indictment, the judge writes: “The entire repressive structure set up by the Franco regime continued to function under the direction now of the new political leadership in charge of the Transition process,” adding that this structure’s members were assured “impunity.” This allowed security forces to repress “demonstrations, meetings, etc., in the way they did, with the systematic use of firearms and without caring about killing or continuing to kill.”

Similarly, it adds that “Rodolfo Martín Villa knew and promoted the public order policy of that government that he was part of, and that it was the same one implemented during the Franco government.”

Martín Villa has reacted to his indictment by telling conservative Spanish newspaper ABC, “I am calm. I will appeal.”

Villa’s reaction is unsurprising. He enjoys near-unanimous support in Spain’s post-Franco political establishment. All living former prime ministers since the Franco era—Felipe González (PSOE), José María Aznar (PP), Mariano Rajoy (PP) and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (PSOE)—wrote letters to Servini last September defending Villa’s track record. Joining them were former leaders of the union bureaucracy, Cándido Méndez and Nicolás Redondo for the UGT and Antonio Gutiérrez and José María Fidalgo for CCOO, as well as the current EU High Representative for foreign policy and former PSOE minister Josep Borrell, among others.

Speaking to Servini in September 2020, Martín Villa cited Spanish Stalinist leader Santiago Carrillo, the general secretary of the PCE during the 1970s, who died in 2012, to exonerate him in the Pamplona events. Soon after the Pamplona events, Carrillo cynically declared that “in all his life he had not seen an action so transparent, so clean, and with so much immediate decision-making capacity.”

The fact that the PSOE and the union bureaucracy are coming to the defence of a Francoite criminal like Villa shows that only a political movement within the working class can bring the torturers to justice and to unveil the full extent of Franco’s crimes. This will not come from appeals to the Argentine judiciary, nor from parties like Podemos and the trade unions. They are direct heirs of those who defended the reactionary 1977 Law of Amnesty and are oriented to the PSOE, the main party of bourgeois rule since Franco’s death.

Over the past two years, the PSOE-Podemos government has not lifted a finger to facilitate these trials or investigations of fascist crimes. This makes a mockery of Podemos’ cynical tweet stating: “Martín Villa’s indictment for the crimes of the Franco regime is a great step against impunity, but it is a shame that Argentine justice is doing what should have been done long ago in Spain.”

Peru’s Castillo wins confidence vote after ordering army into the streets

Bill Van Auken


President Pedro Castillo’s government survived a confidence vote in the Peruvian Congress Thursday after carrying out wholesale changes to his cabinet and making ever-more direct appeals to Peru’s ruling elite and its right-wing representatives.

The ascension of Castillo, a former rural teachers union leader, to the presidency in July was hailed by the pseudo-left as a major victory for the Peruvian masses and even a revival of the so-called “Pink Tide”—the coming to power of left-nationalist and populist bourgeois governments in a number of South American countries during the commodities boom of the early 2000s.

Since taking office amid a torrent of populist demagogy, Castillo’s government has lurched convulsively to the right.

Just two days before the Congressional vote of confidence, Castillo issued an executive order deploying Peruvian Army troops on the streets of the capital, Lima, and in the neighboring port city of Callao, which together have 11 million inhabitants, a third of Peru’s population.

While carried out under the pretext of assisting the Peruvian police in combatting rising crime, the military deployment came in the context of a rising tide of social protest and class struggle, which has been driven by deepening poverty and social inequality under conditions of the uncontrolled spread of COVID-19. With over 200,000 recorded COVID deaths, Peru has the highest per capita fatality rate in the world.

There have also been a number of strikes by impoverished peasant communities against the seizure of land and destruction of the environment by major transnational mining companies. After a road blockade forced the closure of the country’s largest copper mine Antamina—co-owned by Glencore and BHP Billiton—and rattled financial markets, the government sent a group of ministers to negotiate a truce based on promises of “dialogue.”

At another mining protest in Ayacucho, the Peruvian National Police was dispatched, using rubber bullets, tear gas and clubs to disperse community members. Meanwhile bus, truck and other transport drivers have threatened a strike on November 8 against rising fuel prices.

In another bow to the Peruvian right, Castillo sacked yet another of his cabinet members on the very eve of the confidence vote. Interior Minister Luis Barranzuela, whose removal was demanded by a number of right-wing legislators as a condition for a vote in the government’s favor, was relieved of his post on the grounds of charges that he hosted a Halloween party on October 31, after the government issued a directive telling the population not to hold such gatherings. Barranzuela claimed, implausibly, that he had convened an official meeting.

Barranzuela was identified with Perú Libre, which nominated Castillo for president, even though he had joined it only in 2020. He had served as the attorney for Vladimir Cerrón, the leader of Perú Libre and a former regional governor of Junín, who was sentenced to prison on corruption charges.

Cerrón and Perú Libre combine populist demagogy and pseudo-Marxist rhetoric with regionalist politics and appeals to resentments toward the domination of Lima. Its corruption is of a piece with all of the bourgeois parties in Peru, which has seen four of its living ex-presidents sentenced to prison and a fifth commit suicide rather than surrender to the police.

On the morning of the congressional vote, Castillo swore in Barranzuela’s replacement, Avelino Guillén, a senior prosecutor with a 40-year career in the Peruvian government. He carried out the investigation and indictment of former Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori for his role in the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta massacres carried out by the Colina military death squad in 1991 and 1992. Fujimori is now serving a 25-year sentence in connection with these crimes.

While Guillén’s appointment was positively received by the bulk of the Congress, it won no support from the extreme right-wing Fuerza Popular, which is led by Fujimori’s daughter Keiko Fujimori, who narrowly lost the presidential election to Castillo.

This was only the latest in a long series of cabinet changes. They began less than a month into Castillo’s presidency when his foreign minister, Hector Bejar, 85, was hounded from office by the right-wing media, which dredged up an incontrovertible statement he had made earlier that the military had carried out acts of terror against the civilian population under Fujimori. The Peruvian Navy denounced the statement as an “affront,” and Castillo’s then-prime minister Guido Bellido, issued a statement praising the armed forces for “the efforts they made in the fight against terrorism and for national pacification.”

Bellido was himself relieved of his position after making demagogic threats to nationalize the Camisea gas company, which is jointly owned by Hunt Oil in the US and Argentina’s Pluspetrol. Castillo himself indulged in similar rhetoric.

However, his finance minister, Pedro Francke quickly “clarified” these statements, declaring that they meant ensuring that the company operated in “the service of Peruvians” and, “in no way does it mean taking state control over a private activity.”

This echoed pledges made by Castillo and Francke during their trip to the United States in September, when they assured private investors, the US government, the IMF and the World Bank of their commitment to defending the profit interests of transnational investors and Peruvian capital.

Taking Bellido’s place was Mirtha Vasquez, a so-called moderate leftist and attorney who had proved herself as a safe pair of hands, taking the position of interim president of Congress in the 2020 crisis sparked by the parliamentary coup that toppled President Martín Vizcarra.

Other ministers sacked to appease the Peruvian right included Labor Minister Iber Maraví, who was charged by the right-wing press with association with the Maoist guerrilla movement Sendero Luminoso, a charge he denied and for which there exists no evidence.

Among others removed was the minister of mining Iván Merino, who despite working to assure the mining corporations that they were in no danger of nationalizations was replaced by Eduardo González, a former general manager of a technology company.

One position where there was no change is that of chairman of the Central Reserve Bank of Peru. Castillo has kept in place the right-wing economist Julio Velarde, who has held the position since 2006. A champion of transnational and Peruvian capitalist interests, upon being sworn in for a new term on Tuesday, Velarde warned that Peru’s mining protests were “affecting the perception of the country in terms of future investments,” and echoed calls by the mining companies for the government to “re-establish order.”

The right-wing trajectory of the Castillo government has split Perú Libre. In the confidence vote, the government won 68 votes, four more than the necessary majority of 64, against 56 against. The congressional delegation of Perú Libre split down the middle, with 19 voting in favor of the government and 16 voting against.

Among those voting against was ex-chief minister Guido Bellido, who stated that Castillo was not a socialist or on the left, but just a “basic trade unionist.”

The pseudo-left, including Jacobin magazine, which is affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), have assiduously promoted illusions in Castillo and the prospect of a bourgeois government headed by a union leader carrying out a socialist transformation of Peru. This reactionary perspective serves to subordinate the Peruvian working class to the capitalist state and pave the way to bloody defeats.

Castillo’s calling the army into the streets of Lima follows only by weeks the invocation of a “state of exception” and the deployment of the military across Ecuador, also in the name of fighting crime. That the supposedly “left” union leader and the right-wing banker and ex-Coca Cola executive, Ecuadorian President Guillermo Lasso, arrive at the same decision to call out the troops is a measure of the disintegration of any basis for democratic forms of rule in a Latin America riven by intense class divisions and social inequality that have been sharply intensified by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Steep rise in coronavirus cases in Germany portends a second deadly winter of the pandemic

Marianne Arens


Daily COVID-19 infection numbers are rising explosively in Germany. On November 4, the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) reported 33,949 new cases, the highest daily increase since the pandemic began twenty months ago. Nearly a quarter of a million people (247,800) currently have coronavirus in Germany, and more than 96,000 have died since March 2020.

The seven-day incidence rate of 154.9 cases per 100,000 population has doubled in two and a half weeks, since October 19 (75.1). The seven-day incidence rate is steadily rising, particularly among children and adolescents sitting in crowded schools without vaccine protection. Among 5–9-year-old children, the national average is 194 and among 10–14-year-olds it is 237. In nine districts, incidences in the 10–19-year-old age group have even exceeded 500. These are all figures that do not reflect reality exactly, with a lack of testing meaning that a significant number of cases are unreported.

All graphs show the fourth wave as a steep exponential curve that already exceeds the zenith of the third wave. Despite vaccinations, levels are higher than this time last year. There can be no doubt: a massive spike in deaths looms in the winter. 'We are worse off compared to last year,' explained Frankfurt virologist Sandra Ciesek with great concern.

More than a thousand people (1,075) have died from COVID-19 in the last ten days, when an average of nearly 20,000 people have been newly infected each day.

The situation in hospitals and intensive care units is currently as bad or worse than a year ago. As of November 3, 2021, there were 2,226 COVID-19 cases in intensive care; 90 had been added since the previous day. A year ago, there were also about 2,000 ICU patients with coronavirus, that number tripled in a few weeks. Deaths then shot up in a short time, from 10,500 at the beginning of November 2020 to five times that number, 56,000 at the end of January 2021.

The ominous trend confirms the central finding of the October 24 webinar, 'How to End the Pandemic,' hosted by the World Socialist Web Site and the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees with leading scientists from multiple countries. As they demonstrated, 'living with the virus' cannot be an option. The coronavirus pandemic, which has brought death and suffering to hundreds of millions worldwide, must be eliminated through a globally-coordinated elimination strategy.

An important finding is that with the emergence of new strains of the virus, vaccination alone is not enough to push the curve back down. To end the pandemic, all non-essential workplaces must be closed and measures such as testing, tracing, and isolating all cases must be undertaken systematically. At the same time, it is necessary to compensate working people for lost wages and provide social support to families.

Clearly, this requires not only medical steps, but also political and social steps. For this, it is necessary to mobilize the working class globally. Capitalist politicians have long since proven they are neither willing nor able to implement such a programme.

The new “traffic light” federal coalition of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), Liberal Democrats (FDP) and Greens, for example, wants to tighten up the herd immunity policy even more. It has just announced that it will phase out the 'national epidemic emergency' on November 24. Already, free tests have been abolished, and even mandatory mask-wearing has been lifted in schools in several states. This is despite the fact that the highly contagious Delta variant now accounts for 99 percent of infections. Undoubtedly, this policy will lead to many more thousands of coronavirus deaths. With their eyes wide open, politicians are walking into a social catastrophe.

There are already mass coronavirus outbreaks and waves of deaths in more and more nursing homes. This week, at a nursing home in Norderstedt, Schleswig-Holstein, north of Hamburg, 68 elderly residents and 22 staff members fell ill with COVID-19. Six residents have died so far.

Similarly, a coronavirus outbreak at a retirement home in Schorfheide, Brandenburg, has led to the deaths of 14 residents; 44 residents and 15 staff members at the facility have contracted COVID-19. In Munich, Haus St. Josef has also just reported an outbreak: there, 39 residents and eleven staff members have tested positive for coronavirus.

However, the outbreak has long since spread beyond the older generation, and hospitals and intensive care units are increasingly seeing younger patients as well. Contrary to propaganda, children and adolescents are also acutely threatened.

A new document from the RKI points this out. Even asymptomatic children can contract the serious secondary disease MIS-C (multisystem inflammatory syndrome in children) in the course of a COVID-19 infection, which can lead to death, the document shows. The RKI warns, 'With increasing SARS-CoV-2 spreading among children, there could be a high number of infections in children and adolescents during the winter. The more children are infected, the higher the number of severe outcomes the disease would then have.'

The RKI also points to the consequences of Long COVID, which have not yet been fully explored. In its letter this week, the institute, supported by a 'large cohort study,' cautions 'that not only adults but also children and adolescents are affected by long-term consequences after SARS-CoV-2 infection.'

The outgoing government politicians have deliberately brought about this atrocious situation, and the protagonists of a new 'traffic light' coalition are preparing to enforce the 'profits before lives' policy even more ruthlessly than before.

In mid-October, it became known through broadcaster ARD’s political magazine, programme Kontraste, that millions of vaccine doses, which the German government promised to donate to poorer countries as part of its Covax initiative, were about to be destroyed. The reason: the private manufacturers of the vaccines, which can make the difference between the life and death of millions of people, pharmaceutical companies Moderna and Biontech/Pfizer, had demanded excessive compensation payments for doing so, because they would then be able to sell fewer vaccines to poor countries.

The compensation payments they are demanding are to be added to the contractually agreed purchase price, which will be paid from tax revenues. As a result, instead of 100 million doses of vaccine, as originally promised, the German government has so far actually delivered only 19 million doses.

Another truly macabre example, involving the Fresenius healthcare group, illustrates the prevailing capitalist logic particularly vividly. It concerns the business with dialysis patients who regularly have to use medical equipment in hospital for blood purification. A subsidiary of this corporation called Fresenius Medical Care (FMC) manufactures such dialysis machines. Because more and more dialysis patients are dying of coronavirus, FMC now plans to lay off 5,000 of its 125,000 employees worldwide.

FMC CEO Rice Powell, who made the announcement on November 2 when presenting the company's quarterly financial statements, calculated that about 11,500 more dialysis patients than expected had died worldwide in the 12 months to September 30, 2021. Cynically, he spoke of a 'much stronger COVID-19 effect on our business than we had forecast at the beginning of the year.'

To drive profits back up, Fresenius is now responding with mass layoffs. The plans were very well received on the stock market, and the DAX-listed shares of FMC and Fresenius posted high gains. While intensive care units are overflowing and the death toll is rising, the champagne corks are popping again on the stock markets.