13 Jan 2022

World Bank downgrades global growth forecast

Nick Beams



The World Bank building in Washington, April 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Andrew Harnik)

As the Omicron variant of COVID-19 rips through the world’s population, the World Bank has forecast slowing global growth for 2022 as well as the following year in its Global Economics Prospects report issued on Tuesday.

While it was certainly not its intention, the report is an exposure of the claims by capitalist governments that no serious public health measures can be undertaken to eliminate the pandemic because they would be detrimental to the “economy.”

In fact, as the figures in the report make clear, the policy of “let it rip” being pursued by virtually all governments is producing ever worsening economic conditions. No changes will be made, however, as the economy is completely subordinated to finance capital which opposes any measures that impede the accumulation of wealth in the hands of a rapacious oligarchy.

The summary of the World Bank’s report on the state of the world economy reads like an indictment of the political and financial authorities responsible for economic policies.

It notes that after growing by an estimated 5.5 percent in 2021, “global growth is expected to slow markedly to 4.1 percent in 2022, reflecting continued COVID-19 flare-ups, and slow even further in 2023.”

The outcome could be worse because as the report notes: “Various downside risks cloud this outlook, including simultaneous Omicron-driven economic disruptions, further supply bottlenecks, a de-anchoring of inflation expectations, financial stress, climate-related disasters, and a weakening of long-term growth drivers.”

It says that the global economy is set up to experience its sharpest slowdown after an initial rebound from a global recession since at least the 1970s. Growth will decline to 3.2 percent in 2023.

In the advanced economies, the 2023 growth rate will fall to 2.3 percent as pent-up demand falls and fiscal policy support is withdrawn. The situation is worse in so-called developing countries.

In his foreword, World Bank president David Malpass writes that spending in these economies surged to record levels during the crisis, “but many countries are now facing record levels of external and domestic debt.” Added to these debt-related risks, he continued, is the potential for higher interest rates as the advanced countries tighten their monetary policies.

“With fiscal and monetary policy in uncharted territory, the implications for exchange rates, inflation, debt sustainability, and economic growth are unlikely to be favourable for developing countries.”

This is a vast understatement. According to the report, annual output by 2023 in all the so-called emerging market and developing economies annual output is expected to remain below the pre-pandemic trend.

With “downside risks dominating the outlook,” it is expected that on a per capita basis any global recovery is expected to “leave behind those in economies that experienced the deepest contractions in 2020. Half or more of the economies in East Asia and the Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Middle East and North Africa, and two-fifths of the economies in Sub-Saharan Africa, will still be below their 2019 per capita GDP [gross domestic product] levels by 2023.”

On the inflation front, the report expects prices to continue to rise, again hitting less developed countries.

“Rising food prices will hit the poorest populations the hardest, increasing food insecurity and accentuating the pandemic’s impact on income inequality,” the report notes. The same also applies to the advanced countries as well where inflation in food and other basic commodities is escalating at levels not seen in four decades.

The leaders of the institutions of global capitalist institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank profess to be somehow above politics and only concerned with economic outcomes. But they always have one eye firmly fixed on the development of the class struggle.

This is giving rise to some concerns. As Malpass notes in his foreword, “booming asset prices are boosting the wealth of richer segments of society, adding to inflation” and this “divergence of fortunes is especially troubling, given the possibility of social discontent in developing countries.” The same could be said of the advanced economies as well.

The forecast for advanced economies is slowing growth. After rising by 5 percent in 2021 it is expected to slow to 3.8 percent in 2023 “as the Omicron-driven pandemic resurgence weighs on activity at the start of the year, pent-up demand is gradually reduced, fiscal and monetary support is withdrawn, and supply strains ease only gradually.”

In the US, the Biden administration’s much-touted $1.2 trillion 10-year infrastructure plan is “expected to provide only a small boost in the near term” and the World Bank has downgraded its forecast for the American economy by 0.5 percentage points compared to previous estimates.

On China, the world’s second largest economy and one of the main drivers of global growth, the report states that growth has “decelerated more markedly than previously envisioned.” After reaching estimated levels of 8 percent this year, Chinese growth is expected to fall to 5.1 percent in 2022, with the estimate having been revised down by 0.3 percentage points.

“The possibility of a marked and prolonged downturn in the highly leveraged property sectors—and its potential effect on house prices, consumer spending, and local government financing—is a notable downside risk to the outlook.”

After what it calls a remarkable rise in the second and third quarters of 2021, the report notes that growth in the euro area “is estimated to have slowed in the fourth quarter owing in part to a sharp resurgence of COVID-19, a persistent drag on production from supply bottleneck in economies heavily exposed to global supply chains, and sharply higher energy prices.”

Growth in 2022 is expected to slow from 5.2 percent in 2021 to 4.2 percent this year and then to 2.1 percent in 2023 with the surge in natural gas and electricity prices, if sustained, posing a “notable risk to the near-term euro area outlook.”

Summing up the situation for the world economy, the report notes that the projected rate of global growth will be insufficient to regain its pre-pandemic trend over the forecast horizon.

Omicron-driven pandemic resurgence could overwhelm health systems, aggravate supply bottlenecks, raise actual and expected inflation and force an earlier and sharpening tightening of monetary policy in many economies.

“These same headwinds to global growth could also trigger and be compounded by financial stress, given public and private sector balance sheet vulnerabilities.”

In the longer run, the report explained, “the global economy faces the risk of a more pronounced softening of the fundamental drivers of growth.”

Given the major benefits for the economy that would flow from a policy of COVID-19 elimination on a global scale, the obvious question is why is such a policy not implemented?

It is not because it is unfeasible. The “zero COVID” actions in China, home to 1.4 billion of the world’s people where total deaths are just over 5,000 compared to millions of dead elsewhere show, what could be done on a global scale.

But such a policy runs into two barriers, rooted in the very structure of global capitalism itself.

First, the division of the world into rival nation-state and great powers, with competing economic agendas and political strategies makes global collaboration impossible.

Second, the profit system is not based on the production of goods and services needed to sustain society and the world’s people. Insofar as these use values are produced, they are only a by-product of the essential driving force of the capitalist system—the transformation of money into ever greater amounts of money.

The very centre of this process is now the accumulation of wealth via financial parasitism and speculation on the financial markets, completely divorced from the underlying real economy. With the vast economic resources now available, a policy of global elimination based on long-established and proven public health measures could be carried out. They would come at a cost, but the real economy could be more than adequately sustained.

However, the inflated stock markets and financial system, where real power now resides, would not and this is the basis for the “let it rip” policy.

Hundreds of thousands of power-loom operators in south India launch indefinite strike

Arun Kumar


An indefinite strike by 200,000 power-loom operators in the Coimbatore and Tiruppur districts of the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu has paralysed the transformation of yarn into cloth in one of the country’s principal textile and cloth manufacturing centres.

The action, which began Sunday, is being led by power-loom owner-operators. But it is being supported by hundreds of thousands of other power-loom workers, whose own wages are directly dependent on the terms of work agreed to between the owner-operators and so-called master weavers. The latter are middlemen used by the large domestic and global garment companies to manage a brutal “putting-out” production system akin to that of early 19th century Britain.

The strike has resulted in more than half a million owner-operators and workers directly or indirectly employed in the power-loom sector in the two districts halting work. Indian media claims the strike is causing a loss of 600 million rupees worth of production per day and will, if it continues, cripple the textile export industry.

Indian power-loom operator strike (apparelresources.com)

Neither the power-loom owner-operators nor the hired hands who work alongside them have received a pay increase since 2014. The final straw triggering the strike was reportedly the big mills’ refusal to sanction a minuscule increase in piecework rates agreed with the operators last November.

The owner-operators are paid a pittance by the large mills to weave the yarn into cloth, and employ up to five or six workers on piecework to perform the job. A 2014 report noted that the workers labour on average between 10 and 12 hours per day, but must complete double shifts of 16 hours or more when demand is high.

Under conditions of the surging COVID-19 pandemic, the development of the power-loom strike involving hundreds of thousands is significant and shows that workers will not passively accept the capitalist class’ offensive against them.

Almost a million people depend directly and indirectly for their livelihood on the power-loom industry in these two Tamil Nadu districts. Work in neighbouring districts tied in one way or another to textile manufacturing in Coimbatore and Tiruppur has also come to a halt as a result of the strike.

Wage agreements in the local power-loom industry are supposed to be renewed every three years. But no agreement has been reached since 2014. Indeed, reports suggest the owner-operators have had to endure payment cuts even as their operating costs have risen substantially.

The large mills, which use the cloth produced by the power-loom workers, export at least part of their production of finished garments to giant western retailers such as GAP and IZOD. They outsource a major portion of the weaving to small and medium power-loom owner-operators, since it is more profitable for them to pay a piece rate. The power-loom industry is itself based upon shuttle looms, an obsolete technology.

The agreement reached last November, during tripartite talks held between master weavers, power-loom owner-operators and representatives of the labour department, provided for a 20 to 25 percent hike in piece-wage rates. It was to supposed to come into force in December. But the master weavers reneged on it.

M. Manoharan, a power-loom worker in Tiruppur told IANS: “We are treated badly. We weave the cotton yarn into beautiful material, or rather convert the cotton yarn to the beautiful cloth materials, but we are never given any recognition and we don’t want that.

“We need a hike in our wages that have been stagnant since 2014. Even after the tripartite talks decided that wages would be hiked by 20 to 25 percent, nothing happened and we had to resort to this strike. Hope the authorities will open their eyes at least now.”

During talks on January 8, the cloth manufacturers from Avinashi in Tiruppur District told the power-loom unit owners that the 20 percent pay hike previously announced for the Palladam variety of fabric would be provided in stages, with 10 percent paid immediately and a second 10 percent hike introduced at a later date. This offer, however, was rejected by the power-loom unit owners’ associations. Whilst the owner-operators have themselves been squeezed by rising prices, they also fear the reaction of the power-loom workers who work alongside them. The latter desperately need pay hikes amid the immense economic hardships caused by the Indian authorities’ ruinous mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Joint Commissioner of Labour, Coimbatore, attempted to prevent a strike, which would cripple the whole industry. He appealed to the power-loom unit owners’ associations to await the decision of talks involving cloth manufacturers from Tiruppur and Palladam and members of job working power loom unit owners’ associations on Tuesday, January 11, and not to engage in direct action.

In a statement issued to the press, the power-loom owner-operators of Tiruppur and Coimbatore district said: “Wage increases for power-loom workers have not been fully available for 7 years since 2014. Many people have abandoned the industry due to the high prices and are looking for other ways (to live).

“Under these conditions, the textile manufacturers are delaying the implementation of the 20 percent increase in Palladam variety and the 23 percent increase in Somanur variety (of cloth) announced by the State Ministers, District Collectors and Labour Welfare Officers in the talks held at the Coimbatore District Collectorate on 24.11.2021 after several rounds of negotiations for a new wage increase from 2020 onwards.

“Condemning this lethargic trend, we have decided to engage in an indefinite strike from 9.01.2022 (Sunday) as per the decision taken by the federation of (power-loom) weavers associations in two districts.”

The power-loom workers are paid on average a pittance of 300 rupees (US$4) per day. As they do piece-rate work, a worker has to work long hours to earn this wage. The workers are not entitled to any social security benefits including provident fund or medical insurance. They labour under “a No work No pay” policy, meaning they are not paid for holidays. Some workers who are provided with accommodation are compelled to work even longer hours since they are paid less because they are provided with lodging.

Many of the working power-loom owners are indebted to the banks and many have had to shut down due to bankruptcy.

The power-loom workers associations leading the strike have not made any effort to mobilize the support of other sections of the working class around the current job action. Instead, their orientation is towards appealing to the big business DMK-led state government, which has a notorious anti-working class record. The DMK-led government, which came to power last May with the support of the two main Stalinist parties—the Communist Party of India (Marxist) or CPM and the Communist Party of India (CPI)—continued the drive of its predecessor to “open” up the economy amid India’s devastating second wave of the pandemic. Predictably, it has spurned the owner-operators’ appeals that it intervene on their behalf.

The union federations affiliated to the Stalinist CPM and CPI—the Center of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) and All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) respectively—do everything in their power to suppress and isolate workers’ struggles. They are doing nothing to mobilise support for the power-loom workers’ struggle or mobilise the hired hands as an independent force.

The power-loom workers’ struggle is part of a growing wave of social struggles, involving ever broader sections of the working class and urban and rural toilers across India and internationally.

There is mass anger over the failure of employers, including government-owned hospitals, to provide workers with proper PPE and safe working conditions, or to pay their regular wages, amid the two-year-long pandemic.

The privatisation drive of India’s far-right, Narendra Modi-led BJP central government is encountering increasing resistance, including from coal miners, and steel, power and bank workers. Tens of thousands of Maharashtra State Road Transport Corporation (MSRTC) workers have now been on strike for more than 70 days, paralysing inter-city bus transport in India’s second largest state. The workers are pressing for the state-owned MRSTC to be merged into the state government so as to derail government’s plans to break up and privatise the bus service.

Last Thursday, thousands of Delhi University teachers joined a one-day strike to protest the Delhi Union Territory government’s funding cuts, which have resulted in their wages and benefits not being paid for months. And on Friday, thousands of ambulance workers in Uttar Pradesh struck or joined protests to demand the reinstatement of 10,000 workers who were sacked last year, and better compensation for the families of co-workers who died from COVID-19. The workers were sacked in the midst of India’s Delta variant-driven second wave of the pandemic, when the BJP state government awarded the ambulance contract to another company.

New revelations in assassination of Haitian president point to conspiracy of high-ranking government officials

Alex Johnson


New revelations in last July’s assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse add to evidence that the plot was orchestrated by powerful political figures within Moïse’s cabinet, representing rival sections of the country’s corrupt ruling elite and backed by US authorities.

Following the execution of Moïse at the hands of gunmen who broke into his residence, recently appointed prime minister and longtime US stooge Ariel Henry was tapped as the new head of the government by the so-called Core Group, foreign diplomats from North America and Europe, including the US ambassador to Haiti, along with representatives from the United Nations and the Organization of American States. Henry was hand-picked after a brief power grab by acting PM Claude Joseph, Henry’s predecessor, was shot down by Washington and its allies.

Authorities pose for a group photo in front of the portrait of late Haitian President Jovenel Moise at at the National Pantheon Museum during his memorial service in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. (AP Photo/Odelyn Joseph)

Henry and other Haitian authorities overseeing the murder investigation have concocted an official narrative attributing the killing to some 40 suspects, including Moïse’s security officers, several native businessmen and Haitian Americans, as well as 18 Colombian mercenaries who have been arrested for carrying the assault on Moïse’s residence.

Although the investigation has been ongoing for several months, and more than half of those accused in the murder plot were arrested immediately following the assassination, little to nothing has been revealed from high-ranking officials on who exactly ordered the president’s killing and what figures financed and directed plot. In fact, the investigation, which has been mired in evidence-tampering since it began, has fueled popular hatred against leading authorities such as Henry and Joseph, who are widely believed to have been intimately involved in carrying out the assassination, with the blessing of American intelligence.

New details into the assassination plot point to a massive cover-up from the highest levels of the state. A report in the New York Times this week confirmed allegations of a connection between Henry and Joseph Felix Badio, a former justice ministry official now wanted by the government on suspicion of having organized the attack. Phone records revealed by the Times, as well as interviews with Haitian officials and Rodolphe Jaar, a Haitian businessman and former drug trafficker with ties to Henry, point to incriminating evidence of Henry’s role in the assassination.

The phone records showed Badio spoke to Henry before and after the killing, including in two calls for a total of seven minutes the morning after the assassination. Even after plans to arrest Badio were well underway, the murder suspect visited Henry, according to two Haitian officials close to the investigation.

Four months after the assassination, Badio traveled to Henry’s personal residence twice and was able to enter the complex unmolested by the PM’s security detail, despite being wanted by the police.

The phone conversations between Henry and Badio had been initially exposed in September by the nation’s chief prosecutor, Bed-Ford Claude, who declared the calls established evidence linking the acting prime minister to the assassination.

Claude issued a police summons for the prime minister, ordering him to testify about his connections in the assassination plot. Henry then refused to meet with the chief prosecutor to answer questions and denounced the requests for testimony as politically motivated. The chief prosecutor subsequently issued an order to the judge overseeing the case to institute a travel ban prohibiting Henry from leaving the country, and demanded that Henry be charged in the murder investigation because of his alleged connections to the prime suspect.

Hours after Claude's overture to the lead judge, Henry reportedly asked the minister of justice, Rockefeller Vincent, to fire Claude. Vincent claims that after he refused, both of them were sacked under orders from Henry based on fraudulent accusations of “serious administrative fault.” Henry has since then repeatedly denied any involvement in the murder but has not directly addressed the phone calls.

Other major details came from an interview the Times conducted with Jaar, who not only admitted to helping finance and plan the assassination, but also said he was assured by Badio that Henry would whitewash the investigation and protect the killers. Shortly before the assassination, Badio informed Jaar that Henry would serve as a “useful ally after the president was overthrown,” according to the Times. According to a senior security official, Jaar was detained in the Dominican Republic on Friday after six months in hiding.

Jaar recounted in the interview with the Times the words of Badio and the lengths to which he went to assure him of Henry’s loyalty. Referring to Henry, Badio told Jaar, “He is my good friend, I have full control of him.”

After police officers arrested the Colombian mercenaries accused of carrying out the assault, Jaar said Badio had sought help from Henry to escape capture by the police. Henry, according to Jaar, responded that “he would make some calls” to ensure Badio’s safety. According to the Times, several Haitian officials involved in the investigation also confirmed that Henry was in touch with Badio on multiple occasions, and argued that Henry would be a formal suspect in the investigation if he weren’t the head of the nation’s government.

Jaar also claimed that he thought the goal of the plot had been to overthrow President Moïse in a coup instead of killing him outright.

According to Jaar, the plotters intended to swear in a former Supreme Court judge, Windelle Coq-Thélot, as the new president. Jaar suggested that they expected support from key elements of the Haitian state, including the security forces, in their coup attempt. This lends credibility to the belief that Moïse’s security guards had been accomplices in the attack, since not a single member of Moïse’s security detail was injured during the shootout, and the mercenaries were allowed to cross multiple security checkpoints to enter the president’s palace.

The most explosive element of Jaar’s testimony was his allegation of direct involvement of American officials, who he says green-lighted and helped orchestrate the conspiracy against Moïse. Jaar said he only agreed to be involved in the assassination because he was reliably informed by Badio and other plotters that it had the full support of the United States. “If the U.S. government was involved, then it was safe,” Jaar noted.

Jaar claimed the US organized the plot out of nervousness over Moïse’s supposed connections to terrorists and drug traffickers. Last November, the US Senate Judiciary Committee criticized the Drug Enforcement Administration for corruption surrounding its Haiti operations, citing a Times investigation in August connecting Moïse’s head of palace security to Caribbean-based drug smuggling.

After hiding out in Haiti, Jaar escaped to neighboring Dominican Republic, where he was arrested last weekend at the request of US authorities.

The Moïse regime was notable for its rampant corruption and for being widely hated by the Haitian population. Moïse repeatedly confronted outbreaks of mass protests since 2018, while only clinging to power due to Washington’s support of his government. Then-President Donald Trump backed Moïse during weeks-long protests involving tens of thousands during the fall of 2019. They were sparked by the impoverished nation’s worsening social conditions and Moïse’s own involvement in a massive corruption scandal that saw the siphoning of billions of dollars in aid from Venezuela by his allies in Haiti’s venal ruling elite.

Coming into office as a result of fraudulent elections in 2016, in which barely 23 percent of the electorate participated, Moïse repeatedly sought to consolidate a dictatorship. He refused to step down in the early months of 2021 despite his five-year term as president expiring in February.

In the weeks before his assassination, Moïse was also preparing to ram through an illegal constitutional referendum aimed at further cementing a presidential dictatorship and protecting presidents from prosecution for any crimes committed while they were in office. The Biden administration decisively reaffirmed its backing of the president even as Moïse intensified his dictatorial policies.

Rival sections of Haiti’s corrupt kleptocracy grew bitter over Moïse’s lurch towards authoritarianism, and saw his attempts to consolidate power as an opportunity to enrich his cronies. Moïse’s presidency was embroiled in clashes between powerful political and business figures, with some suspected of narcotics and arms trafficking.

In police interrogations of the captured plotters, some confessed that a top priority of the attack was retrieving a list that detailed suspected drug traffickers that Moïse was planning on handing to the US government, according to a Times report citing three senior Haitian officials with knowledge of the investigation. One of the central figures in Mr. Moïse’s dossier was Charles Saint-Rémy, a Haitian businessman with links to the country’s drug trade.

Significantly, Saint-Rémy is also the brother-in-law of former President Michel Martelly, a figure with close political ties to former members of the US-backed Duvalier dictatorship. He was installed to head a puppet regime under the aegis of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Martelly tapped Moïse to be his successor as president. Both Martelly and Saint-Rémy exerted huge influence in Moïse’s government, dictating which of their business associates and the country’s oligarchs would receive lucrative contracts.

Although a political protege of Martelly, Moïse had become increasingly resentful of Martelly’s influence, with one report claiming that Moïse was unable to choose his own cabinet members without the approval of Martelly’s family or that of Mr. Saint-Rémy. Moïse also deeply mistrusted an important member of Martelly’s security force, Dimitri Hérard, who would eventually continue his role under Moïse’s regime. According to presidential advisors, Hérard was found on at least one occasion spying on the president for Mr. Saint-Rémy, informing him about Moïse’s meetings.

Notwithstanding US imperialism’s nominal backing of the Moïse regime, the claim made by the Times that “no evidence has emerged” of any of the murder suspects having collaborated with the American government or “that the United States was involved in or aware of the plot” is dubious at best. Even in the wake of Henry’s purge of the chief prosecutor and justice minister following their questioning his incriminating phone calls with Badio, the US government has stood faithfully by Henry.

Meanwhile, of the 39 people arrested in connection with the assassination, several previously served as informants for the FBI and Drug Enforcement Administration, according to CNN. No one arrested has yet been formally charged.

The working class and destitute peasantry are the true victims of the Haitian ruling-class’s political intrigues, which are, in the final analysis, aimed at defending a system of exploitation and grinding poverty which is rooted in centuries-long oppression at the hands of American and world imperialism.

Failure of NATO-Russia Council underscores the risk of war

Peter Schwarz


Like the bilateral negotiations between the US and Russia on Monday, the meeting of the NATO-Russia Council on Wednesday also ended with no tangible result.

NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg called it a “positive sign” that the 30 NATO countries and Russia were “sitting at the same table again for the first time in two and a half years and dedicated themselves to substantial issues.” There is a fundamental willingness on both sides to continue the dialogue, he added. However, there are still “considerable differences of opinion”—and not only over Ukraine.

Both Stoltenberg and US Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman reiterated their unwillingness to comply with Russian demands for security guarantees.

U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman speaks during a media conference after a meeting of the NATO-Russia Council at NATO headquarters, in Brussels, Wednesday, Jan. 12, 2022. (AP Photo/Olivier Matthys)

“We will not compromise on our basic principles,” emphasized Stoltenberg. He categorically ruled out Russia’s demand for no further expansion of NATO. Russia has “no right of veto on the question of whether Ukraine can become a NATO member,” he declared.

Sherman also stated on the question of Ukraine’s NATO membership, “Every country has the sovereign right to choose its own path.” She said that she made this basic principle of international order and European security clear again in talks with Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Gruschko.

In fact, the talks in Geneva and Brussels were less of a “dialogue” than an ultimatum. NATO members and the Western media have been accusing Russia for weeks of planning a military attack on Ukraine, which Moscow firmly denies. They justify the accusation with the fact that Russia has relocated 100,000 soldiers near the Ukrainian border—which Moscow has neither denied nor confirmed. However, Moscow emphasizes that Russia is free to move troops and carry out military maneuvers on its own territory.

The US has threatened major consequences for Russia. Last Saturday, two days before the talks in Geneva, the New York Times reported, “The Biden administration and its allies are assembling a punishing set of financial, technology and military sanctions against Russia that they say would go into effect within hours of an invasion of Ukraine, hoping to make clear to President Vladimir V. Putin the high cost he would pay if he sends troops across the border.”

The Times cited officials who “described details of those plans for the first time.” “Such moves are rarely telegraphed in advance. But with the negotiations looming President Biden’s advisers say they are trying to signal to Mr. Putin exactly what he would face,” wrote the newspaper.

The plans that the United States have discussed with allies in recent days “include cutting off Russia’s largest financial institutions from global transactions, imposing an embargo on American-made or American-designed technology needed for defense-related and consumer industries, and arming insurgents in Ukraine who would conduct what would amount to a guerrilla war against a Russian military occupation, if it comes to that.” The exclusion of Russia “from the SWIFT system, which executes global financial transactions between more than 1,100 banks in 200 countries,” is also being discussed.

Moscow has every reason to be concerned. Since the last Stalinist rulers of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin, expressed their unrestrained loyalty to imperialism and dissolved the Soviet Union in 1991, the largest Western military alliance has moved ever closer to the borders of Russia and has broken all promises it previously made. NATO has incorporated former Warsaw Pact members and three former Baltic Soviet republics and armed them to the teeth. It has attacked and destroyed several international allies of Russia in violation of international law in order to bring about regime change—including Iraq, Libya and Syria.

The NATO-Russia Council was established in 2002 to ease tensions between the Western military alliance and Moscow. German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder (Social Democrats, SPD) raved about a “historic event” with which bloc thinking had finally been overcome, and about a “new quality” in relations with Moscow.

The council met monthly at ambassadorial level. Twice a year, the foreign and defense ministers and the chiefs of the general staff met to discuss arms control and the fight against terrorism and drug trafficking and to exchange information on planned exercises.

When the US and Germany supported the pro-Western coup in Ukraine in 2014 and Russia responded by annexing the Russian-populated Crimea after a referendum, the body fell into a crisis. After the assassination attempt on the double agent Sergei Skripal in London, for which the British government blamed the Russian secret service without substantiated evidence, NATO expelled several Russian diplomats. The NATO-Russia Council had not met since then.

In the meantime, the US and other NATO members have systematically armed the Ukrainian army and the fascist militias that are fighting against pro-Russian separatists in the east of the country. Among other things, they have received cutting-edge Javelin anti-tank missiles. It is these ultra-nationalist militias that the New York Times says Washington wants to use in the “guerrilla war” against Russia.

Official US military aid to Ukraine in 2021 was $250 million, with this year’s planned military spending amounting to $300 million. On Monday, CNN and Politico reported that President Joe Biden approved additional shipments of firearms, ammunition, radios, and other military equipment. The military aid will thus be significantly increased again.

The unstable Ukrainian regime, undermined by oligarchic struggles and corruption, and the ultra-nationalist militias on which it relies can at any time be used for a provocation that will force Moscow to react. The east of Ukraine, in which a civil war has been smoldering since 2014, is mostly populated by residents of Russian descent. It would not be the first military conflict that the US and its allies have provoked in this way.

If NATO is now back at the negotiating table with Russia after a two-and-a-half-year ice age, there are two reasons.

First, public opinion in the US and Europe, which is largely opposed to a war against Russia, needs to be attuned to a military confrontation. The western media is constantly spreading the mendacious narrative: “We are peaceful and want to negotiate, but Putin wants to invade Ukraine and is making demands that cannot be met.”

Secondly, the US is developing the conflict with Russia as part of its geopolitical strategy, which is aimed at halting the economic and military rise of China and keeping the Europeans under control. A close alliance between Russia and China therefore needs to be prevented. The Biden administration knows that the Putin regime is under massive social pressure because of its murderous COVID-19 policy and glaring social inequality, and is therefore susceptible to political maneuvers and deals.

The European NATO members support the aggressive course against Russia but are pursuing their own interests. German imperialism in particular regards eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union as traditional areas of expansion that it tried to conquer during the First and Second World Wars. Berlin fears that the United States will disadvantage Germany if it submits to its line.

This is particularly evident in the conflict over Nord Stream 2. Washington wants to use the completed but not yet approved gas pipeline as leverage against Russia, while Berlin wants to put the pipeline, on which Germany’s energy supply depends, into operation. The conflict runs straight through the German government. While the Greens and the Free Democrats advocate stopping the pipeline, the SPD supports it.

The rivalries between the NATO powers are another factor that increases the risk of war. The explosive mixture of rivalries between imperialist allies, preparations for war against their opponents and social tensions are reminiscent of the eve of the First World War. This is also recognized by right-wing bourgeois commentators.

The 83-year-old journalist Michael Stürmer published in Die Welt a comment entitled “The new sleepwalkers.” The title refers to the historian Christopher Clark’s bestseller about the causes of the First World War. The former SPD chairman and German Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel described the current situation in the Ukraine conflict as “dramatic” and “threatening.”

12 Jan 2022

British Ecological Society (BES) Grants 2022

Application Deadline: 18th March 2022 at 17:00 (BST).

Offered Annually? Twice in a Year

Eligible Countries: African countries

About British Ecological Society (BES) Grants: This grant provides support for ecologists in Africa to carry out innovative ecological research. We recognise that ecologists in Africa face unique challenges in carrying out research; our grant is designed support you to develop your skills, experience and knowledge base as well as making connections with ecologists in the developed world. We support excellent ecological science in Africa by funding services and equipment.

Type: Grants

Eligibility for British Ecological Society (BES) Grants: Applicants should:

  • be a scientist and a citizen of a country in Africa or its associated islands, that is a ‘low-income economy’ or ‘lower-middle-income economy’ according to the World Bank categorisation
  • have at least an MSc or equivalent degree
  • be working for a university or research institution in Africa (including field centres, NGOs, museums etc.) that provides basic research facilities
  • carry out the research in a country in Africa or its associated islands

Selection Criteria: 

  • The application will be judged by a panel of reviewers on the basis of your personal qualifications, the scientific excellence, novelty and feasibility of the proposal, and the academic and non-academic impact of the planned research.
  • You should demonstrate that you have made connections with ecologists in a developed country that can provide advice during the proposed project. If international travel is part of the application, you should demonstrate close links with those they propose to visit.
  • Funding is available for any area of ecological science excluding research focused solely on agriculture, forestry and bioprospecting. Please note that neither purely descriptive work nor studies that might be considered incremental will be funded.
  • The proposed project could be part of an existing programme but the application should be for a clearly defined piece of research. Researchers must also show how their research will have a wider impact beyond academia.

Number of Awards: Not specified

Value of British Ecological Society (BES) Grants: 

  • The maximum value of a grant is £8,000 for research.
  • An additional sum up to £2,000 may be requested to fund travel to help you develop connections with other ecologists outside your usual peer group.
  • Travel funds are available to spend time working with ecologists in developed countries where facilities and experience will help you on return to your own institution.
  • Successful applicants also receive two years of free BES membership and free online access to our journals.

Duration/Timeline of Program: The proposed work must be completed within 18 months.

Apply Online

Visit Program Webpage for Details

Important Notes: Applicants are only able to submit one grant application per round, across all grant schemes.

EU Sakharov Fellowship 2022

Application Deadline:

30th January 2022 Midnight (CET).

Tell Me About Sakharov Fellowship:

The European Parliament’s Sakharov Fellowship offers up to 14 human rights defenders selected from non-EU countries the opportunity to follow a two week intensive training in Brussels and at the Global Campus of Human Rights in Venice. The empowering programme for human rights defenders has been organised annually since 2016 further to an initiative taken by the Sakharov Prize Community at the 25th Anniversary Conference of the Sakharov Prize.

Under the Sakharov Fellowship training programme human rights defenders will

  • enhance their knowledge of EU and international human rights frameworks, policies and mechanisms and
  • develop capacities to advocate for and effect positive change to protect human rights.
  • Beyond the training, Sakharov Fellows will
  • help grow the network of Sakharov Fellows to share best practices, disseminate the acquired knowledge and extend awareness of the Sakharov Prize and the Sakharov Community;
  • have the opportunity to maintain links with the work of the European Parliament and continue liaising with EU Delegations in their respective countries.

The Brussels programme focuses on EU policies and tools in support of human rights defenders, accessing funding, developing communications skills, and raising awareness of specific security challenges facing human rights defenders. It further includes meetings with Members of Parliament, officials of the EU institutions and Brussels-based NGOs. The Fellows will also have space for individual advocacy and networking activities.

Training at the Global Campus of Human Rights in Venice combines academic teaching on international human rights law, instruments and mechanisms with case studies and provides practical tools for improving the work of human rights defenders to effect change on the ground. Lecturers include prominent academics, representatives of leading human rights NGOs, Sakharov Prize laureates and other outstanding human rights practitioners.

What Type of Scholarship is this?

Fellowship

Who can apply for Sakharov Fellowship?

Candidates should have a proven record in campaigning for human rights in a NGO or other organisation or in an individual capacity. They must have a high level of English, sufficient to follow and contribute to discussion groups and workshops in Brussels and Venice.

How are Applicants Selected?

The selection of Fellows is based on the above criteria and the need to ensure gender balance as well as the representation of a variety of geographical areas and human rights issues.

Which Countries are Eligible?

Non-EU Countries

Where will Award be Taken?

The programme will be organised in person in Brussels and Venice. It might be changed to an on-line format if sanitary conditions require.

How Many Fellowships will be Given?

14

What is the Benefit of Sakharov Fellowship?

The Fellowship covers return travel from the country of origin, accommodation in Brussels and Venice and a daily living allowance. 

How Long will the Program Last?

2 weeks

How to Apply for Sakharov Fellowship:

The deadline for applications is midnight 30 January 2022 (CET). Successful candidates will receive confirmation by email, latest by 4 March 2022. Unsuccessful candidates will not be informed of the reasons why they were not shortlisted or offered a fellowship.

Apply via Link below.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Greek police attack strikers at Kavala Oil

Katerina Selin


On December 21, at about 6:00 a.m., 450 Greek police and riot police stormed the plant run by Kavala Oil to end the occupation of the facility by 120 workers. The workers had occupied the management offices and guarded the plant facilities to protest plans for layoffs and massive security problems.

Police storm the Kavala Oil refinery (Photo: Menoume Energoi group/Facebook)

The oil refinery in the village of Nea Karvali, east of the city of Kavala in northeastern Greece, is part of the oil and gas production facilities extracting resources from the Prinos field, located in the North Aegean off the island of Thasos. Energean, the parent company of Kavala Oil, with headquarters in London, plans to cut wages and lay off approximately 80 of the 240 workers, around a third of the workforce. Full-time experienced workers, who are familiar with the machinery and safety risks, are to be increasingly replaced by subcontracted labour.

Workers have now been on strike since January 1, demanding the company comply with work regulations and emergency plans. “We are forced to work 12-hour days nonstop and are now physically and mentally exhausted,” they write in a statement, criticising, among other things, the circumvention of basic regulations for the safe operation of onshore and offshore installations, leading to a serious risk of accidents.

The strike expresses the growing militancy of the Greek working class. On December 10 1nd 11, dockers and seamen had demanded wage increases in a 48-hour strike. All over the world, workers are opposing measures aimed at unloading the costs of the pandemic onto their shoulders. In neighbouring Turkey, a spontaneous strike by thousands of electricity workers broke out in the summer, and Turkish doctors and nurses went on strike across the country in December. In the US, thousands of teachers are currently protesting against the perilous return to face-to-face teaching as Omicron infections soar.

The Greek government headed by the right-wing Nea Dimokratia (New Democracy, ND) is continuing the social attacks of the last decades in the pandemic and pursuing a dangerous herd immunity policy. Coronavirus infections have skyrocketed dramatically in recent days. On January 4, this small country of just under 11 million people counted a record number of more than 50,000 new cases. Industrial workers are doubly affected by the pandemic, exposed to a high risk of infection in their factories as well as being hit by job cuts and lost wages.

Energean is trying to break the resistance of its workforce with intimidation and violence. According to the local news site proininews.gr, this was the first time that riot police have been deployed against workers at the plant. According to a spokesperson for the Kavala Oil workers’ union, police broke down the gate next to a gas and oil pipeline, where just a small leak could have caused a huge explosion.

video posted on Facebook by the social activist group Menoume Energoi shows workers using water hoses to try to push back the police, who deployed stun grenades. According to reports, one grenade hit a high-voltage transformer, causing a temporary power outrage.

To escape from police, workers climbed to the top of a tower, where they remained for hours until they were guaranteed lawyers would be present. From 5:30 a.m. until 5:00 p.m., police besieged the tower and even denied water to the workers held there, a union spokesperson said.

Workers seek refuge from the police on top of an oil refinery tower

The irresponsible use of stun grenades at an oil refinery could have resulted in a lethal explosion. These brutal tactics illustrate the modus operandi of Greece’s police and its riot police units, who function as the attack dogs of the corporations.

The local police directorate then claimed that workers had spilled hydrogen sulphide in the direction of the police, a claim the workers indignantly denied. This baseless lie showed total ignorance of the toxic danger of hydrogen sulphide, the use of which would have caused immediate deaths, workers related.

A total of 17 workers were arrested by police and taken into custody. Later that evening, a solidarity protest was held in front of Kavala police headquarters, followed by a protest march through the city. The workers were released the next day. Police used teargas to disperse oil workers gathered in front of the courthouse to welcome their colleagues. One worker was injured.

A few days after the police action, another demonstration took place in which workers from different professions and companies showed their solidarity with the oil workers. They gathered in the central square Kapnergatiki, where a monument commemorates Kavala’s militant tobacco workers.

Kavala was an important centre of the tobacco industry in the first half of the 20th century and had already experienced violent attacks on the workers’ movement. In June 1928, a major tobacco workers strike led to violent clashes with the police during which six workers were killed. In May 1936, tobacco workers went on strike in Kavala, Thessaloniki and other cities and were once again brutally suppressed by the police. A few months later, in August 1936, General Ioannis Metaxas established a military dictatorship in Greece, imposing a regime of terror against the working class.

Energean responded to the strike notice of the Kavala Oil union “To Vareli” with an extrajudicial letter declaring the work stoppage illegal and threatened the strikers with dismissal. The layoffs at Kavala Oil came just a few months after parent company Energean received a €100 million government-guaranteed loan from the country’s COVID-19 Aid Fund, ostensibly to secure jobs and maintain the company’s financial viability. The corporation directly commenced layoffs and introduced a “Voluntary Exit Program” to force workers to quit.

The financial aid from the state, which goes toward investments and maximising profits, was approved by the European Commission and justified with the financial losses made by the Prinos site in the first pandemic year, losses arising mainly from falling oil prices. At the same time, workers at Energean had to continue working without restrictions during the pandemic. “Zero operational downtime due to COVID-19” and “production operations running as normal,” management proudly announced in its 2020 business report.

The oil workers, however, can only successfully wage their struggle against dismissals and cuts by organising independently of the trade unions and the bourgeois and pseudo-left parties. This is especially evident at Kavala Oil. To Vareli, the local trade union that belongs to the Panhellenic Energy Federation, has been cooperating with management for decades to keep the plant profitable at the expense of the workers. The union even admits this itself. In its statement of December 24 announcing the strike to take place beginning New Year’s Day, the union declared:

“To date, we have supported the company by accepting wage cuts, a freeze on the insurance [pension and benefits] programme in 2015, machine operator job cuts, unpaid overtime for 2015 to 2018 and for 2020, and many other concessions that the employer has failed to properly appreciate.”

The union had drawn attention to major safety problems at the plant several times in recent months and asked for talks with management. “Unfortunately, we have not been listened to,” laments the union, making clear that it only resorted to strike action with a heavy heart in an effort to head off the enormous anger in the workforce.

“Unfortunately, the employer has left us no other choice,” the union writes, while fueling illusions in Energean’s good will. “We hope that the employer will soon comply with legal requirements, labour regulations, the land and sea emergency plan and the firefighting and marine pollution emergency plans, so we can all resume our work, which is our only livelihood, and enable Prinos to return to normality.”

When the price of oil plummeted in the spring of 2020 due to the pandemic, the union’s president, Manolis Kelaidakis, immediately offered to assist the company. In May, he wrote that the union was ready to help management:

“We as a union have experienced such crises many times from a position of responsibility—I remind you of the period of self-management—and we know how serious it is when pricing affects the whole planning. So, we took action and met with the relevant bodies, the MPs, the deputy mayor and the mayor.”

Referring to the “period of self-management,” Kelaidakis alludes to the early 2000s when company management temporarily passed into the hands of the union after shareholders withdrew due to expected profit losses. This “self-management” essentially meant that the union restructured the plant at the expense of the workers.

By the late 1990s, the then owner of the Prinos oilfield, the international consortium North Aegean Oil Company (NAPC), had pulled out of the business because of declining output and a drop in oil prices. The entire operation went over to the Greek state, which transferred the facilities to the company Kavala Oil SA in 1999. Initially this company consisted of two partners: the Eurotechniki concern (67 percent) and the workers’ cooperative (33 percent).

The majority of Eurotechniki’s shares were bought by the British oil company Regal Petroleum in 2003, but the company pulled out two years later when it became clear that an explored new field was not producing the hoped-for economic yield. As a result, management of the oilfields and refinery passed to the union, which then referred to it as a “self-managed company.” Although oil prices on the world market began to rise again from 2004, the union managers demanded that workers at Kavala Oil accept stagnating wages and further sacrifices.

This eventually benefited Energean Oil & Gas, which acquired 100 percent of shares in Kavala Oil in 2007 and finally took over the company in 2019. Energean, on the stock market in London and Tel Aviv since 2018, invests primarily in gas and oil sectors in the Mediterranean, including Israel, Egypt and Italy, in addition to Greece.

Oil production facilities of Kavala Oil S.A. in 2008 (Patroklos32 via Wikimedia Commons)

The union continued to have a strong position in the management of the company. Kelaidakis was “vice president of the self-governing company Kavala Oil” from 2009 to 2013 and worked closely with Vangelis Pappas, who was first union president and then “president of the self-governing company Kavala Oil” from 2005 to 2013. Both are members of the local KAP (Socially Effective Intervention) party in Kavala.

The CEO of Energean, Mathios Rigas, announced last year that the company intends to pay dividends for the first time ever at the end of 2022. In other words, Energean is now trying to cut jobs and lower safety standards at its plants so that the facilities yield more returns and shareholders can enjoy bumper profits this year.