17 Feb 2022

How Volkswagen plays off temporary workers against each other and the permanent workforce

Dietmar Gaisenkersting


The Volkswagen Group, its contract labour subsidiary Autovison, and its service subsidiary Volkswagen Group Services (VGS) employ a treacherous and sophisticated system to divide workers amongst themselves. Like a three-card Monte player, they push workers from one company to another in order to better dismiss and exploit them.

Volkswagen plant in Wolfsburg, Germany (Vanellus-Foto / CC BY-SA 3.0)

For the soon-to-be-launched production of the electric ID.4 model in Emden in northwestern Germany, the company plans to hire almost 1,500 new workers through Autovision by April. Volkswagen currently employs almost 9,000 workers in Emden.

At the end of last year, 148 temporary contract workers lost their jobs in Emden. Employees report that VW had already hired 160 new workers at the same time. The former temporary workers are now to be offered a two-year employment contract with the VW parent company. Another 200 are to come from Volkswagen Group Services, which was planning to cut jobs anyway.

Since VGS employees are usually not used in production, they receive lower wages than the contract workers from Autovision, who will be used in the production of the ID.4. At Autovision, wages for production workers are at lower levels than at Volkswagen itself.

For some VGS workers this is still attractive, as they sometimes come from jobs where they earn €10 to €12 per hour less. They are being lured with the higher wages at Autovision. Therefore, even VGS workers with permanent contracts are likely to give up their jobs to move to a better-paid temp job. They hope, of course, that they will be hired as full timers by Volkswagen after two or three years at the latest.

By hiring workers through VGS, Volkswagen thus saves itself both severance pay and exposure to potential labour court proceedings, as would be the case for laid-off permanent workers.

VW left the job of announcing the hiring of 1,500 workers in Emden to the union bureaucrats in the works council. Manfred Wulff, chairman of the Emden works council, announced the board’s decision, which it had already taken on Monday, at an IG Metall union press briefing on Thursday. Also according to the works council, the start of production of the ID.4, originally announced for March, will be postponed somewhat, but will take place “in the spring of this year.”

The announcement also serves to support the IG Metall slate in the next month’s elections for works council representatives. Leaving it to the works council to make the announcement allows the unions to save face after their approval of the dismissal of around 1,150 temporary contract workers at all VW locations late last year, which stirred anger against the union among the workforce.

In the meantime, Autovision has announced that beginning in March an additional 570 temporary workers will lose their jobs at the Baunatal plant, near Kassel. At the end of November, the contracts of more than 440 temporary workers had only been extended by three months, to the end of February. Another 150 workers have their contracts set to expire at the end of February, meaning a total of 600 contract workers will lose their jobs in the coming months. It is not yet clear whether they will be offered jobs in Emden, almost 400 kilometres away.

In addition to the production of the ID.4, production of Passat and Arteon models with combustion engines will continue in Emden. Works council leader Wulff did not say whether workers from other VW factories—for example, from the main plant in Wolfsburg, 250 kilometres away—could be temporarily transferred to Emden in addition to the temporary workers.

There were rumours among workers in Wolfsburg that they might be transferred to northern Germany in the course of the year. Last week, VW’s top management announced it would cut almost all night shifts in Wolfsburg from mid-April.

For the Tiguan, Touran and SEAT Tarraco vehicles, the shortage of microchips and other electronic components has forced VW to reduce production on these models to only one assembly line in three shifts after the Easter holidays. Everywhere else, a two-shift system will be enforced. This affects different versions of the best-selling model, the Golf. For workers, this means a severe drop in wages, as shift bonuses will be abolished.

The chairperson of the VW general works council, Daniela Cavallo, who also chairs the works council at Wolfsburg, tacitly agreed to the move, declaring only: “We have taken note of these plans of the company.”

In the upcoming works council elections in March, Cavallo faces opposition from within the company. Former Wolfsburg IG Metall secretary and VW works council member Frank Patta accuses Cavallo—as do other candidate slates—of not consistently representing the interests of the 60,000 workers in Wolfsburg. By refusing to produce an electric model at the site, he says, Wolfsburg has fallen behind.

But Patta and the other candidate slates are not concerned with the interests of the workforce. They can only be defended if workers at all sites—including internationally—unite and fight together. But Patta and the other works council candidates, like Cavallo, divide workers from one plant to another. Identifying with the perspective of CEO Herbert Diess and his management team, the main issues for them are sales, capacity utilisation, cost reduction, profitability, profit and dividends—never jobs, working conditions and wages.

Cavallo and Patta worked closely with the previous works council chairman Bernd Osterloh for many years. Cavallo was systematically built up by him as his successor, Patta was brought onto the VW works council by Osterloh in 2012 to ensure peace and order as general secretary and chair of the world and European group works council until 2018.

The dispute between these two long-time bureaucrats is not about who better represents workers’ interests, but who better enforces the interests of the company against the workers.

With decades in the leadership of the works council, and now on the company supervisory board, Cavallo is far removed from rank-and-file workers. When she speaks in public, she speaks like a member of the board. She always talks about “we,” meaning Volkswgen. The shop floor workers hardly feature in the thoughts of this co-manager.

In an extensive interview last week in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, she answered a question about how many jobs will be eliminated in the switch to electric vehicle production by declaring, “no one can say exactly today.” But what was clear, she said, was that “overall, there will be fewer jobs, in a socially acceptable way and along the demographic curve. Productivity will increase, digitalisation and new production technologies are advancing. We cannot and will not close our eyes to this.”

Patta is a works council member covering production and is more directly aware of the mood in the factory than Cavallo. He told the Wolfsburger Allgemeine Zeitung last November that the reason for his candidacy was “concern about jobs here in Wolfsburg, especially in production.” In spite of the industry-wide shift to electric vehicles, only internal combustion engines were being built in Wolfsburg, except for a few hybrids, Patta said.

The electric model being developed under project name Trinity will not arrive until 2026, and will then be built in a completely new factory building, probably on undeveloped land in a district of Wolfsburg. Workers are therefore justifiably worried about their jobs.

Prince Andrew settles out of court with Jeffrey Epstein sexual abuse victim

Kevin Reed


Prince Andrew, the second son of Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom, has settled a lawsuit out of court brought by Virginia Giuffre, who accused him of sexually abusing her when she was 17 years old. The settlement was announced in a Manhattan court filing on Tuesday, while the financial terms of the deal were not disclosed.

The prince, who is also known as the Duke of York, did not admit to any of the accusations made against him in Giuffre’s lawsuit. Instead, the court filing says that he “intends to make a substantial donation to Ms. Giuffre’s charity in support of victims’ rights.” The statement also says that Prince Andrew “never intended to malign Ms. Giuffre’s character” and that she has suffered “as an established victim of abuse and as a result of unfair public attacks.”

Prince Andrew [Credit: commons.wikimedia.org]

The announced settlement, which will lead to the filing of a stipulated dismissal of the lawsuit, enabled Prince Andrew to avoid being deposed by Giuffre’s attorneys under oath regarding the details of his interactions with the victim at various properties owned by Jeffrey Epstein in 2000–2001.

As such, the settlement represents a further coverup of the criminal enterprise run by Jeffrey Epstein and his assistant Ghislaine Maxwell in which underage girls were sexually abused by them and trafficked to their high-society friends and associates around the world for more than two decades.

Maxwell was found guilty on December 29 of multiple counts of child sex trafficking in a trial that similarly revealed very little new information about the Epstein sex ring, who participated in it and why it was permitted to operate for so many years. Maxwell is expected to be sentenced in June for up to 65 years in prison for her offenses.

In the settlement, Prince Andrew places all the responsibility for the abuse of Giuffre on the now-deceased billionaire sex offender, saying he “regrets his association with Epstein, and commends the bravery of Ms. Giuffre and other survivors.” He goes on to claim that he will support “the fight against the evils of sex trafficking and supporting its victims.” Jeffrey Epstein was found dead in his New York City jail cell under suspicious circumstances in August 2019 after he had been charged and arrested for trafficking dozens of young girls.

As Julie K. Brown, author of the book Perversion of Justice: The Jeffrey Epstein Story, co-wrote with Ben Weider in the Miami Herald about the settlement by Prince Andrew on Tuesday, “It was the bombshell lawsuit that wasn’t. … The lawsuit’s speedy conclusion leaves more questions than it answers.”

Virginia Giuffre (formerly Roberts) filed her lawsuit against Prince Andrew on August 9, 2021, in US District Court for the Southern District of New York. The filing lays out the relationship between Prince Andrew and Jeffrey Epstein that began in 1999 through Ghislaine Maxwell.

The brief states, “Prince Andrew committed sexual assault and battery upon Plaintiff when she was 17 years old. As such, Prince Andrew is responsible for battery and intentional infliction of emotional distress pursuant to New York common law. The damage to Plaintiff has been severe and lasting.”

The lawsuit then provides a description of Epstein’s recruitment and sex trafficking operation: “Epstein had perfected a scheme for manipulation and abuse of young females. As part of the scheme, Maxwell or another female recruiter would approach a young girl and strike up a conversation in an effort to quickly learn about the girl’s background and any vulnerabilities they could expose. Epstein’s recruiters found their targets everywhere and anywhere, including schools, spas, trailer parks, and the street.”

The brief states that Epstein and Maxwell would “normalize” the sexual abuse of young girls by making them think they were taking part in “massages.” They manipulated the young girls with money and with threats made by lawyers in Epstein’s inner circle.

Giuffre’s lawsuit recounts the development of her relationship with Epstein, Maxwell and Prince Andrew. It says, “Between 2000 and 2002, Epstein sexually abused Plaintiff at numerous locations including his mansion in this District, at 9 East 71st Street, New York, New York 10021.” A map illustrates at least 30 flights that Giuffre made with Epstein, including to London, Paris, Atlantic City, West Palm Beach, the Bahamas and the US Virgin Islands.

The brief reviews at least three instances in which Prince Andrew abused Giuffre at Epstein’s New York City mansion and at his private Little St. James Island in the Caribbean and says that she “feared death or physical injury to herself or another and other repercussions for disobeying Epstein, Maxwell, and Prince Andrew due to their powerful connections, wealth, and authority.” The brief includes a photo of Giuffre with Prince Andrew at the apartment of Ghislaine Maxwell in London.

At the time that Giuffre’s lawsuit was filed, Prince Andrew said he had no recollection of ever meeting her. He then proceeded to make a motion to have the lawsuit thrown out by the court on the grounds that it was “baseless, nonviable and potentially unlawful.” Prince Andrew’s lawyers also attempted to argue that the lawsuit was invalid because of a settlement Giuffre made with Epstein in 2009. He also put forward the idea that the photo of him with Giuffre was a fake.

US District Judge Lewis Kaplan rejected all of Prince Andrew’s motions on January 12 and said that the case would proceed. The next day, Queen Elizabeth II stripped Prince Andrew of his military titles and royal patronages. He was no longer able to use the title “His Royal Highness,” effectively banishing him from Buckingham Palace. In November 2019, Prince Andrew had already announced he was indefinitely stepping away from public life.

Once it became clear that he could not stop the trial from moving forward and that he would be deposed, Prince Andrew began negotiating for an out-of-court settlement. Giuffre sued Ghislaine Maxwell for defamation in 2015 and settled out of court with Epstein’s assistant in 2017. Statements that Maxwell made on the witness stand in that proceeding are the basis of two counts of perjury against her that are still pending.

Medical officials estimate Long COVID affects 1 million in Spain

Alejandro López


Recent data on the long-term impact of COVID-19 exposes the disastrous results of the vaccine-only strategy implemented by the Socialist Party (PSOE)-Podemos government and its allied trade unions. One million Spaniards are likely suffering from Long COVID, including around 200,000 children.

Last week, Spain passed the milestone of 10 million confirmed COVID-19 cases in a population of 47 million, according to the Ministry of Health. Despite high vaccination rates, COVID-19 cases exploded over the Christmas holidays, giving Spain one of Europe’s highest incidence rates. Of Spain’s 10 million cases, over 3.6 million were recorded in January 2022 alone, driven mainly by the highly infectious Omicron variant, with over three times more cases in January than in December 2021.

People wearing face masks to protect against the spread of coronavirus walk along a commercial street in downtown Madrid, Spain, Saturday, June 5, 2021. (AP Photo/Manu Fernandez)

This is the result of the PSOE-Podemos policy, shared by all Europe’s major governments, embracing mass COVID-19 infections under cover of declaring the virus “endemic.”

The 10 milllion threshold drove primary care doctors, pharmacists, nurses and psychologists to establish a consensus on defining Long COVID last week. Despite the impact on the lives of millions of patients who report symptoms derived from the COVID-19 infection, there is no consensus on action and no procedure established to treat the symptoms of these patients in Spain, even though the World Health Organization (WHO) has had an official definition since last October.

According to the WHO, Long COVID “refers collectively to the constellation of long-term symptoms that some people experience after they have had COVID-19.” It adds :

“While most people who develop COVID-19 fully recover, some people develop a variety of mid- and long-term effects like fatigue, breathlessness and cognitive dysfunction (for example, confusion, forgetfulness, or a lack of mental focus and clarity). Some people also experience psychological effects as part of post COVID-19 condition.

“These symptoms might persist from their initial illness or develop after their recovery. They can come and go or relapse over time.

“Post COVID-19 condition can affect a person’s ability to perform daily activities such as work or household chores.”

In Spain the Association for Self-Care of Health (Anefp), with the support of the Spanish Society of General and Family Physicians (SEMG), the Spanish Society of Clinical, Family and Community Pharmacy (Sefac), the General Council of Nursing, the General Council of Psychology of Spain and the patient association Long COVID Acts promoted a first report focused on the mild symptoms of the disease that some long-term patients present.

Anefp General Director Jaume Pey told the Spanish daily ABC that the document aims “to give some guidelines for action: firstly, to identify these patients effectively and, secondly, to treat them by relieving their symptoms and monitoring their evolution, so as to improve their quality of life.”

As there have been more than 10 million positive cases reported in Spain as of this month, according to data from the Ministry of Health, “it can be estimated that there are approximately more than 1 million people affected by persistent COVID in Spain, which represents at least 10 percent of those infected by COVID-19,” the report states.

The head of the pulmonology service at the Quirón de Córdoba hospital, Luis Manuel Entrenas, told the daily La Vanguardia that Long COVID is not related to the severity of the initial infection: it can affect both patients who suffered mildly and those who suffered severely and had to be hospitalized. In addition, normally, Long COVID sufferers are not people with a history of previous pathologies.

Spain still has COVID-19 indicators at high levels. The number of daily new infections is still above 60,000. In the last week, 1,760 deaths have been recorded, and since last February 1, 2,362. The daily average of deaths so far exceeds 200 in February. Spain has suffered over 122,000 excess deaths since the pandemic began.

At 9,126 COVID-19 deaths in Spain since mid-October, the current wave of infections over the last four months is more deadly than any four-month period since the winter of 2020–2021, before the availability of vaccines.

The enormous death toll and incalculable wider effect on health is the direct result of the criminal and murderous policy pursued by the PSOE-Podemos government. Having refused to follow a scientifically-guided policy to eliminate the pandemic, instead prioritising the interests of Spain’s banks and big business over the health and lives of its population, it is now proceeding to eliminate the last remaining mitigation measures in place.

Last week, it announced the end of the mandatory wearing of masks outdoors. Testing and contact tracing have been slashed, and the infection figures are being calculated using new counting methods. It now plans to reduce the number of days people infected with COVID-19 should self-isolate from seven to five days or as little as three days for the asymptomatic.

Among the regions of Spain that as of February 15 no longer have any official restrictions related to COVID-19 are the Madrid region, Catalonia, Andalucia and Murcia. Only four regions—Aragon, Galicia, La Rioja and Valencia—still maintain a vaccine passport requirement.

Scientists are voicing their opposition. Epidemiologist Quique Bassat of the Global Health Institute told the Spanish online daily Nius Diario that there is scientific proof that “many people are still capable of infecting others from five to six days after testing positive.” He added: “It’s a risk to reduce the isolation period of positive cases if we are letting potentially infectious people move around freely outdoors.”

César Carballo, vice-president of the Spanish Society of Emergency Medicine, said: “It’s clearly not an epidemiological measure, but rather an economic and work one.”

The PSOE-Podemos government is now leading the push within the European Union to change the way COVID-19 is monitored to one like seasonal flu. Having abandoned the mitigation strategy, the government is now pursuing herd immunity strategy like the rest of EU and US governments.

The costs of this policy are appalling. Already over 3,000 people die every day in Europe, and this number is rising due to the steep increase in infections and low vaccination rates in many countries. This inevitably leads to increased infections on other continents, where even fewer people are vaccinated, and increases the risk of more infectious and deadly variants developing that are resistant to existing COVID-19 vaccines.

There is no scientific justification for the murderous herd immunity strategy, which has political motivations. To keep the economy running and profits flowing, the ruling class is willing to sacrifice countless lives and the health of entire generations.

The entire Spanish political establishment supports herd immunity policies, from the fascistic Vox party to the ruling PSOE and Podemos parties and their various political satellites.

16 Feb 2022

GRI Post-Doctoral Fellowship in Urbanization and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa 2022

Application Deadline:

Till position is filled

Tell Me About GRI Post-Doctoral Fellowship:

The Global Research Institute (GRI) at William & Mary invites applications for a two-year Post-Doctoral scholar position with a focus on urbanization, formal sector development and job creation in Sub-Saharan Africa. This position is designed to strengthen GRI’s research capacity in this research area, increase the diversity of the scholarly community at GRI, provide a mentored learning experience to the Post-Doctoral fellow, and support and provide additional research opportunities for undergraduate students. The Institute seeks to attract promising researchers and educators from different backgrounds, races, ethnic groups, and other diverse populations whose life experiences and research experiences will contribute significantly to the academic mission of William & Mary and the Institute.

The Post-Doctoral scholar will support a new research project at William & Mary’s Africa Research Center (a research lab within the GRI) which will focus on the rapid urbanization of African countries and their ability to create stable and well-paid employment positions in the formal sector with an eye on the region’s peace, stability, and prosperity. Additionally, for each year of the award, s/he will teach one course and direct a team of undergraduate researchers. The Post-Doctoral Fellow will receive mentoring from faculty members and/or senior researchers affiliated with the Institute. In addition to mentorship on the candidate’s ongoing research, s/he will receive mentorship on how to pursue funded research, how to organize an undergraduate research lab, and how to improve his/her classroom teaching.

This is a two-year position, beginning in summer 2022. The position will remain open until filled, with a review of applicants beginning on February 10, 2022.

What Type of Scholarship is this?

Postdoctorate

Who can apply for GRI Post-Doctoral Fellowship?

Required:

The successful candidate must:

• have a PhD by the time appointment begins (June 2022) in development economics, political economy, public policy, or a closely related quantitative field 

• be engaged in research on a related research topic with some real-world application preferably in the context of Sub-Saharan Africa

• have advanced quantitative methods training and ability to work with one or more of the following software programs (e.g., R, Stata, Python, GIS)

• have strong organizational and communication skills

Preferred:

 • Experience working collaboratively on large research projects
 • Track record of publications in peer-reviewed outlets and/or preparation and presentation of conference papers
 • Experience writing and securing external grants
 • Experience teaching or mentoring undergraduate students
 • Willingness to travel abroad
 • Previous experience in international development research 

How Many Fellowships will be Given?

Not specified

What is the Benefit of GRI Post-Doctoral Fellowship?

William & Mary offers our employees a full array of benefits including retirement, health insurance with options for expanded dental and vision along with group and optional life insurance with coverage for spouse and children, flexible spending accounts, and an EAP (Employee Assistance Program).

Our employees enjoy additional university benefits such as educational assistance, professional development, wellness benefits, and a robust holiday schedule. All employees have access to fitness facilities on campus. Staff members also have access to the university libraries, and much more.

How Long will the Program Last?

2 years

How to Apply for GRI Post-Doctoral Fellowship:

Required Documents

  1. Resume/Curriculum Vitae
  2. Cover Letter

Optional Documents

  1. Other Doc
  2. Other 2

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Genomics Africa Medium to Long-term Fellowships 2022

Application Deadline:

28th February 2022

Tell Me About Genomics Africa Medium to Long-term Fellowships:

The medium to long-term fellowship will cover travel, accommodation, and a daily stipend (around US$50). We will prioritize the selection of individuals from national institutes of health and academic organizations in Africa that already have SARS-CoV-2 genomic data production and analysis experience and need to build skills in statistics, epidemiology, wet-lab genomic data production, bioinformatics and phylogenetic data analysis. 

Which Fields are Eligible?

Fellowships are available to:

  • Laboratory Technologists
  • Post-graduate Students
  • Post-doctoral Research Fellows
  • Bioinformaticians 
  • Clinical Infectious Diseases Specialists
  • Public Health Officials
  • Senior Scientists 

What Type of Scholarship is this?

Fellowship

Who can apply for Genomics Africa Medium to Long-term Fellowships?

The majority of the fellowships will be provided to African researchers. However, we also encourage established international scientists and post-doctoral fellows from other regions of the world to also apply for the fellowship given they are committed to contributing to institution-building work in the hosting African institutions and/or c on-site training of African fellows.

Where will Award be Taken?

  • African Centre of Excellence for Genomics of Infectious Diseases (ACEGID), Nigeria
  • Centre for Epidemic Response and Innovation (CERI), Stellenbosch University, Cape Town and Stellenbosch, South Africa
  • International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI), Nairobi, Kenya
  • KZN Research Innovation and Sequencing Platform (KRISP), Nelson R Mandela School of Medicine, Durban, South Africa

How Many Scholarships will be Given?

Not specified

What is the Benefit of Genomics Africa Medium to Long-term Fellowships?

The medium to long-term fellowship will cover travel, accommodation, and a daily stipend (around US$50).

How Long will the Program Last?

2 months, 6 months, and 12 months

How to Apply for Genomics Africa Medium to Long-term Fellowships:

Application form: Please download the application form in Word or PDF format

Visit Award Webpage for Details

SAP Education Scholarships 2022

Application Deadline:

Not specified

Tell Me About SAP Education Scholarships:

This year is SAP’s 50th anniversary. That’s why we’re celebrating this moment in 2022 and are ready to support young people who seek a brighter future in times of change. To do so, we couldn’t imagine a better partner than the University of the People.

Today, we are excited to announce a new scholarship program for refugees and displaced youth aged between 18 and 30. In total, SAP will fund 50 associate degrees and 50 bachelor’s degrees in computer science or business administration. This demographic has the greatest need for scholarships according to University of the People, with data from UNICEF showing that only three percent of refugees have access to higher education. University of the People currently enrolls more than 10,000 refugees — more than all other U.S. colleges and universities combined.

“Refugees and displaced peoples have the greatest need for educational support right now,” says University of the People President and Founder Shai Reshef. “This partnership with SAP will help to alleviate the financial burden on our students who are seeking support. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the spiraling costs of higher education, a growing number of students are flocking to our online education model because it provides flexible, affordable, and equitable opportunities to earn a college degree. We have expanded our enrollment significantly over the past few years with the support of over 29,000 volunteer faculty members and administrators — many of whom are from some of the leading universities around the world.”

This scholarship opportunity for students at University of the People is a small contribution toward alleviating these educational pressures. It will bring us a bit closer to a world with equitable education opportunities and future innovation, especially for those adjusting to the challenges of uprooting their lives in search of a hopeful future. SAP is committed to supporting the leaders of tomorrow, and access to higher education is a significant first step to equip them with the right skills for the future.

Offering a cost-effective alternative to traditional universities, University of the People students pay a one-time application fee and an assessment fee for each course completed toward their degree. They are not charged to enroll or pay for course materials. The SAP Education scholarships provided will cover the application and degree assessment fees for 100 students seeking higher education.

“After spending more than 30 years in the international education field, I realized that traditional colleges and universities were not meeting the educational needs of millions of people across the globe desperately seeking affordable and accessible higher education,” Reshef says. “That is why I decided to create an entirely new kind of university that would swing the gates of higher education open to help as many people around the world as possible achieve their educational dreams. With SAP as our partner, our worlds align with our shared commitment to education through the means of technology. We are in the midst of unprecedented times, but we know that for these students their educational dreams will become a reality thanks to SAP’s generous support.”

Which Fields are Eligible?

In total, SAP will fund 50 associate degrees and 50 bachelor’s degrees in computer science or business administration.

What Type of Scholarship is this?

Postgraduate

Who can apply for SAP Education Scholarships?

For interested students who meet the scholarship criteria of being a refugee or displaced person aged 18 to 30

Where will Award be Taken?

University of the People

How Many Scholarships will be Given?

In total, SAP will fund 50 associate degrees and 50 bachelor’s degrees in computer science or business administration.

What is the Benefit of SAP Education Scholarships?

The scholarships provided will cover the application and degree assessment fees for 100 students seeking higher education.

How to Apply for SAP Education Scholarships:

Applications are now live. Students can apply for cohorts that matriculate in either April 2022 or June 2022, and all virtual classes are taught in English, with the exception of the associate and bachelor’s of business administration degrees, which are also available entirely in Arabic.

Visit Award Webpage for Details

Steinmeier, re-elected as German president, talks war

Peter Schwarz


The word “democracy” appeared a total of 23 times in the 22-minute speech in which Frank-Walter Steinmeier thanked parliamentarians for his re-election as federal president on Sunday. While Steinmeier made much play of the term “democracy,” the reality is obviously very different. The presidential election revealed a ruling class closing ranks in the face of growing social and political opposition and pulling together against the majority of the population.

Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier (Image: www.president.gov.ua/CC BY-SA 4.0)

Steinmeier’s election by the Federal Assembly, half of which consists of members of the Bundestag (federal parliament) and half of representatives of the Länder (federal states), was a foregone conclusion. It had been fixed beforehand by the establishment parties. The social democrat Steinmeier was supported not only by the governing parties—Social Democratic Party (SPD), Greens and Liberal Democrats (FDP)—but also by the opposition parties, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU). Only the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), the Left Party and the Free Voters put up their own token candidates who had not the slightest chance of success.

Steinmeier’s speech made clear what a deep gulf separates official politics from the vast majority of the population. His focus was on fierce threats of war against Russia, for which there is no support, let alone democratic consensus. No one was asked or could vote on whether they want to risk a war in the middle of Europe that can only end in disaster.

Steinmeier attacked Russia and President Vladimir Putin with a sharpness that is extremely unusual for the highest representative of state, who is usually obliged to exercise diplomatic restraint. “We are in the midst of the danger of a military conflict, a war in Eastern Europe. And Russia bears responsibility for that!” he asserted. “Russia’s troop build-up cannot be misunderstood; that is a threat to Ukraine and is meant as such.”

“The people there have a right to live without fear and threat and to self-determination and sovereignty,” Steinmeier continued. “No country in the world has the right to destroy that—and whoever tries to do so, we will answer decisively!” He then appealed to Putin personally: “Relax the noose around Ukraine’s neck!”

Steinmeier also assured the Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians, Poles, Slovaks and Romanians: “You can rely on us.” Germany, he said, was part of NATO and the European Union. “Without any ambiguity, we are committed to the obligations in this alliance.”

Steinmeier knows better than any other German politician that this is mendacious war propaganda. As German foreign minister, he was in Kiev in February 2014 when paramilitary fascist militias drove out the elected president Viktor Yanukovych, who had refused to sign an association agreement with the EU. And Steinmeier had prepared and enabled this right-wing coup.

Steinmeier worked closely with two right-wing nationalist parties, Yulia Timoshenko’s Fatherland and Vitali Klitschko’s UDAR, as well as with Oleh Tyahnybok’s fascist Svoboda. The latter uses neo-fascist symbols, agitates against foreigners, Jews, Hungarians and Poles, and maintains close relations with far-right parties in Europe.

After the Maidan demonstrations supported by the US and Germany failed to force Yanukovych to step down, paramilitary fascist militias were mobilised to escalate the conflict and drive the country to the brink of civil war. The leading role was played by the neo-fascist Right Sector, whose masked fighters, equipped with helmets, batons, firebombs and guns, soon dominated the centre of Kiev and brutally attacked the security forces.

Under these circumstances, Steinmeier, seconded by the Polish and French foreign ministers, persuaded Yanukovych to sign a transitional agreement with Tymoshenko, Klitschko and Tyahnybok. Immediately afterwards, the Right Sector drove Yanukovych to flee. The result of this supposed revolution was not a thriving democracy, but an authoritarian and corrupt regime based on rival oligarchic cliques and maintaining fascist militias such as the Azov Battalion.

With the regime change in Kiev, Steinmeier put into practice a great power policy that he had presented shortly before at the Munich Security Conference together with Defence Minister Ursula von der Leyen and then Federal President Joachim Gauck. Germany must be “prepared to become involved earlier, more decisively and more substantially in foreign and security policy,” he had announced there. “Germany is too big to comment on world politics only from the side-lines.”

Since then, NATO has systematically armed Ukraine, making it a bulwark against Russia. A recent study by the government-affiliated Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP), says: “The Ukrainian armed forces are far more combat-ready today than in 2014.”

At that time, it was “not material equipment gaps” that inhibited the defensive readiness of Europe’s nominally third-strongest army, “but its lack of fighting morale,” the study says. About two-thirds of the Ukrainian land and naval forces in Crimea had defected to the Russian Black Sea Fleet. Against the pro-Russian rebels in the Donbas, the new Kiev leadership had only been able to muster 6,000 soldiers.

“In the meantime, Kiev’s armed forces have grown to a good 250,000 active soldiers and over 900,000 reservists,” the SWP notes. “NATO is helping to improve command and control capabilities; the US provided reconnaissance assets, artillery radars and—as did the UK—anti-tank missile systems. From Turkey, Kiev received Bayraktar TB2 combat drones. ... Canada, Britain, Poland, Lithuania and the US have stationed 470 trainers in the western Ukrainian region of Lviv.”

Under these conditions, the US and its NATO allies have now begun to instigate a war with Russia, using the claim of an imminent invasion of Ukraine as a pretext. Steinmeier’s speech on Sunday served to reassure Washington and NATO of Germany’s unqualified support in this, about which doubts had been expressed time and again.

The cross-party support Steinmeier enjoys—the Left Party, AfD and Free Voters also warmly congratulated him after his election—is because he has defended the international interests of German imperialism and supported all attacks on social achievements over the last 25 years like no other politician.

Joining the SPD in 1975 at the age of 19, he headed the office of Gerhard Schröder, Prime Minister of Lower Saxony, from 1993. When Schröder was elected chancellor, Steinmeier moved with him to Berlin and headed the Chancellery from 1999 to 2005.

In this capacity, Steinmeier was the real architect of “Agenda 2010,” the most comprehensive social counterrevolution since the founding of the post-war Federal Republic, which created a huge low-wage sector. He also led the “reform” of the pension and health care systems, which has dramatically reduced old-age pensions and health care provisions.

As head of the Chancellery, Steinmeier was also responsible for the secret services. Under him, the Federal Intelligence Service (BND) signed an agreement on the intensive exchange of data with the US intelligence agency NSA, which was revealed by whistleblower Edward Snowden in 2013. Steinmeier was also responsible for the BND supplying the US with important information for the war in Iraq, even though Germany officially opposed the war.

It was also Steinmeier, in cooperation with Hans-Georg Maassen, then head of division in the Ministry of the Interior and later president of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution (as Germany’s domestic secret service is called), who ensured that Murat Kurnaz, who grew up in Bremen, was not allowed to return to Germany and sat, innocent, in the Guantánamo prison camp for five years.

After the premature end of the Schröder government, Steinmeier became foreign minister in Angela Merkel’s first administration. In 2009, he ran as the SPD’s candidate for chancellor in the Bundestag elections and had to go into opposition for four years after losing. From 2013 to 2017 he was again Foreign Minister under Merkel.

In 2017, Steinmeier was elected federal president, as Joachim Gauck’s successor. Even then, he was supported not only by the governing parties of the grand coalition of the SPD and CDU/CSU, but also by the FDP and the Greens. The office, which mainly fulfils representational tasks, took on ever greater political significance in view of the decline of the political parties.

In 2017, it was Steinmeier who persuaded the SPD and the CDU/CSU to continue the hated grand coalition after an election defeat and months of fruitless negotiations. The result was that the AfD, as leader of the official opposition, received enormous media exposure and was systematically strengthened.

In his speech on Sunday, Steinmeier behaved as a presidential figure standing above the parties and holding the nation together. “The office of the Federal President is a non-partisan one, and I promise you: that is how I will continue to lead it,” he declared. He spoke about the “deep wounds” that the pandemic had inflicted on society, which now needed to be “healed,” but did not spare a word about the government’s coronavirus policy and its victims—the 120,000 people who have died from COVID-19 so far in Germany alone, and their relatives.

Steinmeier’s speech was somewhat reminiscent of Kaiser Wilhelm, who at the beginning of World War I said he no longer recognised any parties, only Germans. Four years later, Germany was shaken by the November Revolution, the greatest revolution in its history.

Pandemic and vaccine inequality have exacerbated global inequality

Jean Shaoul


Reports by the United Nations and its International Labour Organisation (ILO) provide a searing indictment of the vaccine nationalism and rampant profiteering that have deprived low-and middle-income countries from accessing the vaccine.

Not only has the pandemic dominated the global economy for a second year, making it impossible for employment to recover, but every new outbreak brings setbacks particularly in developing and middle-income countries where access to vaccines is far lower than in developed economies. According to the UN, by the end of last year just 23.9 per 100 people had been vaccinated in the least developed countries compared with 147.4 in the developed countries.

Unequal access to vaccines has widened the differences between countries’ abilities to respond to the pandemic via their healthcare and social systems, institutional capacity, tax revenues and employment systems.

The ILO report, "World Employment and Social Outlook-Trends 2022"

The ILO flagship report, “World Employment and Social Outlook – Trends 2022 (WESO)”, detailing the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on employment, points out that the pace of economic recovery has varied across regions, countries and sectors. Employment recovery depends largely on the extent to which the virus has been contained and vaccines made available. It insisted that “Equitable access to vaccines is crucial to ensuring a human-centred recovery across the world’s regions.”

Behind the dense language of these reports, written for the capitalist world leaders and policy-makers and often obscuring as much as they reveal, this was an admission that world output and profits may have at least partially recovered but workers’ jobs and incomes have not.

The impact has been particularly severe for those poorer nations that had “higher levels of inequality, more divergent working conditions and weaker social protection systems even before the pandemic.”

The ILO notes that job prospects have worsened substantially since its last projections, making it unlikely they will return to their pre-pandemic levels for several years. It predicts that the total number of hours worked globally will be 2 percent below pre-pandemic levels, corresponding to a loss of 52 million full-time jobs (assuming a 48-hour working week), nearly double the fall predicted just six months earlier. Global unemployment, or at least that which is recorded, is likely to be around 207 million in 2022, an 11 percent increase on 2019.

While it does not say so explicitly, the ILO’s report makes clear that the refusal to implement an elimination strategy, using both vaccines and stringent public health measures on the basis that it would cost too much, has worsened economic prospects.

Not only are employment levels below those of 2019, they are unlikely to return to those levels in 2023 due to the impact of the pandemic because of broader structural changes to the global economy that are affecting jobs, conditions and wages.

While there was a strong economy recovery in 2021, global growth momentum—and with it employment levels—is losing steam amid new waves of infections, supply chain constraints and rising inflation. This is due, although the report did not say so, to the trillions of dollars handed over to the corporations and super-rich by central banks around the world.

The problems are particularly acute for poorer countries where job creation has not kept pace with population growth and earlier job losses, “amid lower vaccination progress and limited stimulus spending.” While the UN’s World Economic Situation and Prospects (WESP) report 2022 predicts that full employment will return in the richer countries by 2023, poorer countries in Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean and the Middle East are likely to see a much slower return to pre-pandemic levels of employment.

International financial institutions such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF) and UN development agencies had announced various financial packages to help low-income countries, but very little has yet been approved and allocated for healthcare and social support.

The WESP report makes clear that the loss of jobs has had a substantial impact on poverty, dashing any hope of achieving the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal of ending extreme poverty (living on less than $1.90 a day in purchasing power parity). Extreme poverty remains well above pre-pandemic levels at a massive 876 million people in 2022, equal to 11 percent of the world’s 7.9 billion population. In Africa, the absolute number of people living in poverty is expected to continue rising.

Higher inequality is emerging as a longer-term legacy of the pandemic, with inequality increasing both within and between countries. While GPD per capita is expected to almost fully recover in the advanced economies by 2023, there is no hope of any such recovery in the poorer countries. Trade in manufactured goods has exceeded pre-pandemic levels, but trade in services, particularly tourism and travel on which poorer countries depend, has yet to recover.

Even before the pandemic, inequality was growing as reflected in the declining share of global income earned by workers, disparities in earnings, stagnation in the real value of wages and much greater income insecurity. Again, while the ILO employment report did not say so, workers’ incomes have fallen as corporate profits have risen and inflation has eroded their value.

It is the world’s temporary workers, without any access to social support or welfare systems, who have suffered most. Temporary workers include:

  • Seasonal agricultural workers who may travel from Ethiopia to Sudan to access jobs for 3-4 months, typically with no benefits or paid leave
  • Construction workers, where nearly half of all workers are employed on a project basis, even in major industrialised countries such as Germany
  • Tourist guides who work on a seasonal basis
  • Garment workers in Bangladesh working on a short-term basis to meet short-term requirements for overseas orders
  • Casual agricultural labourers in Ecuador, hired daily with a verbal contract and who may be denied pay on the whim of the employer who decides whether the work is satisfactory or not
  • High skilled office workers as in the US and other developed countries, hired on temporary contracts but on a long-term or semi-permanent basis

Temporary work is most prevalent in agricultural economies and the informal economy—in the very same countries where employment protection legislation where it exists is unlikely to be enforced, and social support is minimal or non-existent. While it is less prevalent in the advanced countries, it is increasing everywhere. As the WESP report notes, although temporary workers were the first to lose their jobs as the pandemic hit, permanent workers soon follow. Such jobs become available as they are often temporary or increasingly gig or platform work where workers are classified as self-employed. They enable employers to easily impose lay-offs when demand falls.

Temporary workers have little bargaining power and thus are extremely vulnerable to exploitative employers, leaving them trapped in endless cycles of intermittent jobs and forced to cope with irregular income. Having run down whatever savings they had, a further 30 million adults fell into extreme poverty in 2020 as they lost their jobs, while the number of extreme working poor who do not earn enough to keep themselves above the poverty line rose by 8 million.

Temporary workers are typically paid less than permanent workers, suffering a 26 percent penalty compared with the median monthly wage. Temporary employment as a percentage of all employees has therefore been rising steadily. The average temporary employment rate was 28 percent in 2011-19, up from 15 percent in 1991-2000.

The WESP report highlights the role that the central banks have played in all this. Asset purchase programmes (APP) became the primary stimulus tool in the advanced countries, with the US, UK, European Union and Japan adding around $10 trillion to their balance sheets bringing total “assets” to nearly $26 trillion. Many developing country central banks followed suit, implementing asset purchase programme for the first time.

The report cautions about the longer-term growth impacts, pointing out that APPs in the 2010s led to little in the way of capital investment but instead went on share backs and reduced firms’ ability to cope with economic downturn. These APPs threaten inflation and financial stability even as they have disproportionally benefited the wealthy.