6 May 2024

Will the Golden Age for Shareholders Ever End?

John P. Ruehl




Photo by Anne Nygård

On April 3, 2024, Disney CEO Bob Iger officially fended off the attempt by institutional investor Nelson Peltz and his hedge fund Trian Partners to secure two board seats. During the affair, Disney faced pressure from proxy advisory firm Institutional Shareholder Services to support Peltz’s initiative. While Iger prevailed, the costliest board fight in history underscores the significant influence of shareholders in shaping the fates of corporations.

Historically, U.S. corporate power was concentrated among executives, though with varying degrees of influence held by workers and other stakeholders. However, over the last century, U.S. corporations increasingly oriented themselves around their stock price and the imperative to maximize shareholder value. This mindset has now firmly entrenched itself within U.S. corporate culture and continues to shape their decisions and priorities.

Until the early 20th century, shareholders wielded minimal influence over U.S. corporations, with notable changes instigated by industries such as railroad conglomerates. To sidestep antitrust accusations and manipulate competition, for example, railroad companies created “communities of interest” by buying shares in one another, frequently installing their financiers and bankers on targeted companies’ boards. However, increased antitrust enforcement from the Supreme Court discouraged these practices by 1912.

Investors remained undeterred. Throughout the 1920s Merger Wave, shareholders amassed large stakes in various companies, eroding the traditional influence of company founders, executives, families, as well as other stakeholders like employees, trade unions, suppliers, customers, and local communities. The momentum of the shareholder rights movement surged following the stock market crash in 1929, which prompted legislation aimed at increasing transparency granting shareholders increased authority and information access.

During World War II, U.S. industrial power was centralized under government control. This trend, however, waned after the conflict concluded, leading to a resurgence of privatization that benefited shareholders as control shifted away from government oversight. Despite initially dominating the post-WWII economic landscape, U.S. companies began encountering tougher competition from global rivals by the 1960s, hindering their growth.

During the 1970s, prioritizing stock price growth for shareholders gained traction. However, it was the 1980s when this mindset became institutionalized, with legal rulings such as Smith v. Van Gorkom, (1985) and Revlon, Inc. v. MacAndrews and Forbes Holding, Inc. (1986) affirming corporations’ duties to shareholders.

Amendments to corporate laws aimed to enhance shareholder rights, enabling actions like director nominations, and voting on executive pay. Executive stock rewards thus began to increase, incentivizing risk-taking for short-term gains. Additionally, the 1986 Tax Reform Law cut the individual top tax rate and fueled heightened interest in short-term stock trading.

The evolution of institutional investors also played a pivotal part in reshaping the financial landscape. The growing role of hedge funds, 401(k) pension plans managed through mutual funds, and the introduction of other major asset management firms like Vanguard and BlackRock began to herald a new era in the stock market and corporate governance.

In the decades up to the 1980s, corporate raiding had become increasingly common. However, regulatory changes during the 1980s lifted restrictions on mergers and acquisitions, leading to the peak of the U.S. corporate raiding era. During this time, riskier, higher-return bonds called “junk bonds” and leveraged buyouts involving a large amount of borrowed money to purchase a company evolved into crucial financial tools for funding corporate takeovers. Companies often targeted struggling companies or undervalued firms, acquiring them with the intention of privatizing operations, slashing costs, divesting assets, and eventually reintroducing them to the public market.

In response to these attempts, entrenched corporate management networks implemented defensive strategies. They issued new shares to existing shareholders as poison pills, diluting the ownership stake of prospective buyers. Dual-class share structures allowed company insiders to maintain their control even with a minority of shares. Staggered boards meanwhile divided boards into different classes to make it difficult for outside entities to gain control. However, many still found themselves compelled to yield to the demands of institutional investors.

While corporate raiding declined in the early 1990s, the concept of stock prices as the primary measure of a company’s performance, thereby ensuring shareholder loyalty, was established. With more individuals and pension funds investing in the stock market, and the Dow Jones Industrial Average becoming an even more important economic indicator, increasing shareholder value had become the prevailing corporate imperative by the close of the 20th century.

Criticism of the shareholder value system and its repercussions, such as job outsourcing and soaring CEO pay, continued into the 2000s and remains widespread. Boeing’s diversion of pandemic relief funds for stock buybacks highlights the issue of prioritizing immediate shareholder gains over long-term stability and growth.

Boeing’s actions, though legal due to a 1982 SEC ruling that legitimized buybacks, received public criticism without significant consequences. Nevertheless, Boeing’s ongoing troubles with the safety of its planes have been exacerbated by the lack of investment. Several incidents have led to a notable decline in its share price over the last few months, erasing the benefits achieved through short-termism policies.

The evolution of corporate culture toward shareholders has occurred globally but to a lesser extent in other capitalist countries. In South Korea and Japan, stakeholder consensus among customers, suppliers, and the community remains more prominent. Long-term relationships are common with employees and suppliers, facilitating trust and collaboration throughout the supply chain, though efforts to increase the influence of shareholders are ongoing.

Many European firms have traditionally been characterized by high levels of ownership by founding families and governments. While this has slowly changed, there remains a culture of “codetermination” in Germany and other European Union (EU) countries. This model grants greater rights to employees in the decision-making process, with a focus on stability and job preservation, and returned after Germany pursued more shareholder-friendly policies during the 1990s.

In contrast, the UK shares a corporate structure more akin to that of the U.S., and it remains Europe’s financial powerhouse even after Brexit. However, the UK only has 15 companies in the top 100 companies, compared to 27 for Germany, 31 for France, and 40 for Japan in 2023. China’s state-owned enterprises have meanwhile claimed the top spot from the U.S.

Nonetheless, advocates of U.S. corporate structure highlight the flexibility and adaptiveness of U.S. companies compared to European and Asian firms, which are often viewed as less innovative. Additionally, they contend that this system has contributed to higher GDP growth than other developed countries, while several EU states maintain high unemployment rates. It is also argued that U.S. companies have navigated recent challenges like the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine better.

U.S. companies have of course benefited from various factors such as the size of the domestic market, geopolitical influence, and status of the U.S. dollar as the world’s reserve currency, attracting global investment. However, they have become enamored by short-termism driven by investors. By 2020, the average holding period of shares on the New York Stock Exchange had shrunk to roughly five months, compared to an average of eight years in the late 1950s. Shareholders can easily sell their shares without sacrificing any assets in the company, hindering long-term strategic planning.

Frustration with the persistent dominance of shareholders in the U.S. corporate world has prompted efforts to diminish their influence in recent years. In 2018, Democratic senators proposed the Reward Work Act and the Accountable Capitalism Act, which would require large companies to allocate 33 to 40 percent of board seats to worker-elected representatives. These proposals mirror the German concept of board-level codetermination, adopted in the post-WWII era and now popular in many European countries.

Some contend that the German-style codetermination model is a poor fit for U.S. corporations. Moreover, codetermination initiatives have primarily focused on facilitating discussions between workers and employers on immediate conditions, serving as a supplement to existing union representation and collective bargaining structures rather than radically strengthening worker influence.

One advantage is the flexibility granted by U.S. state law, enabling states to experiment with their own rules. On April 19, 2024, the Volkswagen plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee, voted to unionize after two failed attempts in 2014 and 2019. The decision not only brings representation to Volkswagen workers in the U.S. but also represents the first successful unionization effort at a non-Big Three (General Motors, Stellantis, and Ford Motor Company) auto plant in the South. And since the first unionization push in New York in 2021, 41 states now have at least one unionized Starbucks, reminiscent of a century ago when labor movements gained significant momentum.

Policy recommendations have also emerged. Corporate Social Responsibility emerged originally in the mid-20th century but then reemerged by the turn of the millennium. Environmental, Social, and Governance considerations then emerged by the 2010s, alongside Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives. At a 2019 American Business Roundtable resolution, 196 CEOs advocated for a change in business culture and to commit CEOs to “meeting the needs of all stakeholders.”

Despite increasing calls for corporate accountability, these endeavors often lacked enforceability. DEI initiatives in particular have become embroiled in political controversies, leading to companies backtracking on their commitments. Shell meanwhile faced pressure from activist shareholders in 2021 regarding its contributions to climate change, including from its largest institutional investors, Vanguard, BlackRock, and State Street. But as economic considerations took precedence, minimal pressure was put on Shell, resulting in negligible advancements in climate change initiatives.

Nonetheless, just as the rise of communication networks in the 20th century allowed investors to gain influence over corporations, the rise of the internet and social media has equipped stakeholders and grassroots activists with their own tools. Public pressure to raise the minimum wage has resulted in dozens of cities and counties increasing their minimum wage in recent years and compelled companies like McDonald’s to stop lobbying against it. The GameStop stock saga of early 2021 meanwhile demonstrated how retail investors, fueled by social media hype, drove the company’s stock price upward, threatening institutional investors by disrupting established market dynamics.

Institutional investors like Vanguard, BlackRock, and State Street, which all own major shares in one another, have helped lead to an immense concentration of corporate ownership. Failing to reduce their dominance, and shareholders in general, could inspire further reforms. Limited Liability Companies emerged partly in response to this dominance, with the first one established in Wyoming in 1977. Meanwhile, large companies like OpenAI and Stripe are opting to remain private, further reducing the power of shareholders.

Additionally, worker cooperatives, businesses owned and operated by employees who share in decision-making and profits, have experienced renewed interest in the U.S. Despite waning popularity after their initial rise in the 19th century, they began to rebound in the 1970s and 1980s. The founding of the United Stated Federation of Worker Cooperatives in 2004 has since helped expand the number of worker cooperatives in the country.

Benefit corporations, for-profit companies that prioritize both their societal and environmental impacts, have also seen significant growth in recent years. Maryland became the first U.S. state to enact laws providing for public benefit corporations in 2010, and has since been joined by 36 other states and Washington, D.C.

The corporate era preceding the current one characterized by shareholder dominance was far from ideal. However, to foster a more equitable corporate landscape, public support for political initiatives that challenge the status quo and multi-stakeholder-focused business initiatives will be crucial to reducing the influence of shareholders. This may lead to major upheavals in pension systems and 401(k) plans invested in the stock market, yet it holds the potential to greatly improve worker rights, inspire long-term strategic planning, and promote a more equal distribution of corporate profits.

As bird flu spreads among dairy cattle, CDC scraps COVID reporting for hospitals

Benjamin Mateus


As of May 1, hospitals in the United States are no longer required to report on hospitalizations from COVID-19 or influenza within their facilities to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). An act that amounts to a final step in the dismantling of all tracking of the COVID pandemic.

Protesters hold placards outside the COVID Inquiry at Dorland House in London, Monday, Dec. 11, 2023. [AP Photo/Frank Augstein]

As has often been the case throughout the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the CDC is choosing to implement this policy shift during a lull in rates of infections and hospitalizations across the country. They are part and parcel of the CDC’s overall strategy to further conceal the real state of the pandemic and of respiratory pathogens in general.

Just two months ago, the CDC issued guidelines urging people who are actively infectious with COVID-19 to return to schools and workplaces. These policy changes have absolutely no basis in public health principles and undermine the safety of the population.

On their National Healthcare Safety Network (NHSN) page updated on April 29, the CDC wrote, “Effective May 1 hospitals are no longer required to report Hospital Respiratory Pathogen, Bed Capacity, and Supply Data (i.e., ‘COVID-19 Hospital’ data) to HHS through NHSN.”

However, immediately following this statement, they then dubiously slipped in a face-saving suggestion: “The COVID-19-related data reporting is important in supporting surveillance of, and response to, COVID-19 and other respiratory illnesses. Given the value of these data for patient safety and public health, CDC strongly encourages ongoing, voluntary reporting of the data through NHSN.” [Emphasis in original CDC document]

Moving forward, information on the number of adults and children admitted to hospitals, whether these were confirmed or suspected cases of COVID or influenza, and if they were severe enough to require care in an ICU setting, will become opaque.

This will have significant implications for patients with their health insurance companies or Medicare. The termination of the COVID public health emergency (PHE) declaration exactly one year ago has resulted in over 20 million Americans being disenrolled from Medicaid to date.

The ending of the reporting mandate on COVID-19 will also raise the threat posed by the wide-spread infection of the highly pathogenic avian flu (H5N1) among dairy cattle and its potential spread into human populations. This danger has been spelt out in many recent scientific publications by those raising the demand for more transparency and sharing of information with the public.

Although the necessary viral evolution for sustained human-to-human transmission of H5N1 is lacking, and many assert the risk of such a development in the near future remains low, some have correctly postulated that the continued spread of the virus globally means the virus will have ample opportunities to hit on the right combination eventually.

Speaking with Science, Dr. Mathilde Richards, a virologist at Erasmus Medical Center, said of the ongoing bird pandemic that has infected close to 40 different mammalian species, “This is the threat that’s going to keep knocking at our door until it will indeed, I assume, cause a pandemic. Because there is no way back.”

Among the most important lessons of the COVID-19 pandemic is that society must invest in and prepare to identify the threat of future pandemics, preventing them altogether or extinguishing outbreaks quickly through comprehensive public health measures. Preventative measures include protecting ecosystems and scientifically managing urbanization, which require financial resources to renovate infrastructure and supply sufficient personnel for public health agencies and health systems to prioritize pandemic preparedness.

There must be in place the complex logistics systems that can address material supplies such as PPE, and medical therapeutics like vaccine research, production, and distribution. Communication networks and collaborative research capabilities must be in place to immediately address any outbreak in any part of the world. Furthermore, these require a coordinated global network that works not at the behest of rival nation-states, but the international working class as a whole.

Yet, as evidenced by last week’s bipartisan inquisition of Dr. Peter Daszak, president of the non-profit EcoHealth Alliance, by the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic, science and truth has become a casualty of the intense geopolitical tensions and rivalry that are rapidly devolving into World War III.

Indeed, science and reason, because they insist on an honest inquiry to guide social developments and refuse to obey the diktats of the imperialist warmongers, are seen as threats by these dangerous political buffoons. From their perspective, Daszak’s principled and courageous defense of his work and the science of the pandemic in the service of global populations, must be derided and criminalized as it undermines the imperial aims of the US and EU.

Utilizing SARS-CoV-2 wastewater data, at present COVID-19 is estimated to be at its lowest level in nine months, according to modeling by Dr. Michael Hoerger from Tulane School of Medicine. There were approximately 390,000 COVID infections per day in mid-April, with rates expected to remain stable over the next several weeks. However, even these lows are higher than at any point after the winter waves in the preceding four years. Notably, in the first week of April, 573 people officially succumbed to their COVID infection in the US alone.

The complete scrapping of all mitigation measures has allowed SARS-CoV-2 to continue evolving unimpeded. Although sequencing data remains limited, the KP.2 (JN.1.11.1.2) lineage of Omicron (24.9 percent of sequences) has now outpaced JN.1 (22 percent) as the dominant variant in the US. It has been rapidly spreading since April 2024. What makes the latest variant problematic, as noted by work performed by Dr. Kei Sato at Sato Lab in Japan, is that “in a neutralization test using XBB.1.5 vaccine serum and convalescent serum from breakthrough infections of XBB.1.5, EG.5.1, HK.3, and JN.1, KP.2 showed higher neutralizing antibody resistance than JN.1.”

Dr. Sato and colleagues noted in their preprint study, “KP.2 shows the most significant resistance to the sera of monovalent XBB.1.5 vaccine without infections (3.1-fold) as well as those with infection (1.8-fold). Altogether, these results suggest that the increased immune resistance ability of KP.2 partially contributes to the higher reproductive number more than previous variants including JN.1.”

JWeiland, an infectious disease modeler and scientist, and also an important resource in providing real-time information on the state of the COVID pandemic in the US, wrote on his social media account on Wednesday, “Today marks the first day that US hospitals are no longer required to report on COVID hospital admissions, occupied beds, etc. It makes my job harder, and these changes will lead to a less informed public.”

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Weiland added, “Forecasting has already become more difficult with the significant decline in sequencing data. Globally, we are doing three times less sequencing than last year and 16-times less than two years ago. Fewer data equals more uncertainty in forecasts.”

Modelers like Weiland rely on hospital and sequencing data to cross-check the data they obtain from wastewater and assist them in understanding the current situation and what is in store for the future of the pandemic.

In this regard, the wide-spread outbreak of the bird flu among US dairy cattle becomes ominous. There is very limited data being shared with scientists and the public on the real state of the epidemic among bovines and their handlers .

Although there has been only one recent documented infection with H5N1 in a dairy worker, epidemiologist Gregory Gray of the University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston and an expert on respiratory infections among people who work with animals, told NPR that he suspects the true numbers to be higher based on comments made to him by veterinarians, farm owners and workers.

Gray said, “We know that some of the workers sought medical care for influenza-like illness and conjunctivitis at the same time the H5N1 was ravaging the dairy farms. I don’t have a way to measure that, but it seems biologically plausible that they too are suffering from the virus.”

What concerns Gray most is that the virus could spread to pigs, who may not manifest severe illness. He stated, “The virus can just churn, make many copies of itself and the probability of spilling over to those workers is much greater.”

In the same report, Jessica Leibler, environmental epidemiologist at Boston University School of Public Health, said, “If the idea was to try to identify where there was spillover from these facilities to human populations, you’d want to try to test as many workers as possible.” She called for broader testing of workers and their families in the event the virus evolves to transmit easily among people.

This is more than just a hypothetical scenario that can simply be ignored. The major pandemics of the modern era have been influenza pandemics. Despite the repeated attempts to assure the public, including a crass and objectionable opinion piece from leading COVID minimizer Leana Wen in the Washington Post, health systems are in a worse position four years into the COVID pandemic and are totally unprepared for the next pandemic, whether it is H5N1 or another pathogen.

4 May 2024

New Solomon Islands prime minister maintains China alliance

Patrick O’Connor


Following national elections held April 15, a new Solomon Islands prime minister, Jeremiah Manele, was sworn in Thursday.

Solomon Islands Prime Minister Jeremiah Manele (left) [Photo: Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/Screen shot ]

Former Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare had reoriented the small Pacific country’s foreign relations, recognising Beijing over Taiwan in 2019 and in 2022 negotiating a security pact with the Chinese government. These moves infuriated the US and Australian governments. In blatant disregard of international law, Washington and Canberra denounced China’s alleged encroachment into its claimed sphere of influence.

Sogavare announced last Monday that he would not renominate as prime minister. He backed Manele, who is a member of Sogavare’s Ownership, Unity, Responsibility (OUR) Party and who served as foreign minister in the previous government.

In resigning, Sogavare again denounced Washington, saying his government had been “under pressure from the United States and western allies—geopolitics is at play, after we made a very important decision in 2019.” He added: “Prior to the elections, there were indications of extensive efforts by the United States to influence the outcome in East Choiseul [Sogavare’s electorate]… This could have been a victory for the US allies. Thankfully, it turned in our favour.”

Sogavare’s announcement he would not renominate as prime minister was met with unconcealed glee by sections of the US and Australian foreign policy establishment. The Australian’s foreign editor Greg Sheridan told Sky News that, “this is a good outcome from Australia’s point of view.”

The Sydney-based Lowy Institute more than a week ago declared the election result an “unexpected defeat for Sogavare.”

Such commentary proved premature. The incumbent OUR Party suffered multiple constituency losses—18 ministers lost their seats, leaving OUR representatives with just 15 of the total 50 seats in the national parliament. At the same time, however, the opposition parties failed to capitalise on widespread social and economic unrest that has been fueled by three consecutive years of negative economic growth. Matthew Wale’s Solomon Islands Development Party and Peter Kenilorea Jr.’s United Party lost 40 percent of their sitting parliamentarians.

The main opposition parties are closely aligned with Australian imperialism and suggested that the China alliance would be reviewed if not immediately terminated in the event that they formed government.

However, multiple parliamentarians from new and smaller parties won office, as well as 10 new so-called independent parliamentarians. Several of these backed Jeremiah Manele’s nomination. He secured 31 votes in the ballot for prime minister, ahead of 18 for Matthew Wale.

Manele is expected to form a cabinet over the weekend, with Sogavare likely to receive a senior post.

In a speech delivered Thursday, the new prime minister suggested that a new “free market” economic agenda would be adopted, aimed at attracting corporate investors. Announced measures include the introduction of a new, regressive value added tax (VAT), which will increase costs of living for already impoverished workers and farmers in the country.

Manele has also suggested he will prepare a “Special Economic Zone Bill,” likely involving massive tax breaks for corporate investors, and has said his government may revise the 2024 budget, potentially involving additional spending cuts.

On foreign policy, Manele has confirmed that he will maintain existing diplomatic, economic, and security ties with China. The prime minister told Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) News that he regarded China and Australia as “equally important” partners.

A comment published by the Lowy Institute, by former Australian diplomat and intelligence analyst Mihai Sora, responded: “That’s a far cry from saying that Australia is Solomon Islands’ ‘partner of choice,’ something Australian ministers seem desperate to hear. And it’s evidence of the rapid elevation in China–Solomon Islands ties, considering they only officially started in 2019.”

Manele is an ex-public servant and diplomat, who worked at the United Nations and in several western countries before entering the Solomons’ parliament in 2014.

Multiple Australian foreign policy commentators anticipate that he will maintain the former government’s orientation to Beijing, while eschewing Sogavare’s public denunciations of the US and Australian governments.

Mihai Sora told the Washington Post: “In Manele, you have a far less strident and polarising political figure. This may actually have dividends for China in the sense that they might continue to enjoy the privileged political access that they had with Sogavare, but there might be less international scrutiny on their activities.”

The threat of a US- and Australian-instigated destabilisation campaign in Solomon Islands remains a very real one.

In 2006–2007, Australian police and intelligence operatives deployed to the country with the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) orchestrated the illegal arrest and prosecution of Attorney General Julian Moti, and successfully triggered Sogavare’s removal from office in December 2007.

In 2021, US-financed separatist forces in the Solomons’ province of Malaita attempted to storm the parliament and then razed much of the capital. The following year, after the China security pact was announced, American and Australian officials suggested they would invade Solomon Islands in the event that the Chinese military established a base there.

This long track record of imperialist thuggery makes a mockery of efforts to portray discussion of a possible US-orchestrated “regime change” operation as nothing but Chinese- and Russian-concocted “disinformation.”

The Australian Strategic Policy Institute—a think tank funded by the government and weapons manufacturers—issued a paper the same day that Manele was elected prime minister, titled, “Russia and China co-ordinate on disinformation in Solomon Islands elections.”

“Both countries’ propaganda systems accused the United States, without evidence, of using its foreign aid and networks across the country to interfere in voting and of preparing to foment riots and orchestrate regime change in response to an unsatisfactory election result,” it asserted.

The paper effectively called for better resourced US and Australian propaganda efforts, and censorship, “with better support [for] governments to take further steps to identify and combat false information online.”

The province of Malaita remains a potential flashpoint. In provincial elections that were held at the same time as the national ballot, Daniel Suidani won his ward election and has stated he will attempt to lead the next provincial government. When Suidani last held this position, he refused to recognise the country’s ties with China, blocked Chinese investment on the island, and maintained his own foreign policy connection with Taiwan. Suidani’s separatist allies on Malaita spearheaded the 2021 coup attempt in Honiara.

After being removed from office for illegal activities related to his Taiwan dealings, Suidani last year spent six months on an expenses-paid trip to the US, Canada, and Australia. His potential return to power in Malaita threatens further instability.

One of Suidani’s prominent supporters in the US is Cleo Paskal of the right-wing think tank, Foundation for Defense of Democracies. In 2021 she openly backed efforts to forcibly remove the Sogavare government. This week, following Manele’s election she told the Washington Post: “If you end up with basically Sogavare-lite, a kinder, gentler-looking but pro-[China] party, the people of the Solomons, who didn’t vote for that, will not be delighted. There’s concern about potential unrest.”

Jobs massacre at department store chain Galeria Karstadt Kaufhof

Marianne Arens


The jobs massacre continues at Galeria Karstadt Kaufhof (GKK), Germany’s largest remaining department store chain. In the third insolvency in three-and-a-half years, more than a thousand sales assistants and 450 employees at the Essen headquarters are facing the final curtain. They cannot rely on the service sector union Verdi; it has already agreed to the redundancies behind the workers’ backs. Independent rank-and-file action committees must now be set up to defend the jobs, wages and stores.

Galeria (formerly Kaufhof) at Frankfurt’s Hauptwache

By the end of August, no fewer than 16 of the 92 stores still open today are to close their doors. These are right across the country: Augsburg, Berlin Ringcenter, Berlin Spandau, Berlin Tempelhof, Chemnitz, Essen, Cologne Breite Strasse, Leonberg, Mainz, Mannheim, Oldenburg, Potsdam, Regensburg, Trier, Wesel and Würzburg. This is further accelerating the decline of city centres.

Only around 11,000 full-time jobs will remain after the new round of cuts—six years ago there were 32,000, almost three times as many. According to the figures published April 27 by insolvency administrator Stefan Denkhaus, 1,400 of the remaining 12,500 full-time jobs are under acute threat. A maximum of only 76 stores are to remain open. In 2018, there were still 243 GKK branches in Germany.

The works council representatives and Verdi trade union are actively involved in the closures and redundancies. Behind the backs of the workforce, the general works council has been collaborating with the insolvency administrator and the prospective buyers in recent months to devise so-called “social plans” and develop the redundancy programme in order to shed the staff. The dismissed employees are to be transferred into a “rescue company” for eight months, but this will be nothing more than a transfer station into unemployment.

At the beginning of April, it was announced that the department store chain was to be sold and that two buyers were jointly acquiring it: Canadian investor Richard Baker, or rather his US investment company NRDC Equity Partners, and Mannheim entrepreneur Bernd Beetz. Both are not unknown to GKK employees. They have already plundered and run down the Kaufhof stores in the past. Baker was the owner of Galeria Kaufhof between 2015 and 2019 before handing it over to René Benko. Bernd Beetz was chairman of the Kaufhof Supervisory Board in 2018 and 2019.

As Manager Magazin writes, “Baker and Co. were awarded the contract practically for free, namely for a symbolic euro,” based solely on a vague promise to invest €100 million in the department store chain over the next few years. It was similar with Benko's takeover: he also promised that the sky was the limit and was given the chain for a single symbolic euro.

As then, Verdi reacted enthusiastically to the new investors. “We welcome the fact that a financially strong investor has obviously been found,' begins the written statement from Silke Zimmer, the Verdi executive board member responsible for retail. Jürgen Ettl, chairman of the General Works Council, claimed that the “scenario of Galeria being wound up” was now off the table and that there was “another chance for the department stores.”

In the same way, Verdi has so far welcomed every investor as an alleged “saviour,” from Thomas Middelhof to Heinz Berggruen and Richard Baker to René Benko, thereby tying the hands of the employees.

Thanks to this support from Verdi, Benko was able to enrich himself immensely at GKK. He merged Karstadt and Kaufhof to form Galeria, separated the department store business from the valuable properties in the city centre, sold some of the stores and collected overpriced rents from GKK for the rest. Thanks to Verdi's good relations with the federal government, Benko also collected €680 million in coronavirus subsidies, i.e., taxpayers’ money.

He had dozens of branches closed and, with Verdi's help, was able to blackmail employees to accept lower wages. The company wage and reorganisation agreements, all of which bear the signature of Verdi, ensure that the monthly wages of GKK sales staff are still around €500 below the national wage rate for similar work.

Benko was able to amass billions in a very short space of time because he operated in a system that frees the money-grubbing of the rich from all restrictions. Capitalism has reached a point where a tiny upper-class layer is raking in fabulous profits on the stock exchanges, property and IT markets, while politicians cut taxes, plunder social systems, increase exploitation and massively arm the military.

For quite some time, Benko was able to take advantage of low interest rates and rising property prices to amass a fortune worth billions, which gave him unlimited creditworthiness in the eyes of investors and bankers. Until recently, he owned luxury properties such as New York’s Chrysler Building, London’s Selfridges, Berlin’s KaDeWe, Hamburg’s Alsterhaus and Munich’s Oberpollinger.

Illustrious donors and politicians, including logistics billionaire Klaus-Michael Kühne, former Austrian chancellors Alfred Gusenbauer and Sebastian Kurz and the Green Party’s Joschka Fischer, provided him with loans and access to any project he wanted, be it the Elbtower in Hamburg (now a ruined building) or Berlin’s glamorous projects on Hermannplatz and Kurfürstendamm (both of which have since been cancelled).

Last year, interest rates began to rise again, real estate lost value and the Signa holding company’s Ponzi scheme collapsed. Benko had to file for bankruptcy at the end of November 2023. The Forbes rich list, which recorded him with a fortune of over €5 billion, now places his assets at zero euros.

GKK filed for insolvency for the third time after the Signa holding company had squeezed out its stores with overpriced rents and failed to honour all financial commitments to restructure the department stores. This means that Germany’s last major department store group, the second largest in Europe, is once again on the brink of collapse, and even a new group of investors will not make any significant changes.

While Benko has put aside enough to continue his life of luxury, it is GKK employees, sales assistants, warehouse staff, drivers and clerks who are expected to pay for it. Under the Baker/Beetz regime, they will either get their walking papers or be blackmailed into further wage cuts and ever-increasing workloads.