3 Oct 2024

Chinese central bank measures boost stock market, but economic problems mount

Nick Beams


Financial stimulus measures announced by the People’s Bank of China (PBoC) last week have had their intended effect in leading to a stock market surge. The CSI index of Shanghai- and Shenzhen-list companies jumped 8.5 percent on Monday, its biggest single-day rise since 2008, bringing the cumulative rise over the previous week to 24 percent.

A young couple walk near office buildings in Beijing's Central Business District on March 2, 2024. [AP Photo/Andy Wong]

However, the market is still 31 percent lower than its high in 2021. While the PBoC’s actions have been welcomed in financial circles, the general sentiment is that much more must be done to lift the economy, not least because financial stimulation has lost the effectiveness it had in the past.

There is now what one report described as a “deafening” call for more radical action by the government, centering on the need for a fiscal boost of around $1.4 trillion as proposed recently by Liu Shijin, a former top official at the PBoC.

In a recent article, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard of the London-based Telegraph reported comments from Freya Beamish and Rory Green of the financial firm TS Lombard. They said the monetary transmission mechanism was broken and the economy was heading for an outright contraction in GDP growth next year.

“We’ve both been covering the economy for our entire careers and we’ve never been more worried about Chinese growth. Policymakers have chosen demand deflation and that is what they are getting,” they said.

By demand deflation they mean the refusal of the government to initiate fiscal stimulus measures because of their desire to reduce debt.

In a post earlier this week, hedge fund billionaire Ray Dalio, the founder of Bridgewater Associates, who has a long history of activity in China, welcomed the central bank’s measures. He called on the government to “do what it takes,” recalling the pledge of former European Central Bank governor Mario Draghi at the height of the crisis of the euro in 2012. But that would “require a lot more than has been announced,” Dalio said.

One of the main issues confronting policymakers is what to do about the housing and real estate crisis. Following the global financial crisis of 2008, real estate and construction became a key pillar of Chinese economic growth, accounting for as much as 30 percent of GDP, according to some estimates.

Today, the real estate crisis has become one of the main forces dragging down the economy. From 1980 to 2010, China’s growth rate was around 10 percent per annum. According to the IMF, it will only be 4 percent over the next five years, while other projections are lower.

The extent of the housing crisis was highlighted in an analysis published by the Wall Street Journal this week. It said the real estate bust had left behind “tens of millions of empty housing units,” which left city authorities “with homes they might never be able to fill.”

It cited a tally of estimates by economists which indicate that “the country could have as many as 90 million empty housing units.”

Another earlier report in the Journal estimated the paper loss on housing real estate at $18 trillion.

One of the measures being called for by those advocating a fiscal stimulus is for increased social security measures, so that households are encouraged to spend, thereby providing a boost to the economy via increased consumption spending.

But at least so far, the government is opposing such measures. Chinese President Xi Jinping is on record as saying that “welfarism” fosters “lazy people who get something for nothing.”

The central thrust of Xi’s economic strategy is focused on the development of “high quality productive forces” in the area of high-tech, producing goods for export. But this program is running into obstacles being erected by the major potential markets.

The US is continually escalating bans on the export of high-tech components to China and restricting the import of its goods with connections to the internet, particularly electric vehicles, on “national security” grounds, while other countries are looking to raise tariffs on Chinese goods.

The significant downturn in the Chinese economy is not only a major problem for the ruling regime, because of the danger that it will erode its social base among the upper middle class and set in motion struggles by the working class. It also has vast global implications under conditions where, since 2008, China has been a major contributor to world growth.

The situation in Hong Kong is an indication of what could develop more rapidly as the mainland economy deteriorates.

A report on Bloomberg this week pointed to a significant downturn in the real estate market, particularly at the high end with some properties selling at a 50 percent discount.

The downturn extends more broadly, according to the report, with a funding squeeze “putting Hong Kong businesses and individuals under strain in a way not seen for decades.”

“China’s economic slowdown is undercutting demand for everything from real estate to dining in a sharp reversal from the boom years. Historically high interest rates and falling property prices are prompting sellers to offer larger discounts, leading to a downward spiral. Weak consumer spending is depressing sales at retail businesses leading to the closure of outlets and further undermining public confidence.”

So-called small and medium enterprises, which employ about 45 percent of Hong Kong’s private sector workforce, are being hit hard. More than three-quarters of them have failed to recover to pre-pandemic levels and more than a third expect conditions to worsen next year.

Corporate failures are on the rise. In the eight months to August, 305 companies were wound up by a court order with the level of bankruptcies on track to surpass last year’s total of 354, the highest level since 2010.

Retail sales fell by 12 percent in July compared to a year earlier.

The article cited the comments of Angus Chang, the deputy manager of a food company. He said that Hong Kong’s economy was “totally different before the pandemic and after the pandemic.”

“The structure of the economy is based in property and stocks, so when those markets are so weak, you cannot grow. No one likes to buy things or spend money. It’s painful,” he said.

2 Oct 2024

ARES Masters & Training Scholarships in Belgium 2025/2026

Application Deadline: 18th October 2024 at 12pm

Offered annually? Yes

Eligible Countries: Students from African and Developing countries

To be taken in: Belgium

About the Belgium ARES Scholarship: Each year, the Academy of Research and Higher Education (ARES) grants an average of 150 fellowships in the framework of the Masters and 70 fellowships in the framework of the internships to the nationals of the countries of the South.

Eligible Countries: South Africa, Benin, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Bolivia, Cambodia, Cameroon, Cuba, Ethiopia, Ecuador, Guinea, Haiti, Indonesia, Kenya, Madagascar, Morocco, Mozambique, Nepal, Niger, Uganda, Peru, Philippines, DR Congo, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania, Tunisia, Vietnam and Zimbabwe

Accepted Subject Areas (Masters): 

  • Master of Specialization in Development, Environment and Societies
  • Specialization Master in Human Rights
  • Master of Specialization in Aquatic Resource Management and Aquaculture
  • Master of Specialization in Risk and Disaster Management
  • Specialized Master in Integrated Management of Health Risks in the Global South (IManHR)
  • Specialized Master in International Development
  • Master of Specialization in Transfusion Medicine
  • Specialized Master in Microfinance
  • Master of specialization in integrated production and preservation of natural resources in urban and peri-urban areas
  • Specialized Master in Public Health Methodology
  • Master of Science in Public Health – Methods of Research Applied to Global Health
  • Master of Science and Environmental Management in Developing Countries
  • Specialized Master in Transport and Logistics

Accepted Subject Areas (Training): 

  • Internship in control and quality assurance of medicines and health products
  • Research Initiation to Strengthen Health Systems
  • Internship in Geographic Information System
  • Internship in secondary resource development for sustainable construction
  • Methodological internship in support of innovation in family farming

Type: Masters, Training

About the Belgium ARES Scholarship: Within the framework of the Belgian policy for development cooperation, the Minister for Development Cooperation and the Directorate-General for Development Cooperation entrust the Belgian Higher Education Institutions with the preparation of Postgraduate Programmes (Advanced Masters) and Training Programmes that are specifically oriented towards young professionals from developing countries.

International Courses and Training Programmes are part of the global study programmes of the Higher Education Institutions. They are open to all students who satisfy the conditions of qualification but aim at proposing training units that distinguish themselves by their openness towards specific development issues.

EligibilityThe following will apply for the selection of holders of scholarships:

  1. Originally from a developing country. To be eligible, applicants must reside and work in their own country at the time of filing;
  2. Only nationals of the following countries are eligible to apply for scholarships ARES: Benin, Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cambodia, Cameroon, Cuba, Ecuador, Ethiopia ( only for courses in English ), Haiti, Madagascar, Morocco, Niger, Peru, Philippines, DR Congo, Rwanda, Senegal, Vietnam ;
  3. Either under the age of 40 for courses and under 45 for training periods at the start of training;
  4. Either holds a diploma comparable to a diploma of the second cycle of Belgian university education. However, for certain types of training, different requirements may be set out, which will be specified below;
  5. Demonstrates a professional occupation in a developing country of at least two years after completing his / her second cycle or three years after the end of his / her studies when the candidate holds a post-graduate diploma from a university in an industrialized country;
  6. Good knowledge of written and spoken French. For courses organized in another language, it is necessary to have a good knowledge of the language of the course, written and spoken. The candidate will also be asked to commit to learning French to participate in everyday life in Belgium;
  7. Apply for a single training

Selection Criteria: 

  • The academic curriculum
  • For courses, priority will be given to candidates who are already holders of a diploma third cycle, save in exceptional circumstances duly justified in the application.
  • Priority will be given to candidates who have not already received a grant in Belgium.
  • Professional experience
  • Belonging to a partner institution: The commitment of the candidate in development activities
  • Nationality requirements
  • Gender equality
  • The future reintegration prospects

Number of Scholarships: Belgium ARES grants 150 scholarships for participation into the masters and 70 scholarships for participation into the training programmes.

Value of Belgium ARES Scholarship: Travel (internal and external), Monthly living allowance, Indirect mission costs, Installation costs, Tuition fees, Registration fee, Insurance costs, Housing allowance, Allowances for dependents, Return fees, In 1st session completion bonus (June).

How to Apply: Would you like to submit an application form and receive a grant? Are you unsure about your eligibility?

Follow these guides :

It is important to go through the Application requirements and procedures on the Scholarship Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Important: Applying for a Belgium ARES Masters and Training scholarship is free of charge. ARES does not charge any fee at any stage of the application or selection process. You may raise any question or concern about persons or companies claiming to be acting on behalf of ARES and requesting the payment of a fee by emailing ARES at maryvonne.aubry[at]ares-ac.be.
Any application containing cash will be automatically rejected.

US, Israeli officials demand major attack on Tehran after Iranian missile strike

Andre Damon


US and Israeli officials openly endorsed a large-scale attack on Iran Tuesday, following a strike by Tehran on Israel with 185 ballistic missiles the same day.

Projectiles fly through the sky over Jerusalem as a siren sounds a warning of incoming missiles fired from Iran towards Israel, in Jerusalem, Tuesday, Oct. 1, 2024 [AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean]

Former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett called for strikes on Iran’s nuclear program, a move that has been planned by Israel and the US for decades.

“We must act *now* to destroy Iran’s nuclear program, its central energy facilities, and to fatally cripple this terrorist regime,” Bennett declared, demanding that Israel must “strike the head of the octopus of terror.”

He was joined by Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who said, “I would urge the Biden administration to coordinate an overwhelming response with Israel, starting with Iran’s ability to refine oil,” implying a damaging US attack on Iran’s energy infrastructure.

He was joined by Republican Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, who declared, “I urge the reimposition of a maximum pressure campaign against Iran and fully support Israel’s right to respond disproportionately to stop this threat.”

The warmongering comments were bipartisan. Democratic Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania said in a statement, “My voice and vote follow Israel to ensure they have whatever resources they need—whether that’s military, financial, or intelligence—to prevail over terror.”

Nearly one year after the October 7 attacks on Israel by Hamas, which were facilitated by a deliberate stand-down of the Israeli military and intelligence services and the beginning of the genocide in Gaza, it has become clear that the United States and Israel have seized upon the events of that day as a pretext to carry out a long-planned regional war throughout the Middle East, with Iran as the central target.

Iran’s missile strike on Israel took place just one day after Israel launched a ground offensive in Lebanon, following days of escalating air bombardments that left thousands of people dead.

On Saturday, Israel assassinated Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, using 85 massive bombs that completely leveled high-rise residential buildings, killing hundreds.

Iran’s foreign minister released a statement saying the attack was a response to “the assassination of the head of Hamas’ political office in Tehran, who was an official guest of the Iranian government, as well as the assassination of the Secretary-General of Hezbollah in Lebanon and General Nilforoushan, a senior Iranian military advisor, in Beirut.”

Both the US and UK’s military forces participated in efforts to shoot down missiles used in the strike, which was larger, more sophisticated and less telegraphed than an earlier strike on Israel by Iran in April. US and Israeli officials sought to present the strike as having no impact, despite widespread footage on social media showing missiles impacting Israeli military bases.

Iran’s top military official, Mohammad Bagheri, stated on state TV that the missiles fired at Israel were aimed at three military bases—Nevatim, Hatzerim and Tel Nof—as well as the headquarters of Mossad, Israel’s intelligence agency. He emphasized that civilian areas and infrastructure were intentionally not targeted.

All sections of the US political establishment restated their support for Israel’s actions in Gaza and its broader attack throughout the Middle East. “Make no mistake, the United States is fully, fully, fully supportive of Israel,” said US President Joe Biden. He added, “The attack appears to have been defeated and ineffective, which is a testament to Israeli military capability and the US military.”

Responding to Iran’s missile strike, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken declared, “Israel, with the active support of the United States and other partners, effectively defeated this attack,” adding, “We demonstrated, once again, our commitment to Israel’s defense.”

US Vice President Kamala Harris, the Democrats’ candidate for president in the November election, added that the US would “never hesitate to take whatever action is necessary to defend US forces and interests against Iran and Iran-backed terrorists.” She added, “I’m clear-eyed. ... Iran is a destabilizing, dangerous force in the Middle East, and today’s attack on Israel only further demonstrates that fact.”

Democratic Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said, “The United States will continue to stand by our ally Israel in support of Israel’s right to defend itself. ... Iran and its proxies must be held accountable.”

Meanwhile, Israel’s bombardment and ground invasion of Lebanon continued, with at least five Israeli airstrikes attacking the southern suburbs of Beirut on Wednesday. The number of people killed by Israel in Lebanon in the past 12 months is approaching 2,000, compared to the 1,200 people killed in Israel’s 2006 invasion of Lebanon.

And in Gaza—where the official death toll since last October has surpassed 41,000 but is likely over 186,000—at least 37 people were killed in two separate Israeli’s airstrikes on the Nuseirat refugee camp and a school in Gaza City, where displaced families were sheltering.

The escalating calls for massive strikes on Lebanon came amid a report by Politico that US officials authorized Israel’s ground offensive on Lebanon.

Politico reported, “Senior White House figures privately told Israel that the US would support its decision to ramp up military pressure against Hezbollah—even as the Biden administration publicly urged the Israeli government in recent weeks to curtail its strikes.”

The report continued, “Presidential adviser Amos Hochstein and Brett McGurk, the White House coordinator for the Middle East, told top Israeli officials in recent weeks that the US agreed with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s broad strategy to shift Israel’s military focus to the north against Hezbollah. ... Behind the scenes, Hochstein, McGurk, and other top US national security officials are describing Israel’s Lebanon operations as a history-defining moment—one that will reshape the Middle East for the better for years to come.”

Food bank usage doubles in Ontario in four years as Canadian corporate profits soar

Steve Hill


A group representing a network of more than 1,200 food banks and hunger-relief organizations recently published data revealing that food bank usage in Ontario, Canada’s most populace province, has more than doubled since 2019.

The Toronto city skyline [Photo by Maksim Sokolov / CC BY-SA 4.0]

Between April 1, 2023 and March 31, 2024 a record 1,001,150 unique individuals visited a food bank to supplement their dietary shortfalls in the business and financial heart of the country. Over that time food banks were visited 7,689,580 times, an increase of 31 percent over 2022-2023, and 134 percent over 2019-2020.

Feed Ontario CEO Carolyn Stewart stated in a September news conference, “People in Ontario are drowning in the rising tide of unaffordability.” She added, “The cost of living has surged, and for too many people there’s simply no life raft in sight. Instead of being thrown a lifeline, more and more people are being pulled under, trapped in the cycle of poverty and living in circumstances that make it impossible to get their heads above water.”

The Feed Ontario report notes that 2023-2024 is the eighth consecutive year food bank use has risen in the province and that working people are among the fastest-rising groups accessing those services. “Unless we do something soon to address food insecurity and poverty needs in this province, they are going to continue to grow out of control,” Stewart said.

Noting that close to 70 percent of food banks in the Feed Ontario network are now reporting concerns about food shortages, Stewart said, “This is what happens when you rely on a system that’s meant to provide and deal with emergencies.” She added, “These programs are falling into disrepair. They have basically been ignored for a very long time.” Stewart also pointed out that while the need for donations is higher than ever, many former donors are now turning to food banks for support themselves.

Last year at this time, before the Thanksgiving holiday, the CBC reported that the Daily Bread Food Bank in Toronto invited in nearly 200 volunteers to help sort and pack donations for families in need. Daily Bread CEO Neil Hetherington explained that it had been another record year of demand, with more than 12,500 new people now relying on the food bank for the first time each month compared to 1,000 people before the COVID-19 pandemic.

Among the volunteers were Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow and Ontario Premier Doug Ford. Speaking to reporters, Chow said, without making any demands or commitments, “When I’m sorting, I get very grateful for your contribution. I also get really angry and say ‘Well, you know what, [it] shouldn’t be like this,’” adding “Let’s be angry about the situation but remain hopeful we can make a difference.” As for the premier, he had little to offer beyond platitudes and some vague and unconvincing affordable housing goals, declaring, “It’s very tough right now. Times are tough.”

Several months later, the scene repeated itself for the Easter 2024 holiday in which Hetherington revealed further shocking news. In the month of February alone, the Daily Bread Food Bank had over 300,000 client visits at its 200-plus programs across Toronto. That represented a 40 percent increase from February 2023, and a 136 percent increase from the same month the year before. 

Explaining that roughly one in 10 Torontonians were now relying on food banks, he said, “We surpassed a milestone we never thought was possible,” adding, “What’s new is that there are individuals who have an income, who are working, who are cobbling together two or three part-time jobs and they still can’t make it.”

Food insecurity in Ontario has been a chronic social blight, particularly since the end of the post-war economic boom in the late 1970s, which ushered in high unemployment, runaway inflation and crippling interest rates. The Daily Bread Food Bank in Toronto was founded in 1983 in response to those devastating conditions, which left the vulnerable exposed in the face of government policy to lay the full force of austerity and deindustrialization on the backs of the working class and the poor.

Fifteen years later, ongoing austerity and handouts to big business by all levels of government had made food banks an accepted fact of life in Canada. In October 1998, we wrote:

Several reports over the past weeks have drawn attention to the growth of hunger and homelessness across Canada, and in Ontario in particular.

One such study conducted by the Canadian Association of Food Banks, called Hunger Count 1998, reveals that the number of people forced to use food banks has increased dramatically in the past several years. More than 700,000 people used one of 2,141 food banks last year in Canada, an increase of 5.4 percent over 1996.

More than a quarter century later, the total of 700,000 people in Canada as a whole who used food banks in 1998 is dwarfed by those relying on them in a single province in 2024.

While food banks were initially intended to provide short-term assistance during the devastation of the severe recession of the early 1980s, they have since become an entrenched part of the economic status quo. Public generosity and goodwill have worked to soften the impact of decades of government policy that amounted to austerity for the working class and unrestrained exploitation and profits for corporations and the rich.

This outrageous situation was compounded by the initial phase of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. The New Democratic Party- and trade union-supported Liberal government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau funneled $650 billion to the banks and big business, literally overnight, while placing workers who had lost their income during the shutdowns on rations with inadequate temporary benefits. Food bank use skyrocketed and the trend has not slowed since.

The devastation of working class living standards produced by these policies, supported by the entire political establishment and reinforced by the union bureaucracy’s suppression of the class struggle, goes hand in hand with a dramatic growth in corporate profits and investor wealth. A report from February of this year by the Centre for Future Work think tank stated:

Year-end data from Statistics Canada show that corporate profits in Canada remained historically high in Canada in 2023, despite the stalling of economic growth, rising unemployment, and stagnating consumer demand. Total after-tax corporate profits equaled $577 billion for the year, down 3% from record 2022 levels—but still over $200 billion (or 55%) higher than in 2019, the last year before the COVID pandemic.

The report specifically contradicts the pleas of innocence from food retail executives that their operations are not at least partially to blame for increasing food insecurity across the country.

The new Statistics Canada data confirm once again that profit margins in the food retail industry (dominated by the five largest chains) have in fact increased, far above pre-pandemic norms. The average food retail profit margin for 2023 increased by 20 basis points (0.2 percentage points) from 2022.

Food retail margins have increased steadily since the onset of the COVID pandemic; the strong margins generated in 2023 have reinforced that trend. Current margins are more than twice as high as typical margins earned in the years before the pandemic.

A key factor in the massive transfer of wealth from the bottom to the top contained within these figures is the trade union bureaucracy, which has been a major backer of the Trudeau federal government over the past nine years as it has enforced austerity to pay for imperialist war around the world. The Ontario Federation of Labour (OFL), its various affiliates—including the United Steelworkers, CUPE, OPSEU and the teacher unions—and Unifor, claimed that they could demand progressive policies from successive provincial Liberal governments through pressure and working together. That strategy merely achieved the desired effect of maintaining the perks and privileges of the union bureaucracy while keeping a lid on the class struggle.

Since 2018, when the hard-right Ontario government of Doug Ford (who recently publicly accused the poor of being lazy) was first elected, the unions frequently vowed to fight his sweeping pro-business agenda. In fact, the unions have strangled workers’ struggles whenever they have threatened to develop into a direct confrontation with Ford in Ontario or Trudeau at the federal level, including education support workers in 2022, West Coast dockers in 2023, and rail workers this year. They have also enforced concession-filled contracts throughout all economic sectors, cooperating in the creation of low-wage, precarious workers who are forced to rely with increasing frequency on food banks.

1 Oct 2024

House of Lords lays out plans to make UK fully war ready

Chris Marsden


The House of Lords International Relations and Defence Committee has issued its report, “Ukraine: a wake-up call”. Published September 26, it proposes measures by which the UK and Europe can take the additional steps needed to take on “Putin’s Russia” and its ally, China.

It cites the war in Ukraine as an “illegal and unprovoked invasion” that is supposedly a product of a failed deterrence strategy, rather than deliberate provocation by the NATO powers. The committee then warns that “our Armed Forces lack the mass, resilience and internal coherence necessary to maintain a deterrent effect and sustain prolonged conflict” [emphasis added].

Lord De Mauley, who chairs the committee, welcomes the incoming Labour government under Keir Starmer’s promised Strategic Defence Review, but insists that the government “must commit to spending more on defence and spending better.”

Noting that Labour has not yet committed to increasing military spending to 2.5 percent of GDP, the committee makes clear that even doing this is not enough. What is required is an increase in “Army size and readiness”, a plan for “Homeland defence” to prevent Russia targeting “critical national infrastructure”, “Defence industry preparedness” requiring an end to “years of underinvestment” and “Public engagement” in national defence, learning from models like the Scandinavian “total defence” approach.

Ukraine: a wake-up call [Photo: House of Lords]

The report proposes a global effort to “counter Russian (and Chinese) influence”, especially in the Global South. It invokes the need for European security, welcoming Sweden and Finland assuming NATO membership. But this is declared inadequate given “a geopolitical shift, with China, Iran and North Korea providing support to Russia, thus raising the prospect of increased collaboration between countries who are in competition with or outright hostile towards the international order and the West.”

Under the designation “global insecurity” the report identifies the war in Ukraine, “Hamas’ terrorist attack on Israel and the war in Gaza (which could yet spill over into a wider regional conflict)” alongside “China’s assertive behaviour in the South China Sea”.

The Lords’ report complains: “President Putin has been given, until recently, free rein to control the escalation narrative by invoking the spectre of nuclear war” and “attempt to divide NATO and deter Western support for Ukraine.” This, the report states, is not “just empty rhetoric,” but must be met not by retreats but re-establishing “credible deterrence in the UK and across Europe. This includes both nuclear and conventional deterrence.”

Under the heading “Building Mass”, the report leads with the imperative for the ruling class to increase the size of the British Army. Decades of defence cuts have reduced the army to under 73,000 troops, with plans “not reversed following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine… While size is not the only measure of capability, we are concerned that the Army cannot, as currently constituted, make the expected troop contribution to NATO. We therefore question whether the British Army is prepared to meet the growing threat posed by Russia to European security.”

The report calls for “involving the whole of society in the UK’s security and defence, given the heightened threat environment.”

Politicians and military figures must avoid mention of conscription as a part of this process due to its arousing popular opposition, “which happened to the former head of the British Army, General Sir Patrick Sanders, when he introduced the idea of a ‘citizen army’ in January 2024.”

An alternative model is provided by Finland and Sweden’s concept of “total defence”—'which involves all sectors of the government, the economy and civilian population in defence planning” and is “well embedded in the national psyche.”

“Finland, for example, has a small regular armed force, but can mobilise a large number of troops quickly due to its comprehensive national defence strategy, which includes significant civilian involvement, including from a large pool of reserves… Sweden has a wide range of voluntary defence organisations linked to this effort.”

Mobilising the civilian population involves proselytising for “the emotional aspects of national defence.

Calling for strengthening “the defence-industrial complex”, the report states: “A resilient industrial base underpins Defence’s credibility as a fighting force. Our evidence consistently showed that the UK’s defence industry is unprepared for high-intensity, prolonged conflict due to decades of budget cuts and reduced industrial capacity since the end of the Cold War.”

The production of munitions must be massively scaled up, with the report citing “an eight-fold increase in artillery ammunition by BAE Systems” but complaining that this was “from a low base”. A key area for stepped-up production is of “high-end weapons”, insisting that “precision-guided munitions and advanced drones offer significant advantages in terms of accuracy and effectiveness.” In Crimea what really “made a difference” were “British Storm Shadow and French SCALP cruise missiles”.

Among other measures to strengthen the armed forces is the chilling recommendation that “While the UK does have a maritime missile capability in the Tomahawk land attack cruise missile, further investment is required to enable the Royal Navy to be deployed offensively and better project lethality.”

There is an extended section on the need for military cooperation with Europe post-Brexit, but also with non-EU allies such as Japan and South Korea. This appeal is made citing Russia’s relations with Iran and North Korea, but above all “the role of China as a key decisive enabler of Russia”.

The report warns that those abstaining on UN resolutions against Russia “were countries in Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, South and Southeast Asia—i.e. within what is often referred to as the ‘Global South’.”

It rails against Russia’s exploiting “grievances against the West” and relying on “the Soviet Union’s historical support for decolonisation to forge closer partnerships” as a narrative that “resonates particularly in Africa and Asia, where the central story explaining the past couple of centuries is the struggle of national liberation against colonial power and exploitation.” It cites Russia’s new Foreign Policy Concept, adopted in March 2023, for devoting “a distinct section to Africa for the first time and talks about a polycentric world in opposition to Western ‘neo-colonialism’. Moscow also hosted its first Russia-Latin America conference last year.”

But the chief concern is clearly “the deepening Sino-Russian relationship,” with Presidents Putin and Xi Jinping declaring that “their countries’ friendship had ‘no limits’ and there were ‘no ‘forbidden’ areas of co-operation’. The war has only brought these two countries closer together, particularly in the economic sphere… hitting record levels in each year since the invasion of Ukraine.”

The UK warmongers are pleased that “The threat of an increasingly prominent Sino-Russian strategic alignment has been recognised by NATO members. In a NATO communiqué published at the Washington Summit in early July 2024, member countries labelled China a ‘decisive enabler’ of Russia’s war against Ukraine through its ‘no-limits partnership’ with Russia and its large-scale support for Russia’s defence industrial base.”

The committee boasts that the UK has pledged £12.7 billion in support to Ukraine, of which £7.6 billion is in military assistance, and has provided “both lethal and non-lethal weaponry, including tanks, air defence systems and long-range precision strike missiles” as well as training “close to 40,000 Ukrainian troops.”

Various examples are cited of military cooperation with Europe, but this is not seen as enough.

The great fear of the British imperialist ruling class is that the US “is increasingly pivoting to the Indo-Pacific to counter its main competitor, China,” raising concerns of a pivot away from Europe “at a time when war has returned to the continent. There are also uncertainties over what a potential Trump or Trumpian administration would mean for European security, with fears it could result in disengagement and embolden Russia. Questions on US support extend beyond the situation in Ukraine, with broader implications for the future of the [NATO] Alliance.”

Refocusing the UK’s security priorities towards Europe “has acquired a new urgency to mitigate against the risk of a less Europe-focused US—In the very early days of this Government, the new Foreign Secretary, the Rt Hon David Lammy MP, met with key European counterparts in Germany, Poland and Sweden. Prime Minister Keir Starmer made rapprochement with Europe a priority at both the European Political Community Meeting in Oxfordshire and at the NATO Summit in Washington. At the NATO Summit, President Joe Biden welcomed Starmer’s intention to establish closer relationships with Europe.”

There is praise in this regard for the Joint Expeditionary Force, the coalition of Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, led by the UK, focused on “security in the High North, North Atlantic, and Baltic Sea region” which is designed to “complement NATO”.

But a far more drastic turn may be necessary as part of developing “a comprehensive strategy that takes account of the potential for a deepening Sino-Russian relationship, particularly in critical areas for UK security, such as the Arctic…

“The United States has long been a cornerstone of European security, but it is also reasonable to expect a gradual shifting of US priorities, regardless of the outcome of the forthcoming US election. The trajectory of a re-focus towards the Indo-Pacific region is clear. As we continue to rely on the vital yet evolving partnership with the US, the Government and its European allies must visibly increase their preparedness by committing more resources—both human and financial—towards our collective security.”

Rival factions of MAS ruling party clash in Bolivia

Andrea Lobo


Nearly five years after being overthrown by a US-backed military coup in 2019, former Bolivian President Evo Morales marched into the capital of La Paz with thousands of supporters last Monday demanding the resignation of President Luis Arce, his hand-picked successor and former economy minister. 

Evo Morales and Luis Arce [Photo: comunicacion.gob.bo]

The march took seven days to cross 120 miles along the main Andean highway from the small town of Caracollo. Crowds of goons deployed by the Arce government clashed with the pro-Morales march when it attempted to invade the headquarters of the Bolivian Workers Central (COB), the main union federation. Anti-riot police then used tear gas to disperse the crowds. 

The last time Morales led a similar march was in late 2021 to defend Arce against renewed threats by the far-right in response to the arrest of the leaders of the 2019 coup. 

A rift first opened between the two in late 2021, at least in public, over the control of the ruling Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party. After a court ruled last December that Morales is not allowed to run for reelection, the conflict escalated, and his supporters began organizing widespread roadblocks and mass rallies.

Then, in late June, the head of the military at the time, Gen. Juan José Zúñiga threatened to arrest Evo Morales for seeking another term. After Arce demoted him, Zúñiga attacked the government palace on June 26 with hundreds of soldiers and a few armored vehicles in an abortive attempt to overthrow the government. The mutineers demanded the liberation of the 2019 coup leaders, exposing their alignment with the fascistic right and Washington.

Initially, Morales called for a mobilization to halt what he described as an attempt to overthrow Arce. But soon after the military riot failed, he claimed that Arce had staged a “self-coup” to gain popularity. 

Morales argues that Arce has failed to resolve the deepening economic crisis and should hand over power. 

However, the implosion of the MAS sums up the failure of not only MAS, but the entire so-called “pink tide” movement of bourgeois nationalist governments across Latin America to resolve the region’s historic economic and social backwardness and unite any country, much less the region, against imperialist oppression.

The government claims that Morales hopes to provoke another coup to install the pro-Morales chair of the Senate, Andrónico Rodríguez, as interim President and allow Morales to run in snap elections. Currently, the next presidential elections are not scheduled until August 2025. 

Judicial elections, including for the Constitutional and Supreme Courts, on December 1 could also result in the election of judges that will favor Morales’s candidacy. Finally, a national referendum on the question of re-election announced by Arce has now been indefinitely suspended.

For months, the Bolivian public has been bombarded with threats exchanged between the two factions of MAS, round-the-clock coverage by the corporate media, and an alignment of the union bureaucracy behind one or another faction of the ruling capitalist party. 

The thrust of this conflict has been to step in front of any independent intervention of the working class in the political crisis.

On Friday, the leaders of the pro-Morales camp, which includes sections of the union bureaucracy and peasant leaderships, announced that major national roadblocks planned for September 30 would not take place, feigning concern about its effects on the poor and about the need to fight wildfires. 

For its part, the COB leadership has gone from backing the 2019 coup and having bureaucrats join as officials of the far-right regime to becoming the main cheerleaders of the Arce administration. The mining union bureaucracy used its congress on September 20 to appeal to miners, largely unsuccessfully, to mobilize against the “coup attempt” by Morales. 

Earlier this month, COB officials policed the doors of the Congress to intimidate pro-Morales and other legislators into voting in favor of $140 million in new loans from the international banks.  

Each faction of MAS is focused on demonstrating to different sectors of the ruling class and their partners among the imperialist and other major international powers that they are the most reliable enforcers of their interests. 

This boils down to their ability to suppress the class struggle and implement social austerity and a major economic reshuffling amid an escalating economic and military war instigated by US and European imperialism against China, Russia and Iran, all powers with close ties to both factions of MAS.   

Strikes by teachers and protests by garbage collectors in Cochabamba, street cleaners in El Alto and manufacturing workers point to a growing unrest against the increase in the cost of living and rising poverty. 

Significantly, Arce has exploited the pro-Morales mobilizations to impose repressive legislation against roadblocks. Both Morales and Arce have a history of deploying riot police and the military against peaceful worker and peasant protests. 

The inability of the regime under the fascistic coup leader Jeanine Áñez to suppress mass unrest while implementing its economic agenda forced it to call for elections and allow the MAS to return to power in 2020. 

Washington officials have said little about the MAS dispute and have remained laser-focused on building up the far-right political and business elite in the eastern department of Santa Cruz along with its fascistic gangs, which were the main contingent behind the 2019 coup. US imperialism has not abandoned its plans to destabilize Bolivia and install a puppet regime to secure control of the country’s strategic natural resources. 

The US State Department, according to journalist Carlos Fazio, has financed the fascist Santa Cruz legislator Svonko Matkovik, who was jailed for eight years for organizing an armed insurrection for Santa Cruz independence. Meanwhile, the US embassy has also sought to unite the far-right opposition ahead of the scheduled 2025 elections, which could be used for a provocation behind claims of vote fraud, as in Venezuela. 

At the same time, Washington is working closely with the government of fascistic President Javier Milei in Argentina in preparing for military conflict across the region against its rivals. Buenos Aires already launched a bellicose provocation by claiming in April, without any evidence, that Bolivia is hosting hundreds of members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps. 

The internecine war in the MAS has only further undermined popular support for both factions. Polls show that most Bolivians—the latest by Ipsos found 81 percent—think Morales merely seeks personal gain. Meanwhile, the approval rating for the Arce administration has fallen from 42 percent to 22 percent since January. 

According to pollster Diagnosis, concerns over the economy are primarily responsible, with a positive view of the economic situation dropping dramatically from 43 percent in July 2022 to only 5 percent this month.

Dollar and fuel shortages are regularly cited in the media. Bolivia’s main trade partners in South America have suffered their worst economic decade, while the gas field of the “Southern Sub-Andean basin” that have represented the greatest source of income and foreign reserves for decades are drying up. A new major basin was discovered but questions remain about its real size, profitability and the years it will take to begin production.

International reserves have also plummeted from $15 billion to $1.7 billion, and Bolivia’s public debt is among the fastest growing in the region. With nearly half of public spending going into servicing the debt, global capital is demanding deeper attacks on the limited social programs implemented by Morales when gas prices and production were booming. 

Most importantly, Bolivia has the world’s largest known reserves of lithium, a key ingredient for the batteries that go in electric vehicles and electronics. But a drop in global lithium prices, legislative hurdles and the massive investments needed have prevented production from really taking off. 

The Arce administration has responded to this systemic crisis by enforcing a pact with the main business groups, providing tax and credit incentives, further subsidies, government investments in chemical and other industries, and freedom for exporters and investors to take dollars out of the country. The president has proposed to “relax” regulations in the oil sector to let foreign firms own and exploit larger shares. The government has eroded environmental and other regulatory obstacles to mining and selling gold, whose prices and production have continued to increase.

Regarding lithium, Arce signed an investment deal with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow last June to develop the processing of the mineral, while it has negotiated several mining concessions with Chinese companies. The projects are merely in their pilot phase, however.

The current context presents enormous dangers for workers in Bolivia.

Time and again across Latin America the revolutionary struggles of the working class have been blocked from taking power by leaderships who backed one or another section of the ruling class as more “democratic” or “progressive.” This opened the doors for imperialist-backed fascist coups and regimes that have then crushed the workers movement and left-wing organizations. 

In 1971, the Pabloite Revolutionary Workers Party (POR), which had mass influence in the working class, including in the mining unions, played the most important role in collaboration with the Stalinists in carrying out the most significant betrayal of Bolivian workers. It provided political support for the bourgeois nationalist dictator J.J. Torres and his Popular Assembly, suggesting they could be pressured to fight imperialism. POR leader Guillermo Lora then placed hopes that Torres would arm workers against the threat of the far right, facilitating the coup of fascistic Col. Hugo Banzer Suárez, which launched a regime of mass torture, kidnappings and killings of leftists at the behest of imperialism and the local oligarchy. 

The internecine war between Arce and Morales and the efforts of the union bureaucracy and its Pabloite and Morenoite apologists to promote illusions in the national bourgeoisie threatens to become another catastrophic exercise in politically disarming the working class.

Austria’s far-right Freedom Party wins parliamentary election

Peter Schwarz


The result of last Sunday’s Austrian parliamentary elections followed the same pattern as the elections in Italy in 2022, the Netherlands in 2023, and the German states of Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg in 2024.

Herbert Kickl, leader of the Freedom Party of Austria, in Vienna, Austria, Sunday, Sept. 29, 2024, after polls closed in the country's national election. [AP Photo/Andreea Alexandru]

The widespread opposition to the war in Ukraine, falling real wages and social cuts led to a dramatic decline in support for the established parties. Since the trade unions suppress the class struggle and all established parties have adopted the fascist refugee policy of the extreme right, the latter were able to gain ground. Their electoral success is not the result of a right-wing mass movement, but of the rightward shift of the ruling elites.

Five years after being kicked out of the government because of the Ibiza scandal, the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) became the strongest party on Sunday with 29.2 percent of the vote. Compared to the 2019 election, the FPÖ gained 13 percentage points. It performed particularly strongly in rural regions and among the generation of 35- to 59-year-olds. Among workers, it scored 50 percent.

The FPÖ has moved further to the right under its new leader Herbert Kickl. The 55-year-old former student of politics and philosophy is close to identitarians who advocate biologically justified racism. He placed the battle cry of “remigration” at the centre of his election campaign and called for the mass deportation of foreigners. The FPÖ election programme was named “Fortress Austria, Fortress of Freedom.” It argued that asylum applications should no longer be approved in Austria at all.

Kickl presented himself as the future “People’s Chancellor”—an allusion to Adolf Hitler—and railed against the “system parties” and against COVID public health measures. At the same time, he opposed further support for Ukraine in the war against Russia.

Kickl has been working for the FPÖ for 30 years and served as a speechwriter and adviser to Jörg Haider, under whom the party swung sharply to the right. From 2017 to 2019, he was Austrian minister of the interior under Chancellor Sebastian Kurz (Austrian People’s Party, ÖVP) and made a name for himself with draconian deportations, the rearmament of the police and several scandals.

The ÖVP and the Greens, who have ruled Austria together since the beginning of 2020, suffered record losses on Sunday. The ÖVP fell from 37.5 to 26.5 percent, the Greens from 13.9 to 8 percent.

The main reasons include the high real wage losses and rising poverty due to war-related inflation. Austria has experienced one of the highest inflation rates in Europe in recent years, with prices for rents, food and energy skyrocketing, in particular, putting significant strain on low-income families. In 2023, one in five children in Austria was considered at risk of poverty.

A year ago, a video was published in which Federal Chancellor Karl Nehammer (ÖVP) mocked poor families and mothers who work part-time. He advised them to work more and eat at McDonald’s. Although this is not healthy, it is “the cheapest hot meal” you can get in Austria, he asserted. The ÖVP defended his statement.

After the FPÖ left the Federal Government, Nehammer took over the Ministry of the Interior from Kickl in 2020 and continued his rigorous deportation policy. At the end of 2021, he then succeeded Sebastian Kurz as chancellor. In the recent election campaign, Nehammer continued to agitate against refugees.

The Greens under Vice-Chancellor Werner Kogler, a close confidant of German Economy Minister Robert Habeck, have fully supported the right-wing course of the ÖVP on both the social and refugee issues. 

The Social Democrats (SPÖ), who have held the position of chancellor for 40 years since 1970, achieved the worst election result in their history with 21 percent. Their last chancellor, the business manager Christian Kern, who was voted out in 2017, pursued a brutal austerity policy and drew close to the FPÖ.

In Sunday’s election, the SPÖ ran with Andreas Babler as its lead candidate. The mayor of a small town with 20,000 inhabitants surprisingly replaced Pamela Rendi-Wagner at the head of the SPÖ in the summer of 2023 with a “left” party conference speech. Babler refers to Bruno Kreisky, who opened the era of social democratic chancellors in 1970. During the election campaign, he promised measures against child poverty, a wealth tax for the rich, shorter working hours and easier access to specialist doctors.

But voters were not fooled by the leftist rhetoric. They have long experience with the anti-worker policies of the SPÖ, which also sits in numerous state governments and local administrations, where it also cooperates with the FPÖ.

Forming a new government based on the election result will be difficult. So far, all parties have asserted that they oppose a coalition with the FPÖ under Kickl. However, the ÖVP has not ruled out such a coalition, provided Kickl renounces the chancellery. It would be the sixth such government since 1983, with the ÖVP, as the stronger party, always having nominated the chancellor. In three federal states, the ÖVP already governs together with the FPÖ. It is also possible that Nehammer’s party will replace him with a member who is willing to cooperate with Kickl.

A coalition of the ÖVP and the SPÖ would have a narrow majority of 93 deputies in the new parliament, one more than is necessary for an absolute majority. It would be a coalition of election losers that would immediately provoke enormous resistance. 

A coalition of the ÖVP, SPÖ and NEOS is also being discussed. The NEOS, an economically liberal party, which is mainly supported by younger urban voters from the middle class, gained 1 percent and reached 9 percent of the vote.