18 Dec 2024

UK Labour government announces thousands of job losses and public sector pay restraint

Robert Stevens


The Starmer Labour government has announced plans for pay restraint throughout the public sector and 10,000 job cuts in the civil service.

Ministers in charge of the education and health departments gave evidence to pay review bodies last week, stating that they would allow only a 2.8 percent increase in pay for the 2.5 million workers in those sectors for 2025-26. They make up around half the public sector workforce, setting a benchmark to hold down the pay of more than 5 million public employees.

Governments are not bound by review bodies’ recommendations. Chancellor Rachel Reeves was declaring over a year in advance of coming to office that if a pay review body proposed a pay deal higher than a Treasury she headed would support, then it could be ignored.

Following her speech in Parliament, UK Chancellor Rachel Reeves holds a press conference on "Fixing the Foundations" at HM Treasury, July 29, 2024 [Photo by Zara Farrar/No 10 Downing Street/Flickr / CC BY-NC-ND 2.0]

The announcement came amid reports that inflation was expected to fall to about 2.3 percent over the next year. But latest figures show it is on the rise: 1.7 percent in the year to September, 2.3 percent in the year to October and 2.6 percent in the year to November. The RPI measure of inflation is at 3.6 percent.

The effective pay cut and job losses are a down payment by the Treasury on far worse to come.

Earlier this month, Reeves and Treasury Chief Secretary Darren Jones launched a six-month “line by line” review of every penny of the UK’s £1.2 trillion of public spending. The Financial Times noted that the government is holding the purse strings so tightly that even the 2.8 percent pay offer is unfunded and would have to come from schools making “efficiencies”.

Announcing the review at a National Health Service hospital on December 10, Reeves said departments would be required to identify 5 percent “efficiency savings” for the coming years. The cuts this envisages—up to £60 billion—will require a further assault on jobs, pay and conditions.

Two days after the Treasury announcement, Cat Little, the head of the Cabinet Office, announced that 400 jobs will be slashed in the department responsible for the development and rollout of government policy. The department has, according to the Financial Times, citing annual headcount figures, a workforce of “6,315 full-time staff, with a further 1,045 attached to agencies this year.”

The 400 are only the first to go, with the FT noting, “Only about 3,500 roles in the department are considered ‘core; to its operations.”

Of the more than 500,000-strong civil service workforce, a Labour official told the FT, “There’s a general feeling that we can’t keep growing… The number of civil servants in the last few years has gone up and up . . . The reality is that departments are going to have to find a way of dealing with spending cuts.”

Sunak’s predecessor Rishi Sunak left office with a Conservative Party manifesto pledge to cut 66,000 jobs in the civil service, with Labour now taking on the task using language associated with the most right-wing section of the Tories.

In a speech earlier this month, Starmer went as far as to invoke the fascist US President-elect Donald Trump, who has described cutting government “bureaucracy” and spending as “draining the swamp”. The Labour leader commented, “I don’t think there is a swamp to be drained here”, before describing a civil service which wallowed in “managed decline” and attacking public sector workers whose productivity “is 2.6 percent lower than this time last year… 8.5 percent down compared with just before the pandemic”, which “wouldn’t be accepted in any other sector or walk of life.”

Defence Secretary John Healey, tasked with increasing the Ministry of Defence (MoD) budget to at least 2.5 percent of GDP (from 2.3) following a defence review to complete next spring, is reported to be planning huge cuts in its 56,800 civil service workforce. Questioned by Parliament’s Defence Select Committee last month, Healey said his department had to be “leaner” after complaining of the 2010-15 Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition, “Over the first five years, during that period of austerity, they cut defence by 18.8 percent in real terms.”

Defence Ministry permanent secretary David Williams told the same body that “a minimum” 10 percent reduction in the MoD workforce “over the lifetime of this Parliament is a good jumping-off point”, which could well rise as “we think through the opportunities in our productivity work and as we think through the recommendations” from the defence review.

Reeves’s October budget gave out a few billion in funding for departments on the verge of collapse, while ensuring that the increase in overall public spending was constrained to just 1.3 percent a year from 2026-27. This included £22 billion for the National Health Service—only enough for it to stand still and still conditional on productively increases initially set at 2 percent. NHS workers now face a further attack on their pay.

According to reports, the government is planning to slash civil service jobs via “voluntary schemes”—the preferred method of Labour’s partners in the trade union bureaucracy.

A study carried out by the GMB union in 2017 showed that almost one million public sector jobs were lost in just seven years under Tory government austerity as the sector’s headcount was reduced from 6.4 million to a 70-year low of 5.44 million. The vast majority were lost in local government, which has one of the highest rates of union membership, in deals between mainly Labour Party-run councils and the union bureaucracy.

Labour’s announcement for huge cuts in every department completely blows apart the deception practised by the union leaders, who claimed that if their members voted Starmer into office then years of cuts could be reversed by a government that would be “on their side”.

The Socialist Equality Party warned—in opposition to pseudo-left organisations who supported the election of Starmer’s Blairite cronies as a lesser evil—that Labour would carry out ruthless attacks on the working class to fund war in Ukraine and to enrich the oligarchs, and would do this in alliance with the union bureaucracy.

Workers should view with contempt the handwringing of the unions tops over Labour’s proposed civil service cuts and paltry pay deals.

Daniel Kebede, the general secretary of the National Education Union (NEU), hailed by the pseudo-left as a steadfast fighter for teachers, stated, “There are no efficiencies that can be made without further damaging education. Starmer will be the only Labour Prime Minister other than James Callaghan [in office from 1976 to 1979] to tell schools to make cuts.” Stating “this won’t do” as “NEU members fought to win the pay increases of 2023 and 2024” he said, “We are putting the government on notice”.

Who is he trying to kid? NEU members, along with millions of other workers, fought for pay rises to end years of pay cuts and freezes during the 2022-23 strike wave, but they were sold out by the unions who agreed a series of rotten pay agreements.

In the case of junior doctors and teachers, the British Medical Association and NEU did deals with the incoming Labour government to ensure it faced no industrial strife. The NEU ended the teachers’ dispute as Kabede hailed a 5.5 percent pay offer “as a first step in the major pay correction needed,” when it did nothing to address teachers’ historic loss of wages over two decades.

17 Dec 2024

Threats of deportation and agitation against Syrian refugees in Germany and across Europe

Katerina Selin


No sooner had the Islamist militias reached Damascus and overthrown the Assad regime earlier this month than the propaganda barrage against Syrian refugees began. Politicians and journalists are calling for their swift deportation to war-torn Syria and glorifying the Islamists of the HTS militia who have now taken power.

A Syrian refugee who immigrated to Germany due to the war condition in Syria works in a Syrian restaurant in Berlin, Tuesday, December 10, 2024. [AP Photo/Ebrahim Noroozi]

Authorities in Germany and numerous other European countries have suspended the asylum procedures of Syrian refugees until further notice—including Austria, Britain, Italy, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Croatia, Greece, Finland, Poland, the Netherlands and Switzerland.

Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war in 2011, which was instigated with the support of the NATO powers, hundreds of thousands of people have fled to seek protection in Europe. But only those who survived the dangerous escape routes and were not deported in illegal “pushbacks” made it to the European Union (EU) at all.

Today, almost 1 million Syrian refugees live in Germany, the largest Syrian diaspora in the EU. Over 47,000 asylum applications have now been suspended. This means that their protected status could be cancelled, and they are in acute danger of being deported or forced to “voluntarily” return.

Many Syrians have been living here for years, starting families, learning the language and working in all areas of society, from manufacturing to healthcare and hospitality.

According to a recent press release from the Federal Statistical Office on December 12, Syrian refugees made up the second largest group of all people seeking protection in 2023, after Ukrainians. On average, Syrian migrants have been living in Germany for eight years; most came with the wave of refugees in 2015.

If Syrian people were to be deported on a large scale or driven out of Germany by right-wing extremism, it would be a major blow for many areas of society, especially for the healthcare system. Almost 6,000 of them are doctors, making them the largest group of medical professionals among migrants, according to the Süddeutsche Zeitung. Rural hospitals in particular depend on immigrant doctors and nursing staff. Gerald Gass, director of the German Hospital Federation (DKG), has already warned of noticeable consequences for staffing levels.

Even children born in Germany would not be safe from deportation. While in the United States, birthright to citizenship applies to all people born in the country regardless of their parents’ origin, a right that Donald Trump now wants to abolish, Germany only has a limited birthright principle. According to the official requirements, “at least one parent must have had their usual place of residence in Germany for five years and have a permanent right of residence at the time of the birth.”

A large proportion of Syrian immigrants do not meet these criteria. Around 624,000 have been granted recognised protected status in Germany, but in 90 percent of cases this is only temporary. According to the Federal Statistical Office, 12 percent of Syrian asylum seekers were born in Germany. As “asylum seekers,” however, they are still foreigners, even though many of them have probably never set foot on Syrian soil.

Austria has not only put asylum procedures on hold but has also announced a “repatriation and deportation programme to Syria.” In an interview with broadcaster ARD, Chancellor Karl Nehammer claimed that the real reason for fleeing had now been ended. Around 7,300 asylum seekers are now at risk of deportation; family reunification has also been stopped for the time being. A total of around 100,000 Syrians live in Austria.

In France, where 45,000 Syrian refugees live, the interior ministry has so far stated that it is working on a suspension of asylum procedures. For many refugees, France is also a transit country to the UK. According to a report by the Tagesschau news programme, almost 2,900 Syrians fled across the English Channel in small boats between January and September this year. More than 30,000 people from Syria were granted asylum there between 2011 and 2021.

Britain has already stopped processing asylum applications. Speaking to the BBC, asylum seekers who have been waiting for a decision for more than a year said they were “depressed” and “horrified” that their procedures had been suspended. One of them is 36-year-old Hussam Kassas, who lives in Greater Manchester. He fled from Syria to Jordan in 2016 due to political persecution and from there to Turkey, where he obtained a study visa for the UK in 2023. But that expires next month, after which he will not be able to work or rent an apartment. His family’s situation is uncertain.

Many Syrians in Germany also do not want to return to Syria because they fear insecurity and violence there. “Nobody knows who will come to power next. Nobody knows what will happen now,” Jihad Omar, a Syrian Kurd, told the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. He fled to Germany with his wife Zahida and two small children in 2015, travelling by foot, bus and train via Turkey. They spent six months in refugee camps. Now both are employed, have learned German, and the children go to school and attend local sports clubs. Nevertheless, the family is not yet among the 143,000 Syrians who were naturalised in Germany in the years 2021 to 2023.

Khaled Homsi, 31, who fled to Germany in 2013 and is a member of the German-Arab cultural centre Daruna, is concerned about right-wing extremism. He says he has received a lot of support from the German population, but that the political situation in Germany is going in the “wrong direction.”

All the parties in the Bundestag (parliament) are now campaigning against refugees. Syrians and other migrants are being used as scapegoats for social problems that are actually caused by the social cuts and increased military spending which the coalition government has pursued.

The cynical and inhumane campaign for the deportation of Syrian refugees goes hand in hand with militarisation and rearmament. The propaganda for warmongering policies and the agitation against their victims are two sides of the same coin.

Most recently, Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock (Greens) and Interior Minister Nancy Faeser (Social Democrat, SPD) announced in the tabloid Bild am Sonntag that they would have “Assad supporters” fleeing Syria prosecuted. This is a clear threat: anyone who flees from the Islamist rulers and the ongoing violence of the war in Syria in the future will be branded as an “Assad supporter,” put on trial and deported.

All European governments are joining in the anti-immigrant chorus and have implemented similar attacks on Syrian refugees as Germany. Italy and Greece, the two Mediterranean countries through which most people flee to Europe, have also put asylum procedures for Syrians on hold.

In Greece, this affects almost 10,000 applications. Pavlos Marinakis, the spokesman for the government under the right-wing Nea Dimokratia (ND), said the change of power in Syria must lead to “an end to the flow of refugees from that country.”

In fact, the violence of the Islamists and the war offensive of the Israeli regime, with the help of the NATO powers, will drive even more people in the Middle East to flee. When Marinakis speaks of “ending the flow of refugees,” his government and the other EU states are concerned with preventing these people from fleeing to Europe by any means necessary.

That is why they are pushing ahead with the expansion of Fortress Europe, locking up refugees in isolated concentration camps and criminalising sea rescues and other activities of aid organisations. The Italian government under fascist Giorgia Meloni has drastically tightened legislation against sea rescuers, forcing Doctors Without Borders to withdraw its large rescue ship Geo Barents from Italy.

The Mediterranean has been transformed into a gigantic cemetery over the last 10 years. In the summer of 2023, more than 600 people drowned in the Pylos shipwreck, caused by a pushback attempt by the Greek coast guard. This year, according to UN figures, 1,536 people have already died or gone missing in the Mediterranean.

In the last three weeks alone, five boats have been in distress off the coast of Greek islands and dozens of refugees have drowned. Just on Saturday, three boat accidents occurred off the small island of Gavdos, south of Crete. Five dead were recovered and 39 people, mostly Pakistani men, were rescued from the largest shipwreck of an overcrowded wooden boat. According to reports cited by Euronews, there could have been 80 refugees on board, which would put the death toll at over 40.

Like the first one, the other two boats came from Libya. 47 people were rescued from one of them and 88 from the other. Among the survivors were refugees from Egypt, Syria, Sudan and Bangladesh.

On November 20, six minors and two women died in a shipwreck off the island of Samos, while 39 were rescued. A few days later, on November 28, another boat capsized off Samos. Two children were among the four dead; 16 people were rescued.

Equally tragic scenes are also playing out off the Italian coast. On Wednesday last week, an 11-year-old girl from Sierra Leone was found drifting in the Mediterranean. For three days, she had clung to two truck tyres on the high seas until she was spotted and rescued by chance 10 nautical miles off Lampedusa. She is the only survivor of the capsized refugee boat; her brother did not make it.

“We set off from Sfax in Tunisia three days ago. There were 45 of us on the iron boat, and my brother was among them. In the middle of the sea, we were caught in a storm with high waves. The boat filled with water and sank,” she told the volunteers of the non-governmental organisation CompassCollective. The old truck tyres that were on board served as makeshift life rings.

“For a while there were three of us. We were floating in the sea close together, clinging to the inflated tyres. We prayed and tried to keep each other’s spirits up, but suddenly I couldn’t see them anymore. From that point on, I was alone,” the girl continued. Her father, who stayed behind in the Tunisian coastal city of Sfax, had paid for her and her brother to make the crossing so that they could have a better future.

More than 30,000 dead and missing in the Mediterranean in the last 10 years—that is the official number of victims according to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM). The escalation of war and genocide in the Middle East and the sealing off of Fortress Europe will further increase the number of refugees who embark on the deadly journey to Europe.

All parties back war and cuts as German Chancellor Scholz loses confidence vote

Peter Schwarz


On Monday, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz asked the Bundestag for a vote of confidence and, as expected, lost. Only the 207 Social Democratic Party (SPD) deputies expressed confidence in him, while the 116 from the Greens abstained and the 394 remaining members voted against Scholz.

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz [Photo by DBT / Thomas Köhler / photothek ]

Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier can thus dissolve the Bundestag prematurely and set new elections for February 23. This schedule was previously agreed to between Steinmeier, Scholz and the established parties. Scholz will remain in office until his successor is elected by the new Bundestag.

In the debate before the vote, Scholz explained that with the early election, voters could determine the course of future politics: “In the election, you decide how we answer the big questions that lie ahead.”

Nothing could be further from the truth. The early election does not serve to let voters decide on the big issues of the future, but to bring a government into power that is stable enough to enforce highly unpopular measures—social cuts, mass layoffs, lower wages and longer working hours, the deportation of migrants, more rearmament and a further escalation of war.

All established parties agree on these issues. The heat of the debate was in inverse proportion to the differences in content. The speakers heaped accusations on each other, but agreed to continue supporting Ukraine in the war against Russia, to arm the Bundeswehr (German Armed Forces) more, to deport more migrants and to offload the consequences of the economic crisis onto the working class.

While berating each other, they simultaneously invoked “respect” and “compromise” because they all know they will continue to work closely together even after the election. Meanwhile, they are so hated by the population that they will be satisfied if the result is enough for a coalition capable of achieving a majority.

Especially in the SPD and the conservative Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU), many are hoping for a new edition of the Grand Coalition. To achieve this, however, other parties would have to miss the 5 percent hurdle for parliamentary representation. The CDU/CSU currently stands at 32 percent in the polls and the SPD at 16 percent. A coalition of the two would no longer be “grand,” but could at best count on half of the MPs. Among the Greens, many are hoping for a government alliance with the CDU. And the Free Democratic Party (FDP) is already acting as a junior partner of the CDU/CSU.

Robert Habeck, Minister of Economic Affairs and lead candidate of the Greens, called on all parties to join forces in the name of Germany’s geopolitical interests. “The world continues to turn, and it often turns against Germany,” he said. That is why the Greens have done everything to ensure that the government coalition remains in place and have made compromises “for three years up to and including self-denial.” Germany cannot afford self-reflection, he added.

The agreement of all parties on the war course was clearest of all. “Germany is Ukraine’s biggest supporter in Europe. I want it to stay that way,” Scholz explained to the applause of the SPD and the Greens. During his trip to Kiev, he therefore told President Zelensky: “You can rely on Germany.”

CDU lead candidate Friedrich Merz demanded even more. He wanted to supply Ukraine with Taurus missiles and reminded Scholz that in February 2022, he announced a “new era” and decided on a €100 billion special fund for the Bundeswehr, which the CDU/CSU supported. But nothing remained of the new era, he continued. Instead of investing at least 2 percent in the Bundeswehr at the same time, he financed the Bundeswehr’s ongoing operation from the special fund.

Both Merz and FDP leader Christian Lindner, the finance minister fired in November, called for massive social cuts to finance war spending.

“We oppose the stagnation and redistribution of social democratic and green economic policy with an economic policy committed to performance and competitiveness,” said Merz. This path will not be easy. Working hours in Germany are far too low, he asserted. As a positive example, he cited Switzerland, where 200 more hours are worked per year. “We all have to work more, we all have to try harder,” he added. Merz wants to abolish the Citizen’s Benefit, because “incentives to return to the labour market” are needed.

Lindner accused Scholz of rejecting the “necessary reorientation of economic and fiscal policy.” He does not want to make billions in investments, but spend it on a policy of redistribution, Lindner claimed. He wanted to lift the debt brake so that he could redistribute more.

Like Merz, Lindner also called for a reform of Citizen’s Benefit in order to “mobilise the labour market.” By lowering the standard rate and flat-rate accommodation costs, a lot of money can be gained to reduce taxes. On the other hand, he described the “debate about higher taxes for the upper so many percent or the billionaires” as an “attempt to campaign with envy.”

According to Lindner, the decisive decision in the Bundestag election was: “Does this country want a redistribution policy on request? Or do the citizens realize that an upswing must be worked for by all of us.”

The attempt to portray the SPD as a party of social redistribution is absurd. There is no other party that has contributed as much to the spread of poverty as the SPD—first with the Hartz laws of the Schröder government, then with the raising of the retirement age to 67 and numerous other “reforms” for which social democratic labour ministers were responsible.

Social inequality has also grown under Chancellor Scholz. The DAX stock exchange has broken through the 20,000-point threshold for the first time and is thus around 5,000 points higher than when Scholz took office. There are now 249 billionaires and 3,000 people living in Germany who own over $100 million. On the other hand, more than one in five is at risk of poverty or social exclusion.

For workers, young people and pensioners, there is no alternative and no lesser evil among the established parties in the upcoming federal election. The Left Party also supports the war course and organizes social attacks at the state level. Only months after its foundation in Thuringia and Brandenburg, the BSW (Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance) also entered into coalitions of austerity with the pro-war parties.

In the state of Saxony, a state government could work with the right-wing extremist AfD (Alternative for Germany) for the first time on individual projects to enforce the policy of war and cuts against the enormous opposition in the population. In the Bundestag debate, representatives of the government and opposition already adopted the AfD’s refugee policy wholesale and drummed up support for mass deportations.

Regardless of which of the parties form a coalition with each other after February 23, the new government will impose an extreme right-wing policy. Just as Donald Trump heralds the direct rule of the financial oligarchy in the US, here too the last remnants of the welfare state are to be smashed and Germany geared towards war and trade war. The reason for this is the deep, international crisis of the capitalist system.

Macron names new French minority government based on New Popular Front support

Alex Lantier


President Emmanuel Macron on Friday named his longstanding parliamentary ally, François Bayrou, to head a new minority government. This comes after Prime Minister Michel Barnier’s minority government fell when its 2025 draft budget was censured. Yesterday, the divided National Assembly passed an emergency budget resolution continuing the 2024 budget until a majority can be found to pass the 2025 budget.

The naming of Bayrou does not resolve the impasse facing the French political establishment, rooted in mass popular opposition to Macron’s policies of austerity and war. Despite weeks of talks, Macron failed to rally any new parties in the Assembly to join his government and support Bayrou. Polls found that only 31 percent of the French population believes Bayrou’s nomination is “a good thing,” and 73 percent believe he will continue the previous government’s policies.

Outgoing French Prime Minister Michel Barnier, left, welcomes newly named Prime Minister François Bayrou at the Prime Minister residence, December 13, 2024 in Paris [AP Photo/Christophe Ena]

The New Popular Front (NFP) led by Jean-Luc Mélenchon has emerged as the main new source of support for Macron. While Mélenchon’s own France Unbowed (LFI) party is still threatening to censure the Bayrou government, the rest of the NFP is supporting Bayrou from outside his government. The big business Socialist Party (PS), backed by the Greens and the Stalinist French Communist Party (PCF), offered a pledge not to censure the government as long as it does not try to impose its budget via a confidence motion without a parliamentary vote.

It is the bankrupt policy of Mélenchon and LFI, propping up the the longstanding parties of bourgeois government around the PS, that allows the ruling class to constantly shift official politics to the right. By publicly supporting Macron, the NFP is handing the mantle of parliamentary opposition to Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN).

The air of crisis and disorientation inside Macron’s coalition is unmistakable. When Macron initially called Bayrou into the Elysée palace on Friday morning, it was to explain to him why Macron would not nominate him as prime minister. According to various reports, Macron proposed to name close supporters such as Roland Lescure, the parliamentary representative of French people in North America, or Defense Minister Sébastien Lecornu as prime minister.

After an explosive, one-hour meeting during which Bayrou reportedly threatened to withdraw his Democratic Movement (MoDem) party from Macron’s coalition, Bayrou left the Elysée without the prime ministerial nomination. Fifteen minutes later, Macron called him back to the Elysée and told him he would be prime minister.

As Macron’s influence fades, the main forces gaining strength are on the far right. Le Pen has refused to promise that the RN will not censure Macron’s next government and is posing as the sole credible parliamentary alternative to the corrupt allies of Macron.

“Observing the display of mediocrity and debasement of our political opponents, I in no way regret this decision” to bring down Macron’s previous government, Le Pen said at a meeting yesterday in the town of Etrépagny in Normandy. “In ten days, all these parties of hypocrites have turned into a genuine one-party regime… which was already an unnatural electoral alliance,” she continued, mocking them as “willing to do anything to grab ministerial posts.”

If Le Pen can pose as the sole opposition to Macron, this is above all due to the bankruptcy of the forces that capitalist media falsely promote as the “left.” Though the PS did not dare openly join the government, and LFI is impotently threatening to send a motion to censure the government that it is too weak to pass through the Assembly by itself , the NFP is clearly backing Macron.

While PS secretary Olivier Faure offered Macron a pledge not to censure the government as long as a PS official was named prime minister, LFI is now mouthing empty threats against Bayrou. Mélenchon tweeted, “Mr Bayrou’s government is not viable. His group has even fewer deputies than Barnier before it. We will ask him to submit to a no confidence motion. If he refuses, we will manifest our lack of confidence by placing a censure motion.”

Mélenchon’s parliamentary word-juggling, rejecting any mobilization of workers in struggle, is a dead end. Mélenchon won 8 million votes in the 2022 presidential elections, concentrated in the urban working class, and the NFP has the support of all France’s union bureaucracies. Nevertheless, these organizations have never called on the working class to bring down Macron, even during last year’s pension struggles, when two-thirds of the French people wanted a general strike to block Macron’s wildly unpopular pension cuts.

Instead, Mélenchon focused his efforts on reviving the parties of the old Plural Left governments of the 1980s and 1990s—the PS, the PCF, and the Greens—which had disintegrated in the 2022 elections. It is clear that these long-standing parties of capitalist government, whose candidates ran in the last years with the endorsement of Mélenchon, are utterly hostile to the working class and to mobilizing it against the Bayrou government.

As he went in for talks with Macron, PCF chairman Fabien Roussel said the NFP “will not insist on the enacting of its entire election program.” Roussel made clear that, by this, he did not mean the NFP program’s support for sending French troops to Ukraine or further funding for military police and intelligence units. Rather, this meant that the NFP was ready to support austerity against the workers.

Roussel dropped the NFP program’s demand to abrogate Macron’s pension cuts, saying it would “place the matter in the hands of the social partners,” that is, the union bureaucracies’ talks with the Macron government and the employers’ federations.

Green party leader Marine Tondelier made clear that the NFP was seeking to get closer to Macron. “Each must make a step towards the other,” she declared during her meetings with Macron at the Elysée palace. She added that the NFP strategy was to convince Macron to drop the de facto alliance with the neo-fascist RN that he formed at the beginning of the Barnier government and instead rely on the support of the NFP.

“The solution would no longer be an agreement with the National Rally,” Tondelier told the media about her meetings with Macron last week. “He was very clear that the National Rally, for him, is not within the perimeter of parties that want to talk.”

This raises the question: what is it about the NFP that makes it compatible with a president who is himself compatible with the neo-fascists? And how can the working class stop the capitalist agenda of military-police escalation, attacks on democratic rights and deep austerity defended by Macron and the NFP? Indeed, it is all too clear that a situation where the RN is allowed to posture as the sole viable opposition to an anti-worker all-party regime is pregnant with the threat of far-right dictatorship.

The policies of what the capitalist media promote as the “left” will, in any case, only further disgust and embitter broad masses of workers. This was evident in the radio interview given by former 1997-2002 Plural Left government Prime Minister Lionel Jospin to France Inter, endorsing the PS policy of supporting Macron from the outside. Jospin said, “The socialists, the communists and the ecologists, considering that they had not been called upon by the president to form the government, decided to remain in the opposition. They are in opposition, and they must remain there.”

While the PS, PCF and Greens publicly declare themselves to be opposition parties, Jospin added, “at the same time they must contribute to making sure that this government, whose choices it does not share, will last.”

The political dishonesty of Jospin’s statement is self-evident. While loudly proclaiming that the PS and its allies are opposition parties that do not support Macron’s unpopular policies, it calls to make sure that this government remains in power so it can push through its agenda of imperialist war abroad and class war at home.

16 Dec 2024

Grist Fellowship Program 2025

Application Deadline:

The application deadline is January 21, 2025.

Tell Me About The Grist Fellowship Program 2025 For Journalists:

The Grist Fellowship Program is a paid, year-long opportunity for early-career journalists to develop their skills at a national news outlet while deepening their understanding of environmental issues. Designed to equip fellows with real-world experience, hands-on training, and access to leading sustainability thinkers, the program prepares participants to thrive in climate and environmental media. Past fellows have advanced to prominent outlets like The Atlantic, Politico, and The Verge. Opportunities are open for three different positions:

Which Fields are Eligible?

Journalism 

Type:

Fellowship 

Who can Grist Fellowship Program 2025 For Journalists?

Furthermore, to be eligible, you must meet the following criteria:

  • Early-career journalists, including those new to climate journalism, freelancers, recent graduates, or scientists with strong writing skills and content knowledge.
  • A four-year degree or equivalent professional experience.
  • Passion for climate and environmental journalism, focusing on science, politics, or policy.
  • Strong understanding of Grist’s brand and writing style.
  • Proven skills in research, reporting, and meeting deadlines.
  • Ability to commit full-time for 12 months.
  • Must be legally authorized to work in the U.S. and reside there during the fellowship.
  • Available to work during standard U.S. time zone hours.

Which Countries Are Eligible?

All countries 

Where will the Award be Taken?

USA

How Many Awards?

Not specified

What is the Benefit of the Grist Fellowship Program 2025 For Journalists?

Also, the fellowship opportunity comes with the following benefits:

  • Medical, dental, and vision premiums are paid 100% for Employees and 85% for Dependent premiums
  • Employer-paid Basic Life, ADD, Travel Assistance, STD/LTD, EAPs
  • Voluntary Insurance includes Health, Dependent, and Transit FSA, Life/ADD, Critical Illness and Accident Insurance
  • Traditional and Roth 401k with matching (vested immediately)
  • New Employee Remote Office Set-up reimbursement
  • Monthly WiFi Stipend
  • Alternative Transportation Reimbursement
  • Fifteen paid holidays per year (which includes office closure between Dec 25 and Jan 1) plus five floating holidays and 3 summer days
  • Generous paid leave including medical and family leave, parental leave, abortion leave, sabbatical leave, and many other paid and unpaid leave programs
  • Annual in-person all-staff retreat (subject to pandemic conditions)
  • Flexible work options

How Long Will the Award Last?

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US-sponsored war of regime change devastates Syria

Jean Shaoul


Thirteen years after the Obama administration, along with its regional allies, began its relentless campaign to topple the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad using Islamist proxy forces, the al-Qaeda-linked Hayat al-Sham (HTS) has taken Damascus.

Syria now faces a reactionary, imperialist-led carve up as the US, Turkey and Israel each pursue their own interests in the country.

A masked fighter carries a flag of the Al-Qaeda linked Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in the courtyard of the Umayyad Mosque in the old walled city of Damascus, Syria, on Tuesday. (AP Photo/Hussein Malla)

Washington and the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) have carried out hundreds of aerial strikes to destroy the military bases and weaponry of Syria and its allies, including those of Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia. Turkey-backed Syrian opposition groups seized Manbij and other towns in northern Syria from US-backed Syrian Kurdish Forces (SDF), while the SDF took control of Deir al-Zur and its oil installations on the western bank of the Euphrates—only for the jihadists to drive them back just days later. Israel took over the security zone on Syria’s Golan Heights and adjacent territory in breach of international law. Washington has emphasised the US’s commitment to defeating ISIS that has carried out attacks on the SDF in eastern Syria—a signal that it will continue its efforts to gain control over the war-torn country.

The prospect of renewed fighting and the dismemberment of the country comes atop the deadliest conflict of the 21st century.

Washington utilised the Syrian regime’s lethal suppression of anti-government protests over declining social and economic conditions, even as the rich grew richer, in several cities in March 2011, as in Libya before it, as the pretext for a large-scale operation in pursuit of its geostrategic interests—against a regime it had long opposed.

In a chorus of moral outrage, the United Nations, the US and the European Union all condemned Syria’s crackdown while issuing only pro-forma criticisms of far worse repression in allied states Bahrain and Yemen, amid the broader upsurge of the working class in the region that became known as the Arab Spring.

The CIA and Washington’s regional allies—the Gulf petro-monarchs, Turkey and Israel—financed, sponsored, trained and aided a succession of Islamist militias as their proxies to carry out the task of unseating Assad. These Sunni sectarian forces, some of whom like al-Nusra Front were linked to al-Qaeda, were ludicrously hailed as “revolutionaries.”

A plethora of pseudo-left groups rushed to promote these forces as “revolutionaries.” They made no attempt to explain who these “revolutionaries” were—in many cases discredited former regime figures. They ignored the class forces involved. They did not bother to describe their political programme, or to explain why feudal Gulf despots who outlaw all opposition to their rule at home would support a progressive revolution abroad—let alone with the support of the imperialist powers. The vast scale of the funding for these reactionary forces, through CIA programs that later became public such as Operation Timber Sycamore, emerged years later. These pseudo-left groups are now embracing the Assad regime’s downfall at the hands of these Islamist reactionaries in alliance with the financiers and perpetrators of the genocide in Gaza.

They backed a war in which nearly 500,000 people lost their lives, nearly half of all the conflict-related deaths worldwide over the same period. While the scale of the conflict abated after Russia and Iran’s intervention on the side of the Syrian regime, intense fighting has continued in the northern and eastern parts of the country. In the first 10 months of last year, more than 450 civilians were killed in the conflict.

The war decimated the two main pillars of the economy, oil and agriculture. While small compared to other Middle East countries, oil exports accounted for about a quarter of government revenue in 2010 while food production contributed a similar amount to GDP. The government lost control of most of its oil fields to rebel groups, including ISIS and later the US-backed Kurdish forces. International sanctions in 2011 severely restricted the export of oil, with output down to less than 9,000 barrels per day (from 380,000 bpd in 2010) in regime-controlled areas last year. Syria became heavily reliant on imports from Iran. This is likely to be curtailed now that the US-backed forces have seized control of the Bukamul crossing into Iraq. Electricity has long been in short supply, with power cuts most of the day. It means that families have no working refrigerators and must get up at 2am to use their washing machines.

The war laid waste to Syria’s cities and infrastructure, its agricultural system and irrigation networks, and left a deadly legacy of unexploded artillery shells, mines, cluster bomblets and other munitions on farmland, roadsides and in buildings. Once a lower middle-income country positioned 68th in the global GDP rankings of 196 countries in 2011, Syria has lost more than half of its GDP since 2010 and fallen to 129th place, on a par with the Palestinian Territories and Chad. It now ranks as a low-income country where families struggle to put food on the table.

Around 5 million of the country’s 21 million population have left the country. A further 7 million, one third of the population, are internally displaced within Syria, many of whom live in overcrowded camps and have lost their civil, land and property documentation. Around 30 percent of households have an absent member due to death or the migration of young men in the 20-40-year age group.

The migration of some of Syria’s most skilled people has left the country with reduced public services, particularly in water, sanitation and health, putting the health of more and more people at risk. Syria is currently dealing with an active cholera outbreak. Recurrent disease outbreaks, waterborne diseases, vaccine shortages and food shortages are contributing to rising malnutrition rates.

With much of the country’s productive facilities destroyed in the war, most people now work in the informal sector, on low rates of pay. As the government withdrew the limited subsidies available for fuel and food, families became increasingly reliant on remittances from family members working abroad. At the same time, as wages have fallen, the wealth and income of the rich has grown.

While extreme poverty was virtually non-existent in 2010, by 2022 it affected more than 25 percent of Syrians, 5.7 million people. Based on the international poverty line, about 16.7 million people—70 percent of the population—are in poverty. More than 50 percent of the extremely poor live in the Aleppo, Hama and Deir el-Zur governorates and the north eastern governorates have the highest levels of poverty.

Housing in Damascus in 2010

The primary responsibility for the terrible conditions across Syria rests with US imperialism and its European counterparts that have sought to starve Syria into submission.

While Assad, aided by Iran and Russia and its regional allies, regained control of much of the country, economic and social conditions failed to improve as the first Trump administration sought to bankrupt Syria—imposing bilateral and secondary sanctions in 2020 targeting its banking sector and choking its export industries and businesses.

The US, via its control over multilateral financial institutions, also engineered the collapse in 2019 of Lebanon’s economy with which Syria is inextricably linked, to tighten the noose around Damascus. Together, these measures drastically increased the demand for dollars, led to a massive rise in the cost of living and prevented any aid to help with Syria’s reconstruction. The COVID pandemic and the rising cost of wheat due to the US/NATO-led war against Russia in Ukraine further increased poverty in the country.

The devastating February earthquakes that hit Turkey and Syria intensified Syria’s socio-economic crisis, killing more than 6,000, destroying some 10,000 buildings and leaving about 265,000 people homeless. The earthquakes caused more than $5 billion in direct physical damage in Syria and a 5.5 percent contraction in its GDP, already down from $67 billion in 2011 to $12 billion in 2022, according to the World Bank. They deprived many families of their main breadwinner, making millions of people dependent upon humanitarian aid.

People remove their furniture and household appliances out of a collapsed building following a devastating earthquake in the town of Jinderis, Aleppo province, Syria, Tuesday, Feb. 14, 2023. [AP Photo/Ghaith Alsayed]

Public sector wages fell precipitously, forcing workers to take on second jobs and destroying whatever support remained for the Assad regime. Last year saw strikes and demonstrations break out in Suwayda, Dara’a and Idlib over deteriorating conditions.

While the Arab League readmitted Assad after suspending him at the start of the proxy war and the Gulf states re-established relations with Damascus, this did not result in either investment or significant aid, undermining the Assad regime’s last chance of surviving.

The economy is now in freefall. Between February and November 2023, the Syrian pound lost half its value against the US dollar, pushing up inflation by a massive 88 percent, double the previous year’s inflation rate, according to the World Food Programme, due to reduced access to goods, disrupted supply chains and higher distribution costs. The Syrian Center for Policy Research said more than half of Syrians were living in abject poverty, unable to secure basic food needs.

The UN asked for $4.07 billion to fund its response inside Syria this year and has thus far received only 31.6 percent of it.

The World Bank’s report published last spring expected Syria’s protracted economic contraction to persist in 2024, with a further 1.5 percent decline, assuming the conflict was largely contained, with government subsidies for food and fuel declining. This truly desperate situation is set to get worse as the rival groups and their backers carve up the country.

Average house in England only affordable for the richest 10 percent of households

Thomas Scripps


The average house in England is affordable for only the richest 10 percent of households according to the Office for National Statistics, using the traditional affordability measure of five times a household’s annual disposable income.

It would take the average household eight-and-a-half years of total disposable income (£35,000 a year) to afford the average-priced home of £298,000. This is double the ratio of 1999.

North London suburban housing, London Borough of Enfield [Photo by Alan Hughes / CC BY-SA 2.0]

The ratios are better in Wales—where the average house is considered affordable for the top 30 percent of households—and Scotland—the top 40 percent—but only in Northern Ireland is the average house considered affordable to the average household.

London, as always, is yet further removed from reality: essentially a fortress, inaccessible to almost anyone without significant family wealth. It is not even enough to be in the richest 10 percent of local households (average annual disposable income: £89,901) for the average house price in the city of £530,000 to be considered affordable. This is over 14 times the average household disposable income.

To emphasise, these are the ratios for an entire household’s entire disposable income (income after tax and benefits payments) in a year. The real meaning of these figures is that getting a mortgage on a house is an impossibility for swathes of the working class. Home ownership rates are falling, from 71 percent to 65 percent.

Sky-high house prices are matched by rents. The average yearly cost to rent in the UK is now £15,240—an increase of 27 percent since 2021. This is expected to rise by another 4 percent next year. According to the latest English Housing Survey, covering 2022-3, private renters already spend roughly a third of their income on housing costs—rising to 59 percent for the poorest fifth of the population.

In London, the average annual rent is £25,452, with the average renting household in the capital handing over 40 percent of their earnings to their landlord.

This is being paid for the oldest housing stock in Europe, with 38 percent of UK properties built before 1946. Over 3.5 million properties (15 percent of all homes) are classed as non-decent, falling below minimum standards of repair, warmth and modern facilities. More than 2 million have at least one Category One hazard and one million severe damp. For renters, average floor space has shrunk by 16 percent in the last two decades.

The social implications are terrible. Young people are locked out of whole regions of the country or from starting their own families. In 1995, 57 percent of 25–34-year-olds were homeowners, according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies; the figure in 2022 was 39 percent, meaning a growing proportion are living at home with their parents.

Parents are also relied upon to fund their children’s first steps towards buying a house, embedding inequalities in property ownership. Aside from any other financial assistance, inheritance is predicted to account for 16 percent of the average millennial’s lifetime earning—up from 9 percent for Gen X. But while the top fifth will see their incomes lifted by 29 percent, the bottom fifth will gain just 5 percent.

Wealthier areas with the best jobs, schools and transport links are off limits for the bulk of the working class. Living within 500 metres of a station in London will cost an extra 10 percent (£53,000 using the average house price), or 4.3 percent (£22,790) to live within a kilometre. Anything from an extra 3 percent extra can be paid for a good school catchment area, up to 26 percent for those considered the best.

According to the Institute for Fiscal Studies, parental earnings now much more strongly correlate with the incomes of children born after 1970 than they did for previous generations, with inheritance a major driver.

For those at the bottom, worries about meeting the rent or the mortgage hang over every day of their lives. Britain has by far the highest rate of homelessness in the developed world—a shocking one in every 200 households—with the number of people living in temporary accommodation more than doubling to 112,000 between 2010 and 2023.

This is not a natural calamity, but the result of exploitation on a gigantic scale—as Karl Marx described it, “One section of society here demands a tribute from the other for the very right to live on the earth.”  Nick Bano explains well in his book Against Landlords that the twin engines of this process are a legal system designed to virtually guarantee rising rents for landlords, and the investments of the ultra-wealthy in the endlessly lucrative housing market created.

Margaret Thatcher’s Right to Buy scheme took two million houses out of council ownership and put them on the market—40 percent are now being rented out privately. Rates of actually affordable social housing building have been falling ever since. The UK has 1.8 million fewer households in social housing than in 1980.

The introduction of the Assured Shorthold Tenancy in 1988, and its being made the default contract in 1996—lowering the length of tenancies and allowing for easy and rapid evictions—gave landlords enormous power to ratchet rents. In Bano’s words, “The state has now adopted the practices of the twentieth century’s most notorious landlords”.

The final piece of the puzzle is housing benefit in its various incarnations, which has acted as an enormous state subsidy to landlords charging more than their tenants can afford, setting a steadily rising floor of minimum private rents. In effect, the working class pays taxes to subsidise the landlords and the process which ensures workers’ rents keep rising. The government funded roughly a third of the nation’s rent bill in this way in 2022.

Quoting Bano: “When rents rise that reliably, they are translated into every-growing prices of residential land. By this mechanism—a direct consequence of the Thatcherite system of government-backed price increases in the private rented sector—housing since the late 1980s has become an incomparably secure and fruitful form of investment.”

As a result, house prices have increased more than fourteenfold since 1979, while wages have climbed just eightfold—both in nominal terms—taking the average household spend on housing costs from 9 percent in 1957 to today’s astronomical figures.

The process went uninterrupted during the Labour governments of Blair and Brown, with an average real-terms increase in property prices of 173 percent between 1997 and 2007, and 253 percent in London. Meanwhile, real wages for 25–34-year-olds increased by just 19 percent.

Crippling costs for the working class are a feeding frenzy for landlords, banks and corporations.

Tenants in the UK paid a record £85.6 billion in rent in 2023, after the biggest jump on record (£8 billion) over the previous twelve months. The total is more than double the £40.3 billion paid in 2010. Mortgage owners are paying interest on outstanding residential mortgage loans worth £1.6 trillion.

Research from Sheffield Hallam University shows the eight largest housebuilding companies in the UK paid shareholders £16 billion in dividends over the last 18 years supplying this lucrative racket. Profit on the average new build house rose £75,000 between 2000 and 2019, according to Brunel University.

All of these interests have huge lobbying and revolving door operations with Parliament—and local councils are now a byword for property developer corruption—but in some cases the connections are even more direct.

More than one in 10 (13 percent) Members of Parliament are landlords themselves. The 85 MPs own 184 rental properties between them, each of them receiving more than the £10,000 a year threshold required to declare these earnings publicly—on top of their £91,346 annual salary.

Fully one quarter of Tory MPs are landlords, however most landlords in this Parliament (44 of them) are in the Labour Party. Three of them claim the titles of the first, third and fifth largest property portfolios in the House of Commons: Jas Athwal, who own 15 residential and three commercial properties; Gurinder Josan, who owns eight rental properties; and Bayo Alaba, who owns seven.