Ben McGrath
The Japanese government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has extended its
campaign to whitewash the crimes of the Japanese military in the 1930s
and 1940s to the international level. Last week, Abe took issue with an
American history textbook and its treatment of so-called “comfort
women.”
“Comfort women” is a euphemism coined by the Japanese
military for its practice of forcing women to act as sex slaves for
soldiers prior to and during World War II. Approximately 200,000 women
in Asian countries occupied by Japan were herded into “comfort stations”
where the brutal conditions led many to commit suicide. Women were
often lured with phony promises of work in factories.
Abe
criticized history textbooks printed by McGraw-Hill Education dealing
with the issue. “I just looked at a document, McGraw-Hill’s textbook,
and I was shocked,” the prime minister said. “This kind of textbook is
being used in the United States, as we did not protest the things we
should have, or we failed to correct the things we should have.”
The
Japanese government has demanded that McGraw Hill revise the books.
Officials from Japan’s Consulate General in New York met with the
publishing company in December to voice their complaints. The company
rejected Tokyo’s objections saying, “Scholars are aligned behind the
historical fact of ‘comfort women’ and we unequivocally stand behind the
writing, research and presentation of our authors.”
A large
number of the women forced to serve as sex slaves came from Korea, but
others were from China, the Philippines, Indonesia, and other countries.
Many were too ashamed to speak about their horrific experiences and
only began coming forward in the early 1990s. In 1993, Japan’s Chief
Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issued a formal but limited apology—known
as the Kono Statement—to the victims.
Abe, who came to office in
2012, has been pressing for a revision of the Kono Statement. His
government established a panel of so-called experts to examine the
testimonies of former comfort women that formed the basis of the Kono
Statement. Last June, the panel claimed that there was a lack of
evidence that the women had been “forced” to serve as sex slaves. While
not formally calling for the repeal of the Kono Statement, the purpose
was clearly to cast doubt on the crimes of imperial Japan.
Right-wing
apologists for the Japanese military have long claimed that the comfort
women were not sex slaves, but were prostitutes. As a result, they
conclude, the Japanese army was no different from other armed forces. In
reality, the Japanese military organised and ran the “comfort
stations.” Whether or not women were tricked or coerced into these
hell-holes, they were not free to leave or to refuse to have sex with
the soldiers.
Within Japan, extreme nationalists have targeted the liberal Asahi Shimbun
over the issue. The newspaper last year retracted 18 articles published
in the 1980s and 1990s dealing with comfort women. The articles were
based on the testimony of Seiji Yoshida, a soldier who claimed to have
rounded up women on Jeju Island in South Korea for the military
brothels. Before his death in 2000, Yoshida admitted to changing certain
aspects of his story.
The Abe government and its right-wing ideological allies have seized on the Asahi Shimbun’s
retractions to claim all evidence of the crimes against comfort women
is false. Led by Shoichi Watanabe, a professor at Sofia University, more
than 10,000 have joined a lawsuit against the paper. Watanabe not only
denies that women were forced into sexual slavery but also that the 1937
Rape of Nanking occurred, during which 300,000 Chinese soldiers and
civilians were massacred by the Japanese army.
These attempts to
justify the past crimes of Japanese imperialism are in order to prepare
for future wars. Last summer, Abe’s cabinet approved the
“reinterpretation” of the constitution to allow for “collective
self-defense.” This would enable Japan to take part in US wars of
aggression particularly aimed against China. The United States is
pushing Japan to play a larger role in Asia as part of the US “pivot to
Asia” which is aimed at subordinating China to Washington’s economic and
strategic interests.
Abe’s cabinet is stacked with ultra-right
wing officials with connections to Nippon Kaigi, or Japan Conference,
which promotes the lie that Japan went to war in the 1930s to liberate
Asia from Western imperialism. It intends to revise textbooks in Japan
to promote “patriotic values,” opposes gender equality, and erase war
crimes such as the Rape of Nanking.
To serve this agenda, Abe also
stated last week that a new, litigation bureau in the Justice Ministry
would be created to handle lawsuits against Japan, claiming that they
“seriously affected the nation’s honor.” While former comfort women have
filed lawsuits against Japan, people forced to work as unpaid laborers
in factories have also filed suits against Japanese companies. In May
2013, the South Korean Supreme Court ruled that a 1965 treaty between
Seoul and Tokyo did not bar individuals from filing compensation claims.
A
study released in January by the South Korean government found that
7.82 million Koreans were forced to work in Japanese factories between
1931 and 1945 at companies like Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Toyota,
Nikon, and Nissan. In November 2013, the Gwangju Local Court in South
Korea ruled against Mitsubishi Heavy Industries after several women
filed compensation claims. Nippon Steel Corporation lost a similar case
that year in Seoul and Busan high courts. Both companies have appealed.
South
Korean governments regularly exploit Japanese war crimes to engage in
its own historical revisionism to cover up the role of Korean leaders in
collaborating with Imperial Japan. Many within the South Korean elite
enjoy their positions today thanks to their families’ willingness to
serve Japanese colonial rule, which lasted from 1910–1945. This includes
President Park Geun-hye whose father, the military dictator Park
Chung-hee, was an officer in Japan’s Kwantung Army.
South Korean
politicians often attempt to paint their anti-Japanese denunciations in
progressive terms, by claiming to be seeking justice for victims. In
reality, there is nothing progressive about this campaign. Its purpose
is to whip up anti-Japanese chauvinism to distract from declining
economic conditions like growing unemployment, particularly amongst
youth. It drives a wedge between Korean and Japanese workers who
suffered and continue to suffer from the same assaults on their rights
and working conditions.
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