Jerry White
Nearly 4,000 workers are on strike at oil refineries in Kentucky,
Texas, California and the state of Washington after negotiations between
the United Steelworkers (USW) union and major oil corporations for a
new three-year labor agreement broke down over the weekend.
On
Sunday morning, union officials called a limited strike—involving nine
out of the 65 oil refineries it organizes and only 3,800 out of the
30,000 workers covered by the national agreement. The action was called
after Royal Dutch Shell, the lead bargainer for the oil companies,
walked out of talks without giving the USW anything it could present as a
concession to help overcome rank-and-file opposition to another sellout
deal.
Despite the sharp slide in crude oil prices, the energy
conglomerates, which also include ExxonMobil, BP, Chevron and Marathon,
are taking in windfall profits and are paying their top executives
multimillion-dollar bonuses. The value of the oil company shares have
more than doubled since the last contract signed by the USW in 2012.
Like
workers throughout the United States, oil workers are determined to
regain lost pay after more than a decade of stagnant wages and rising
health care and other living expenses. In addition, many oil workers are
subjected to 12-hour shifts and are forced to work as many as 14
straight days, according to the USW, resulting in fatigue and the danger
of fatal accidents.
The politically connected oil industry faces
little, if any, oversight—whether Democrats or Republicans are in
office—from federal and state regulators despite a raft of deadly
explosions, chemical releases and other environmental disasters.
Two
of the refineries selected for picketing were the locations of deadly
disasters over the last decade. This includes the Marathon Galveston Bay
Refinery in Texas City, Texas (formerly owned by BP), where 15 workers
were killed and 170 injured in a March 23, 2005 hydrocarbon vapor cloud
explosion. Investigations found BP responsible for unsafe conditions due
to corporate cost cutting, a failure to invest in the plant
infrastructure and a lack of oversight on safety and major accident
prevention. BP sold the facility to Marathon for $2.5 billion as part of
a divestment plan following the Deepwater Horizon disaster in 2010.
The
other facility is the Tesoro Anacortes Refinery in the state of
Washington where seven workers were killed in an explosion on April 2,
2010. State regulators cited the company for 39 “willful” and five
“serious” violations of health and safety regulations. An investigation
by the US Chemical Safety Board concluded that Tesoro had a “complacent”
attitude towards flammable leaks and occasional fires; did not correct a
history of recurring leaks and placed workers in dangerous conditions;
and did not adequately maintain equipment before the lethal blast. It
also found that the accident was rooted in “a deficient refinery safety
culture, weak industry standards for safeguarding equipment, and a
regulatory system that too often emphasizes activities rather than
outcomes.”
Last August, the Obama administration’s Justice
Department shut down its four-year investigation into violations of
occupational safety and environmental laws, claiming that the evidence
it found “does not reach the exacting bar for criminal prosecution.”
After
appeals by Tesoro’s attorneys, a judge in the state of Washington threw
out 27 of the 39 “willful” violations and reduced the company’s fine
from $2.39 million to $685,000. Judge Mark Jaffe could knock that down
even further in a ruling expected this year.
In comments to the local media web site, click2houston.com,
Josey Wales, a supporter of the oil workers, replied to comments
criticizing the strikers. “[This] is about what the company wants to
take away. It’s about the safety in the plants. Maybe you have not been
paying attention to the explosions, fires, environmental incidents and
the exposure these guys are constantly facing... These corporations
don’t care if you’re exposed to cancer-causing chemicals on a constant
basis on your job. But do you care if your family is? Are you ignorant
enough to believe these chemicals stop at the gate around these plants?
That they don’t show up in your water your family is drinking?
“My
dad and grandfather both worked in the plants. They worked shift work,
nights, evenings, days. They worked holidays and weekends. By the time
they were 60 years old they were worn out old men. They buried friends
that burned to death in fires and explosions. They buried friends that
died from cancer… These plants are making record profits and the CEOs
are taking home 40 million-plus a year plus stock bonuses. If you think
cheap oil is going to hurt them you are ignorant to how it works. Oil
companies buy oil to refine and then sell the byproducts from it. It’s
the drilling companies that are laying off. The oil companies are going
to make a killing with cheap oil.”
The USW has made sure the
strike has the least possible impact. The Tesoro refinery in Martinez,
northeast of Oakland, for example, was already operating at half
capacity because of scheduled maintenance. Although the USW represents
workers at refineries that account for two-thirds of the nation’s
refinery capacity, the strike only affects nine facilities, responsible
for 10 percent of capacity. The remaining USW-represented refineries are
continuing to operate under rolling, 24-hour contract extensions,
according to the union, while operations at nearly 200 unionized oil
terminals, pipelines and petrochemical plants continue. There has not
been a national oil workers strike since 1980 when workers were out for
three months.
The sabotage of the strike is not an accident. The
USW executives are opposed to any serious fight against the oil giants.
While posturing as defenders of safety and workers’ living standards,
the USW has collaborated with the oil companies to slash jobs and labor
costs in the name of improving “competitiveness” just as it has done in
the steel industry.
In 2013, President Obama appointed USW
President Leo Gerard to serve on the Advanced Manufacturing Partnership
Steering Committee, charged with “enhancing the nation’s
competitiveness.” In his latest statement on the union’s web site,
Gerard praises Obama as a champion of the “middle class” and opponent of
social inequality even though he has overseen the greatest transfer of
wealth from the bottom up in history.
Obama has not only let
corporate criminals—like Tesoro, BP, General Motors and JPMorgan
Chase—get away scot-free, he has made the reduction of American workers
into a cheap labor force the center of his manufacturing strategy. The
president differs from the Republicans only in his greater willingness
to use the services of Gerard & Co. to suppress working-class
opposition to these corporate attacks.
Phony statements of
international solidarity coming from Unite, the British union, which has
a record of betraying workers, is no substitute for a real struggle to
unite workers internationally against the global oil giants. If the
livelihoods and very lives of workers are not to be subordinated to the
anarchy of the capitalist market—and the booms and busts of speculative
bubbles—then the oil industry must be nationalized, placed under the
democratic control of the working class and run on the basis of human
need, not profit.
The conduct of this struggle must be taken out
of the hands of the USW. Rank-and-file committees, consisting of the
most militant and class-conscious workers, must be set up to spread the
strike and shut down the entire industry. At the same time, oil workers
must reach out to the broadest sections of workers and youth to fight
for the development of a powerful industrial and political movement of
the working class against both big-business parties and the capitalist
system they defend.
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