23 Nov 2019

Middle East and North Africa MENA Scholarship Programme (MSP) 2020 for Students to Study in The Netherlands

Application Deadline: December 2019

Offered annually? The MSP November 2019 deadline is de last deadline. The current contract ends on 31 December 2019. More information will be available at the end of 2019.

Eligible Countries: Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Libya, Lebanon, Morocco, Oman and Tunisia. 


To be taken at (country): The Netherlands

Accepted Subject Areas: You can use an MSP scholarship for a number of selected short courses in one of the following fields of study:
  • Economics
  • Commerce
  • Management and Accounting
  • Agriculture and Environment
  • Mathematics
  • Natural sciences and Computer sciences
  • Engineering
  • Law Public Administration
  • Public order and Safety
  • Humanities
  • Social sciences
  • Communication and Arts
About Scholarship: The MENA Scholarship Programme (MSP) enables professionals from ten selected countries to participate in a short course in the Netherlands. The overall aim of the MSP is to contribute to the democratic transition in the participating countries. It also aims at building capacity within organisations, by enabling employees to take part in short courses in various fields of study.
There are scholarships available for short courses with a duration of two to twelve weeks.


Target group:  The MSP target group consists of professionals, aged up to 45, who are nationals of and work in one of the selected countries.
Scholarships are awarded to individuals, but the need for training must be demonstrated within the context of the organisation for which the applicant works. The training must help the organisation develop its capacity. Therefore, applicants must be nominated by their employers who have to motivate their nomination in a supporting letter.


Selection Criteria: The candidates must be nationals of and working in one of the selected countries.

Who is qualified to apply:
  • must be a national of, and working and living in one of the countries on the MSP country list valid at the time of application;
  • must have an employer’s statement that complies with the format EP-Nuffic has provided. All information must be provided and all commitments that are included in the format must be endorsed in the statement;
  • must not be employed by an organisation that has its own means of staff-development. Organisations that are considered to have their own means for staff development are for example:
    • multinational corporations (e.g. Shell, Unilever, Microsoft),
    • large national and/or a large commercial organisations,
    • bilateral donor organisations (e.g. USAID, DFID, Danida, Sida, Dutch ministry of Foreign affairs, FinAid, AusAid, ADC, SwissAid),
    • multilateral donor organisations, (e.g. a UN organization, the World Bank, the IMF, Asian Development Bank, African Development Bank, IADB),
    • international NGO’s (e.g. Oxfam, Plan, Care);
  • must have an official and valid passport (valid at least three months after the candidate’s submission date);
  • must have a government statement that meets the requirements of the country in which the employer is established (if applicable);
  • must not be over 45 years of age at the time of the grant submission.
Number of Scholarship:  Several

Value: A MENA scholarship is a contribution to the costs of the selected short course and is intended to supplement the salary that the scholarship holder must continue to receive during the study period.

The following items are covered:
  • subsistence allowance
  • international travel costs
  • visa costs
  • course fee
  • medical insurance
  • allowance for study materials.
The allowances are considered to be sufficient to cover one person’s living expenses during the study period. The scholarship holders must cover any other costs from their own resources.

How to Apply: You need to apply directly at the Dutch higher education institution of your choice.
  1. Check whether you are in the above mentioned target groups.
  2. Check whether your employer will nominate you.
  3. Contact the Dutch higher education institution that offers the course of your choice to find out whether this course is eligible for an MSP scholarship and how to apply.
It is important to go through the application information details on the Scholarship Webpage (see Link below) before applying.

Visit Scholarship Webpage for details

Reports of War Crimes in Iraq and Afghanistan Highlight the Failures of Both Wars

Patrick Cockburn

The alleged bid by the British government and army to close down investigations into torture and murder in Iraq and Afghanistan appears to be the latest aspect of a widespread desire in the UK to forget all about these failed wars. Joining the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 is commonly blamed on Tony Blair, but there is little interest in the desperate situation into which British troops were plunged post-invasion, first in southern Iraq and then, three years later, in Helmand province in Afghanistan.
The gravity of the miscalculations in each case is not in doubt. Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles, the British ambassador in Kabul at the time, wrote in his memoirs that the worst mistake made by the Foreign Office in the previous 30 years was the invasion of Iraq, and the second worst was “its enthusiastic endorsement of Britain’s half-baked effort to occupy Helmand in 2006”.
The allegation that war crimes were committed – to be claimed in a BBC Panorama programme on Monday evening – is in keeping with Britain’s dismal record in these conflicts.
The ICC has said it is considering opening an investigation into the claims, based on leaked documents. The Ministry of Defence (MoD) has said the allegations are unsubstantiated.
After the capture of Baghdad, the British army stayed in the south of Iraq, mostly in and around Basra, apparently under the impression that this would be quieter than the Sunni Arab provinces that had more strongly supported Saddam Hussein.
It swiftly became clear that, while the Shia population of the south was glad to be rid of Saddam, they were not about to accept a British occupation. An ominous sign of this came on 24 June 2003 when six British Royal Military Police were shot dead in a town called Majar al-Kabir near the city of Amara.
They died because they were advising local police at the same moment as British paratroopers were carrying out an aggressive patrol in another part of the same town and had had an exchange of fire in which several locals had died. The RMPs were killed soon afterwards in a revenge attack.
The incident sums up the fatal contradiction facing the British expeditionary force in Iraq. Their numbers and dispositions were suitable for a country in which most of the population was friendly, but if the opposite were true, as it certainly was, then the soldiers were vastly outnumbered and in danger. British officers used to annoy their American counterparts by claiming prior expertise in this type of warfare, drawing on British experience in Malaya and Northern Ireland. A captain in military intelligence stationed for a year in Basra later said that “I kept trying to explain without success to my superiors that in Malaya and Northern Ireland we had local allies while in Basra we had none”.
The weakness of the British position was exposed in detail by the Chilcot Report in 2016, but its findings were masked by the media obsession with finding a “smoking gun” that would prove the culpability of Tony Blair and by the shock result of the Brexit referendum that had taken place at the same time.
The report explains that by 2007 the British forces in Basra had run out of ideas and “it was humiliating that the UK reached a position in which an agreement with a militia group [the Mahdi Army], which had been actively targeting UK forces, was considered the best option available.”
According to Chilcot, the one consistent British strategy between 2003 and complete withdrawal in 2009 was “to reduce the level of deployed forces” and to do so without offending the US. The means of doing so was to redeploy the troops to Afghanistan, which was supposedly safer, but where they arrived just as the Taliban were restarting their guerrilla war and where 405 British troops were to be killed in the coming years.
Those who may have committed war crimes in these conflicts have been investigated, even if they were not prosecuted. It would be good if those responsible for these doomed military forays should also be held responsible for their actions.

Colonialism and Academic Knowledge Production

Debasish Hazarika

Colonialism and knowledge production:
Colonialism is much more than establishing colonies in the non-western world to exploit raw materials for the western metropolitan centres. It is a system of hegemonic power and domination of the colonized by the colonizers, economic, physical as well as psychological. Colonialism is a product of ‘western’ civilization who is obliged for its internal reason to extend in the world scale, the competition of its antagonistic economic dimension. Colonization doesn’t involve innocence and impunity. Rather it involves brute force in its true nakedness. It involves striping of societies from its essence, undermining of institutions, confiscating land, destruction of art and wiping out of all the possibilities for a better future. But the Colonizers prefer to write a different story. A story where they talk about progress, how they cured diseases and helped in raising the standard of living in the colonies as if they are on a civilizing mission of all the non-western peoples. What this story propagates is an image of a world divided into binaries of civilized Europe and savaged others. It is based upon an ontological and epistemological distinction made between Europe and other. Historically speaking, knowledge production is a political process. The notion of knowledge has gone through transformations in our time and this shapes our understanding of how knowledge is created and used. The most important aspect of knowledge production is the linkages between power and knowledge. The intimate relationship between Power and Knowledge has been mentioned in the works of classical writers like Marx, Weber, and Durkheim but it is Michel Foucault who provided some excellent work on this intimate relationship.
One important link between power and knowledge in the context of this commentary would be the relationship of legitimation shared by them. Power and knowledge both needs legitimation and that legitimation or the claim to credibility is given by each other to each other. So we can say that knowledge production always revolves around the political status of science and the ideological function it could serve. European modernity after the Enlightenment establishes western sciences with its deductive logic as the torchbearer of rationality and reason. Now it was time for its global export and imposition. Wherever Europeans set their feet, they bring with them their modernity, their science, and their reason. Therefore, we have to understand colonialism as a discourse to understand the systematic discipline by which the Europeans successfully was able to manage and produce the ‘Other’, politically, sociologically, Ideologically, scientifically and imaginatively during the post enlightenment era.
Anthropology as a discipline in the context of colonialism:
To understand knowledge production in the context of ‘colonialism’, before discussing the discipline of Anthropology, we should try to understand the roles played by the so-called non- scientific works, prior to the development of Anthropology as a ‘scientific’ discipline.
Those ‘travelers’ tales, trader’s endeavors and many other ‘unscientific’, anecdotal ways of explaining the ‘undiscovered other’ played a crucial part in the construction of ‘others’ by the west. Their romanticized, highly biased, an ethnocentric account of the adventures worked well for their personal gains back home but these informal accounts eventually shaped the emergence of institutionalized and formalized ways for getting information about the indigenous world and it accommodated the ideological underpinnings of colonialism.
Now let’s move on to the institutionalized and ‘scientific’ way of studying the non-western world. This institutionalized and ‘scientific’ ways of understanding non-western societies played a crucial role in institutionalizing racist theories based on which the construction of the
‘savaged other’ was possible. Anthropology as a discipline was organized in that context.
Anthropology was devoted to descriptions and analysis of non- European societies dominated by European power. The long-range goal of anthropology was basically the discovering of the general law of the nature of mankind. The circumstances of its founding, that is western expansionism and the ‘discovery’ of the non-western world, meant that there laws and proposition were based on a close study of the ‘Newly discovered primitives’. Since they were working under newly developed power relation i.e., colonialism, which accompanied domination and exploitation of the non-western world by the west, anthropologists were often called for information and advice or specially deployed in its effort to control and manipulate the non- western world. Therefore Anthropology can be considered as rooted in unequal power encounters between the west and the third world. This encounter gives Europe access to cultural and historical information of the third world which they have dominated. This helps in reaffirming the generalizations and re-enforcing the inequalities between the west and the other.
The information and perceptions developed by such disciplines as anthropology are acquired and used by the colonialists for exploitation. Most of the colonial anthropological pursuits were fueled by colonial power structure which made the accessibility of their objects safe and methodology fluid. Their fieldworks reflected one-sided overviews and as a result, they often contributed, sometimes not directly, to the maintenance and reproduction of colonial power structure.
On the theoretical level, anthropology’s love affair with functionalism played an important role in the confirmation of biased perceptions of the ‘other’, as well as the advancement of colonial agendas. This resulted in too much focus on empirical evidence thereby leading to ignorance of hidden relations and forms in the studied societies. This empiricist philosophy was plagued by ethnocentrism as their concepts like acculturation, assimilation didn’t have room for domination and exploitation.
Anthropology in the inter-war period was different in its approach. It was defensive of the weaker cultures and societies, their way of life, languages, religious practices, native modes of production, and economic rationality. They provided a moral and intellectual defensive of native’s dignity as human- beings by negating evolutionary racist theories of the earlier arm- chair anthropologists. They also questioned the monopolization of the moral judgments by the ruling community. But colonial officialdom started questioning the validity and practicality of their work. This started a trend whereby the anthropologists started defending their work by insisting to be a ‘proper science’. When it comes to science the colonialist always viewed it as a symbol of great western achievement and its application on the natives looked encouraging.
To fall in the line of ‘proper science’ the anthropologist started shifting towards more dispassionate, objective study of people and claiming to yield proper information for the officialdom and the planners. This definitely helped in getting the fundings from the sponsoring authorities. Sponsorship or funding played a big role in developing anthropology in different lines. In different phases of colonialism, officials wanted a different kind of information and they influenced anthropological research through funding mechanisms to a large extent. By and large, we can say that knowledge produced by Anthropology as a discipline was uncritical of colonialism as a system of exploitation and domination. But with a gradual breakdown of colonialism, the position taken by anthropologist changed. Initially the handmaiden of colonial administration, anthropologists increasingly started writing sympathetically of the ‘others’.
A case for decolonization:
Research is a search for knowledge and truth. It is a systematic way of producing knowledge. But what is the truth? And what is knowledge? depends on the epistemological and ontological position of the researcher and researched. The methodology is the logic behind the approaches to doing the research. This logic makes the difference between natural sciences and social science. In social science, we study humans and the results of their interrelation. Initially social science was being developed in the line of natural sciences with its deductive logic i;e, Positivism. But the division happened with Wilhelm Dilthey and Max Weber taking social science to a more interpretative direction.
In colonial times, social science was dominated by the positivist approach. It was before social sciences took the famous ‘linguistic turn’. So to study the ‘non-western’ societies, anthropologists applied this positivist approach. This resulted in the objectification of human
beings as if they were not human beings with feelings, emotions and a thinking brain. As I discussed earlier through this ‘Othering’ of fellow human beings through the various mechanisms of discursive powers West has successfully created this ‘other’ to suit their bloody imperialist adventures.
The earlier 18th and 19th-century colonialism with its economic, cultural and scientific implications have ended. The empires changed their skins, readjusted their shares. The whole mechanism of looting and toying with the ‘others’ have changed. Democracy has become the new ride with Big-capital as the fuel. Colonizers have officially left but having their institutions remained at the right place. So we need to Decolonise and it should not be about only the handing over of colonizers governing instruments but it should be about total divesting of their cultural, bureaucratic and psychological implications. The academic knowledge production too needs to be decolonized by shunning the colonial methodologies and adopting more organically developed and reflexive indigenous methodologies. Only then our production of knowledge will be able to come out of the shadow of our colonial history.

Fighting For America’s Soul

John Scales Avery

Democratic institutions are in danger
Today there is a deep split in public opinion in the United States. Democratic institutions are in danger from racism and neo-fascism. Progressives are fighting to save the values and institutions on which their country was founded. They are fighting to save America’s soul.
Racism, discrimination and xenophobia
Progressives today would like to eliminate all forms of discrimination, whether based on race, religion, ethnicity, or gender. They are opposed by white nationalist groups, especially in rural areas and among white industrial workers and evangelicals, who fear that their own groups will soon be outnumbered by those who differ from them in ethnicity, race or religion.
Donald Trump has appealed to these fears using rhetoric similar to that of Hitler. According to the testimony of his first wife, he kept a book Hitler’s speeches beside his bedside and studied it diligently. Hitler’s rise to power in Germany probably would not have occurred had it not been for the terrible economic stress produced by the terms of the Versailles Treaty. Working-class white Americans are similarly stressed, and they have chosen a similar leader.
Excessive economic inequality
The United States today is characterized by excessive economic inequality. As Senator Bernie Sanders said, “There is no justice, and I want you to hear this clearly, when the top one-tenth of 1 percent – not 1 percent, the top one-tenth of 1 percent – today in America owns almost as much wealth as the bottom 90 percent.”
Such exaggerated inequality is bad in itself, but it also leads to governmental corruption. Since Citizens United, corporations have been able to make enormous donations to the campaigns of politicians, essentially buying their support. Studies have shown that at present, the wishes of voters matter little in comparison to the wishes of the corporate sponsors of politicians. Because of this, the United States is not a democracy but an oligarchy. Progressives are fighting to change this. They are fighting to save “government of the people, by the people and for the people”. They are fighting for America’s soul.
The military-industrial complex
In his famous farewell address, Dwight D. Eisenhower warned about the power of the military-industrial complex. He said “In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the Military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.”
In another speech, Eisenhower said, “Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. This world in arms is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children.”
Today the United States has bases in almost every country of the world, and spends almost a trillion dollars every year on armaments, or more than a trillion, depending on what is included. Aggressive foreign wars, and regime change coups have produced untold suffering, as well as a refugee crisis.
Progressives are fighting to change this. They are fighting for a more  peaceful America. They are fighting for America’s soul.
Secrecy and democracy are incomparable
John Adams wrote: “The jaws of power are always open to devour, and her arm is always stretched out, if possible, to destroy the freedom of thinking, speaking, and writing.”
According to the Nuremberg Principles, the citizens of a country have a responsibility for the crimes that their governments commit. But to prevent these crimes, the people need to have some knowledge of what is going on. Indeed, democracy cannot function at all without this knowledge.
What are we to think when governments make every effort to keep their actions secret from their own citizens? We can only conclude that although they may call themselves democracies, such governments are in fact oligarchies or dictatorships.
We do not know what will happen to Julian Assange. If he dies in the hands of his captors he will not be history’s first martyr to the truth. The ageing Galileo was threatened with torture and forced to recant his heresy, that the Earth moves around the Sun. Galileo spent the remainder of his days in house arrest.
Giordano Bruno was less lucky. He was burned at the stake for maintaining that the universe is larger than it was then believed to be. If Julian Assange becomes a martyr to the truth like Galileo or Bruno, his name will be honored in the future, and the shame of his captors will be remembered too.
Edward Snowden’s revelations showed us the extent of government spying, and the extent of the deep state. Progressives are fighting to make the American government more truthful and open. They are fighting for America’s soul.
A new freely downloadable book
I would like to announce the publication of a book entitled “FIGHTING FOR AMERICA’S SOUL” It describes the efforts of US progressives to save the values and institutions on which their country was founded. The book may be freely downloaded and circulated from the following link:

Rising seas threaten US Pacific nuclear dump

John Braddock

According to reports from the Marshall Islands, plutonium is leaking into the Pacific Ocean from a massive concrete bunker the United States built in the 1950s to dispose of nuclear waste. A potential disaster is looming.
Situated mid-way between Hawaii and Australia, the Marshall Islands has a population of 53,000 people. The island chain was occupied by Allied forces in 1944 and placed under US administration in 1947. It achieved nominal independence in 1986 under a so-called Compact of Free Association.
Between 1946-1958, Washington carried out 67 atmospheric and underwater nuclear explosions and a series of biological weapons tests in the Marshall Islands. Irradiated soil from the Enewetak and Bikini atolls, used as “ground zero” for the tests, was poured into a crater left from the detonations, mixed with concrete and covered with a shallow concrete dome.
Called the Runit Dome, the 18-inch thick structure holds more than 3.1 million cubic feet of radioactive soil and debris, including lethal amounts of plutonium. The Los Angeles Times reported on November 10 that climate change is breaking open the aging and weathered dome as it “bobs up and down with the tide,” threatening to spill nuclear waste into the ocean.
Throughout the Pacific, rising sea levels pose an existential threat as they inundate low-lying islands. The Marshall Islands is likely to see many of its 29 atolls under water within 10 to 20 years. On Enewetak atoll, tides are creeping up the sides of the US nuclear dump, advancing higher every year, while cracks are appearing in the dome.
According to Marshall Islands President Hilda Heine, debris from the dome is already seeping into the nearby lagoon. Following a visit to the White House in May, accompanied by the presidents of Palau and the Federated States of Micronesia, Heine told Reuters she “saved her breath” rather than futilely try to persuade US President Trump of their concerns about climate change.
According to the LA Times, the Marshall Islands government lobbied Washington for help, but American officials declared the dome is the responsibility of the Marshallese government.
Based on documents and interviews with US and Marshallese officials, the LA Times found that the American government withheld key pieces of information about the dome’s contents and its weapons testing program before the countries signed the 1986 Compact which released the US from liability.
The US did not reveal that in 1958 it shipped 130 tons of soil from atomic testing grounds in Nevada to the islands. Washington also did not inform the Marshall Islands authorities that a dozen biological weapons tests had been conducted on Enewetak, including experiments with an aerosolized bacteria designed to kill enemy troops. Over 600 people currently live on parts of the atoll.
Over a period of five visits to the Marshall Islands, LA Times reporters documented extensive coral bleaching, fish kills and algae blooms, as well as major disease outbreaks such as dengue fever. Michael Gerrard from Columbia University’s law school told the paper that “the Marshall Islands is a victim of the two greatest threats facing humanity—nuclear weapons and climate change,” for which the “United States is entirely responsible.”
Scientists from Columbia University released a report in July concluding that radiation levels across the islands were “significantly” higher than at Fukushima and Chernobyl. On Bikini atoll, plutonium concentrations were “up to 15–1,000 times higher than in samples from areas affected by the Chernobyl and Fukushima disasters.”
The report, published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS), said soil samples from four uninhabited islands had concentrations of gamma radiation “well above” the legal exposure limit established in agreements between the US and the Marshall Islands.
The team examined contamination levels in food sources, as well as the levels and composition of radioactive isotopes. The food study showed a mix of high and variable levels of contamination on fruit tested on Bikini, Naen and Rongelap islands. The fruit contained radiation higher than the safety levels established by Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Japan, which have more stringent standards for limiting ingestion of radioactive particles than the US.
The nuclear tests left widespread contamination. Although six percent of US nuclear-bomb testing occurred there, the detonations and mushroom clouds generated more than half the total energy from all US testing. The largest, the Castle Bravo bomb detonated in March 1954, was 1,000 times more powerful than the bombs dropped on Hiroshima or Nagasaki in Japan.
US authorities relocated people living on Enewetak and Bikini in the late 1940s. Those in Rongelap and Utirik, more than a 100 miles from the testing sites, were removed three days after they were showered by fallout from Castle Bravo. The fallout caused skin burns, hair loss, nausea and, eventually, cancer in many of the people exposed.
Washington has repeatedly asserted that locals now face little risk from radioactivity. However, Marshallese continue to distrust US assurances. At Bikini and Rongelap, residents initially returned to their islands after the US told them it was safe. The resettlement was a disaster. Cancer cases, miscarriages and deformities multiplied. By 1967, 10 years after the test, 17 of the 19 children who were younger than 10 and on the island the day Bravo exploded had developed thyroid disorders and growths. One child died of leukaemia.
Several imperialist powers occupied large tracts of the Pacific and used it for nuclear testing after World War II. The United Kingdom exploded atomic and hydrogen bombs at Malden Island and Kiritimati (Christmas Island) in 1957-1958. A total of 193 tests were carried out by France on Fangataufa and Mururoa Atolls in French Polynesia from 1966-1996, including one thermonuclear device in 1968.
Tahitians and other Pacific islanders, as well as British, New Zealand, and Fijian servicemen suffered radiation exposure. Widespread opposition developed to the horrific activities of the arrogant major powers. In a brutal attempt to forestall protests at the Mururoa test site in 1985, French secret service agents blew up the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior in Auckland harbour, killing a crewman.
Hundreds of Marshall Islanders were meanwhile exiled across the Pacific, impoverished, their homes devastated and health imperiled. An international tribunal concluded in 1988 the US should pay $2.3 billion in claims, but Congress and US courts refused. Documents cited by the LA Times show the US has paid just $4 million.
Today, the Marshall Islands is again assuming geo-strategic importance as part of Washington’s intensifying confrontation with China. In August Mike Pompeo became the first secretary of state to visit Micronesia, to negotiate an extension to a security agreement that gives the US military exclusive access to the vast airspace and territorial waters of Micronesia, the Marshall Islands and Palau. This was necessary, he declared, to face off “Chinese efforts to redraw the Pacific.”

Historically low number of Americans receiving unemployment benefits due to increasing restrictions

Jacob Crosse

Seemingly every week a new report is released extolling the strength of the US economy and the recovery since the Great Recession, which took place from 2007 through 2009. Those who seek to uphold the current social order invariably point to historically low job unemployment numbers and inflated earnings reports and valuations from various Wall Street firms and banks as proof of their assertions.
At the height of the Great Recession the unemployment rate in the US reached double digits for the first time in a generation, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, with over 13.52 million workers or 10 percent of the labor force unable to find adequate full-time work.
A decade later bourgeois economists from the New York Times to the Washington Post agree that the recovery is complete, pointing to the same department’s current unemployment statistics; as of October 2019 the BLS reports that the unemployment rate in the United States is at 3.6 percent, with approximately 5.85 million workers in the US currently searching for full-time work.
However, the official percentage of unemployed workers is misleading, as workers who have ceased to regularly look for work are not counted, nor does the rate reflect workers who are forced to accept part-time work instead of full-time work. As is the case with millions of workers in the US, many are forced to work multiple jobs to scrape together enough earnings to survive, inflating the jobs total, devaluing the number of unemployed workers calculated searching for work and decrease the unemployment rate.
Unemployment insurance varies from state to state, but generally the employer contributes approximately six percent in payroll taxes to fund the insurance should a business decide it is in their interests to layoff employees or shut down without notice. These funds guarantee if a layoff or shutdown occurs, an employee, through no fault of their own, is not left without any income as they search for a new job or seek to get rehired.
Until recently, those eligible would expect to receive weekly paychecks for up to twenty-six weeks. These weekly checks, much less than what an employee could expect to make if they worked a regular full-time shift, would help pay for living expenses as a worker searched for a new job.
This “safety net” is woefully inadequate to survive on, with weekly payouts in almost every US state on average being less than $400 per week, or 20 to 25 percent of a worker’s typical take-home pay. During and after the Great Recession, millions of Americans were forced to rely on unemployment insurance as their only source of income for months at a time.
Due to chronic under-funding, several states, including North Carolina, Michigan and Alabama were obliged to borrow money from the federal government to pay out unemployment insurance to eligible workers. In order to pay back these borrowed funds, several states enacted tougher regulations to prevent future eligible workers from receiving benefits, instead of properly funding the program or raising taxes on businesses.
While state and federal legislatures allowed Wall Street criminals to collect exorbitant bonuses as millions of Americans lost their homes and jobs, state legislatures, no matter what party, and the Obama administration proceeded to pass tougher rules and restrictions, not on the ones responsible for the recession, but instead on those who were suffering the brunt of the ruling class’ criminal financial chicanery. These new rules included passing stringent drug testing procedures meant to prevent laid-off workers from accessing much needed benefits.
While the CEOs of hedge funds, banks, and corporations have yet to submit a urine sample in connection with their theft of billions of dollars, workers across multiple states are having to submit to invasive and unconstitutional drug testing in order to be eligible to receive meager financial assistance.
The first of these new rules were codified in the Middle Class Tax Relief and Job Creation Act of 2012, which also included amendments to the Social Security Act. On October 4, 2019, after being directed by the Trump administration, the Department of Labor enacted the Final Rule change, which in the department’s own words, “allows states and employers a more flexible” approach in deciding how drug testing procedures would be implemented.
Drug testing procedures went into effect on November 4, 2019 and give states and the corporations that operate within them broad discretion in determining who gets tested and for what. These new rules further incentivize employers, who might not have previously drug tested employees to begin such procedures.
In addition to drug testing recipients, ten states passed laws limiting the twenty six week period during which one could collect benefits. A new law passed by the Alabama state legislature and taking effect in 2020 will reduce the term period a worker could receive insurance by 12 weeks, from 26 to only 14. In rare circumstances, a worker may be eligible for an additional week of benefits if they complete certain job training requirements or programs. These programs can take hours to complete, and are generally unpaid.
Five more states adopted stricter work-search requirements, forcing applicants to apply for jobs, even if they had no intention of working there or were unqualified, in order to still receive benefits. Job searchers are forced to keep logs, in many cases physical and digital, which must be updated or the benefits will be terminated. Finally, several states also trimmed the percentage employers would be obliged to contribute while also adopting measures forcing employees to contribute to their own insurance if they wanted to remain eligible.
The aim of these initiatives is not to root out “fraud” as is claimed. Dozens of studies and investigations have proven that unemployment insurance fraud is extremely hard to perpetrate and the benefits are obviously minimal.
Instead these new regulations were implemented to deter those that were eligible from even applying in the first place. Last year only 28 percent of those that applied for unemployment benefits were accepted, down from 37 percent in 2000. Unemployment insurance claims hit a 49 year low in April 2019 of this year. Only 192,000 applications were received, the lowest in a single week since September 1969.
The state of North Carolina has seen a drastic decrease in percentage of benefits paid out following the passage of stricter laws in 2012 and 2013. While nearly twenty-five percent of eligible Carolina workers received benefits in 2012, only 10 percent received benefits in 2018.
While North Carolina is one of the worst states as far as percentage of eligible workers receiving benefits, several other southern states also rank near the bottom regarding weekly payout of benefits and percentage of workers receiving any form of assistance. According to 2018 statistics compiled by the Department of Labor, Tennessee has the lowest weekly payout of any state, with the average worker only receiving $144 a week in benefits, or roughly $576 a month. Mississippi and Louisiana are the second and third lowest weekly payout respectively, with Mississippi paying out $206 on average a week and Louisiana not far behind with only $210 paid out per week.
The decline in workers receiving unemployment pay is not a sign of a “strong economy, humming along,” but instead a warning signal that millions of workers are not receiving the resources they need in order to survive or find a new job.
Another indicator of a “strong economy” which capitalist economists frequently cite is the strength of the “job market.” This strength, we are told, is expressed in the US economy adding jobs every month for 109 straight months. This “growth” coupled with an increase in employees quitting their jobs voluntarily, from a low of 1.3 percent in 2009, to nearly 2.3 percent in 2019, is further “proof” that workers are so secure in their living situation, compared to a decade ago, that they are able to freely quit and find new rewarding work.
Neither of these, however, are an accurate portrayal of the economic reality facing the vast majority of the US working population, or that the economic “recovery” has left millions worse off than they were ten, fifteen or twenty years ago.
Wealth inequality in the United States has continued to grow while the corporations that control the political system and both parties have continued to wage a counterrevolution against any and all economic and social gains made in previous generations including the bipartisan assault on unemployment insurance benefits.

OECD cuts global growth forecast

Nick Beams

The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has cut its forecast for global growth for both this year and next year, warning that a low-growth trend could set in unless governments take urgent action to lift their economies.
The 36-member organisation of the world’s major economies made the warning in its latest update on the state of the global economy issued on Thursday. It said companies were holding back on investment in buildings and machinery as well as new technology due to economic uncertainty and trade tensions and that growth was at its lowest level since the global financial crisis.
A man walks by an electronic stock board of a securities firm in Tokyo [Credit: AP Photo/Koji Sasahara]
Speaking on the report, OECD chief economist Laurence Boone said, “Things are not really moving. What we are seeing is investment stalling, paving the way for growth to stay at this very low level.” She warned that if the “sluggish performance” continued there was a danger it could become “entrenched.”
Boone said the rise on financial markets suggested that investors believed the worst of the downturn was over. But buoyant markets “do not mean we are reversing the tide.”
The organisation forecast global growth of 2.9 percent this year and the same next year, with only a marginal pick-up to 3.1 percent in 2021. This represents a significant reduction from its forecast of 3.5 percent made just a year ago.
The OECD said investment had weakened as a result of the trade war between the US and China and the “erosion of a rules-based global trading system.”
In a separate report, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) indicated that this deterioration goes beyond the US and China. It found that members of the G20, comprising more than 80 percent of the world economy, had continued to impose restrictions on imports in the six months to October, with more than $460 billion worth of goods affected. This is the second highest figure for a six-month period on record.
The WTO’s director-general Roberto Azevedo said, “We need to see strong leadership from G20 economies if we want to avoid increased uncertainty, lower investment and even weaker trade growth.”
The OECD called for a priority to be placed on international cooperation, predictability in trade policy and an end to the “surge in trade-restricting measures” in order to revive growth. Boone said countries should develop national investment funds to promote more spending on new technology and the shift to green energy.
“The lack of policy direction to address climate change issues weighs down investment,” she said, and without the necessary public investment “businesses will put off investment decisions, with dire consequences for growth and employment.”
Boone told the Wall Street Journal that while an interim trade deal between the US and China would be welcome, it was just the “tip of the iceberg” and would not resolve the deeper problems—a reference to US demands for greater protection for intellectual property by Beijing and the cutting back of subsidies to state-owned enterprises, the issues at the heart of the conflict.
Former International Monetary Fund Director Christine Lagarde also addressed the issue of global growth in her first major speech as president of the European Central Bank (ECB). Speaking at a banking conference in Frankfurt on Friday, she called on European governments to boost public investment to shift the euro zone’s orientation away from exports towards domestic demand.
Continuing the commitment of her predecessor Mario Draghi to the financial markets, Lagarde said that the ECB would “continue to support the economy and respond to future risks,” but she repeated Draghi’s insistence that monetary policy “cannot and should not be the only game in town.”
She noted that euro zone public investment remained “some way below pre-crisis levels.” The share of what she called “productive investment,” which, in addition to infrastructure included spending on research and development and education, had fallen in nearly all euro zone economies since the financial crisis.
Lagarde began her remarks on the future of the euro economy by pointing to the “challenge” posed by the shifts in international trade. “Ongoing trade tensions and geopolitical uncertainties are contributing to a slowdown in world trade growth, which has more than halved since last year,” she said. “This has in turn depressed global growth to its lowest level since the great financial crisis.”
This had impacted the euro area, where growth is expected to be just 1.1 percent this year, some 0.7 percentage points below the level expected a year ago.
Besides the trade conflicts, there were structural changes at work, with emerging market economies shifting away from investment and manufacturing. This suggested that the “high rates of trade growth that we are used to seeing are no longer an absolute certainty.”
Another significant structural change was in the advanced economies, which “are in the midst of a long-term deceleration in growth rates, which have roughly halved since the late 1980s,” with labour productivity growth falling “by almost two-thirds in advanced economies since the early 1990s.”
The former chair of the US Federal Reserve, Janet Yellen, speaking at the World Business Forum in New York on Thursday, described the US economy as in “excellent” shape, but then went on to note a number of developments that pointed in the opposite direction.
The US-China tariff war was having a detrimental impact on both businesses and consumers, she said. While she thought there would not be a recession in the coming year, she added that “the odds of a recession are higher than normal and at a level that I am not comfortable with.”
This was under conditions where, because of the Fed’s three interest rate cuts this year, there was “not as much scope as I would like to see for the Fed to be able to respond to that. So there is good reason to worry.”
In her remarks, Yellen pointed to the growing fears in ruling circles as to the social and political consequences—with or without a recession—of the growth of social inequality. She noted a “very worrisome long-term [trend] in which you have a very substantial share of the US workforce feeling like they’re not getting ahead. It’s true, they’re not getting ahead.”
This is a serious economic and social problem because it “leaves people with the feeling that the economy is not working for them, a sense of social discontent that is extremely disruptive.”

German big business continues its new scramble for Africa

Peter Schwarz

German imperialism is continuing its renewed efforts to exert its power in Africa. The German government organised its second Africa conference in Berlin on Tuesday, which had the goal of ensuring a significant increase in German investment on the African continent. The first Africa conference was held two years ago.
Heads of state traveled from a total of 12 African countries, including Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Morocco, and Tunisia. Germany was represented by Chancellor Angela Merkel, the ministers for development, the economy and the environment, and a representative from the Finance Ministry. To give the event a smattering of European representation, the Prime Ministers of Norway and Italy were also invited.
Confronting trade war measures from the United States and growing competition from China, German big business is on the hunt for new markets, raw materials, investment opportunities, and cheap labour. Africa is seen as a promising destination, with its young and rapidly expanding population.
According to estimates by the federal German Raw Materials Agency, Africa possesses relatively large deposits of unexplored raw materials compared to other continents. It possesses significant deposits of nine out of the 14 so-called critical raw materials.
In some African countries, a middle class with buying power has emerged that could serve as customers for German products. According to the World Bank, average per capita income in North Africa has increased almost four-fold since 2000. However, it is distributed extremely unequally and is still only the equivalent of one-sixth of per capita income in Germany.
Furthermore, Africa also possesses an almost unlimited supply of young workers.
“Anyone who wants to do business can’t ignore Africa,” commented the Tagesschau on the Africa Conference. It continued, “Egypt has 100 million residents, many of whom are young and very mobile people. Anyone who wants to do business can’t ignore al-Sisi’s Egypt.”
The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung commented, “It is in our own interests for Germany, and Europe as a whole to turn more towards Africa and engage there. Politically as well as economically.”
The task of the conference was to pave the way to Africa for major German corporations. The representatives of government and big business repeatedly noted that this required more transparency, the elimination of bureaucracy, legal guarantees, and the resolution of security challenges.
What this means in practice was shown by the prominent role played at the conference by Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who was the main speaker alongside Merkel.
The representatives of German capital are demanding that their investments and profits are not endangered by strikes, protests, or rebellions. Al-Sisi, who seized power in a bloody military coup in 2013, is notorious for his brutality towards political opponents and social protests. Thousands were forced to pay for their criticism of his regime with their lives, while many more are herded into overcrowded prisons. Several other heads of government in attendance are notorious for their authoritarian forms of rule.
To ease access to Africa for German corporations, the first Africa Conference established an investment fund worth around €1 billion. According to the Economy Ministry, German investments in Africa have risen substantially since then, reaching €2 billion last year.
But German big business has a long way to go to catch up. They are competing against strong rivals. According to 2017 figures from the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Germany, with total direct investments in Africa of just over $10 billion, is far behind the leading investors, which include France ($64 billion), the Netherlands ($63 billion), the United States ($50 billion), Britain ($44 billion), and China ($43 billion). China in particular is planning major investments. At last year’s China-Africa Conference (FOCAC), Beijing pledged to invest $60 billion over the coming three years.
With a trade volume of $204 billion, China is already Africa’s largest trading partner. By contrast, German trade with the continent amounts to around $50 billion, just one quarter of the Chinese total.
Other countries are also seeking to join in a new scramble for Africa. With direct investments of $13 billion and a trade volume of $62 billion, India is currently ahead of Germany. Russia, Turkey, and the Gulf states are also pursuing their own economic interests in Africa.
In the final analysis, the struggle over Africa will be determined primarily by military rather than economic factors. The economic expansion is inseparably bound up with the military incursion. The German army’s deployment in Mali is now its largest operation, and it is to be expanded still further. Senegal’s Prime Minister Macky Sall recently demanded a “more aggressive” mandate for the United Nations to bring the situation under control.
Defence Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer undoubtedly had this mission in mind when she said during a keynote address to the Bundeswehr University in Munich, “A country of our size, our technological and economic power, a country with our geostrategic location and global interests cannot just stand on the sidelines and watch, and wait for others to act.”
Germany is consolidating its military position in central Africa so as to be able to secure its imperialist interests across the entire continent and challenge its rivals.
On the occasion of the Africa Conference, public broadcaster RBB recalled another conference held in Berlin in 1884. Reich Chancellor Otto von Bismarck invited representatives from 13 European countries, the Ottoman Empire, and the United States to a Congo Conference to finally carve up Africa among the great powers. Germany also secured its share.
The result was disastrous. Hundreds of thousands of Africans fell victim to genocide, such as in German-occupied Namibia, and massacres in Belgian-occupied Congo. The struggle among the imperialist powers ultimately culminated in the First World War, with 10 million deaths. Today, the struggle for markets, raw materials and global hegemony once again threatens to culminate in a world war, only this time one fought with nuclear weapons.

New Zealand military’s unexploded bombs killed Afghan civilians

Tom Peters

New Zealand’s military was responsible for 17 civilian deaths and injuries, including the deaths of 7 children, caused by unexploded bombs left behind at firing ranges in Bamyan province, Afghanistan. The deaths, reported by Stuff Circuit on November 17, had been kept secret for years by the NZ Defence Force (NZDF) and successive governments led by the National Party and the Labour Party.
More than 100 New Zealand troops were stationed in Bamyan from 2003 to 2013 in a so-called Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT). Successive NZ governments also deployed elite Special Air Service (SAS) forces to assist the US occupation. NZ SAS troops have been implicated in war crimes, including the killing of civilians in a 2010 raid.
The PRT was falsely presented as a “peacekeeping” mission aimed at winning “hearts and minds” by building infrastructure such as roads and schools. Very little information was ever made public about the PRT’s operations, while the SAS actions were completely shrouded in secrecy.
Journalist Nicky Hager revealed in 2011 that the Bamyan PRT was fully integrated into US military operations aimed at suppressing Afghan resistance to the puppet regime of Hamid Karzai. It served as a base for the CIA to coordinate its activities, guarded by NZ troops.
The failure to clear unexploded bombs reflects the NZDF’s callous disregard for the impoverished local population, who the occupying forces viewed with hostility. The multitude of war crimes by the US and its allies, including Britain, Australia, Germany and NZ, stem from the predatory, imperialist character of the war. Using the false pretext of fighting terrorism, Washington aimed to dominate the strategic and resource-rich region, at the expense of its main rivals Russia and China.
Journalist Paula Penfold and others from Stuff Circuit interviewed survivors and relatives of those killed and wounded at New Zealand’s firing ranges for an online documentary, “Life and Limb.” They also spoke with Afghan officials, doctors and Patrick Fruchet, head of the United Nations Mine Action Service in Afghanistan.
The UN documented nine incidents in which people were injured or killed at the Bamyan firing ranges used by the PRT. These cover a vast area of 39 square kilometres, which local villagers must cross on foot to herd goats and gather firewood for heating and cooking.
In the most horrific explosion on April 1, 2014, seven children aged between 5 and 12 were killed by an unexploded bomb used by the US-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). Fruchet stated: “In Bamyan, what that means is New Zealand [is responsible].”
An eighth child, Mohammad, who narrowly escaped dying in the blast, fled the scene in terror and spent three days hiding in a cave. When he was found he was so traumatised he did not recognise his family.
The three mothers of the children killed, Baskul, Tohina and Raina, told Stuff that no one from the NZ military or the government had contacted them or offered any compensation.
An earlier blast in February 2013, two months before the PRT left Afghanistan, injured Khaliq and his brother Sajad, aged 15 and 18, leaving them unable to do heavy farm work. Their mother Kubra went to the PRT and said: “My sons have been injured and the accident happened on the area that you are firing on.” The NZDF denied responsibility.
The NZDF has repeatedly sought to wash its hands of any responsibility. In 2017, NZDF told Stuff that there had only ever been one death on its firing ranges. A NZDF document leaked to Stuff this year said the firing range linked to the children’s deaths in 2014 was “cleared” in October 2013 and there was “no evidence” the deaths were caused by a device used by NZ troops.
In fact, a certificate from the Afghan government showed only 2 percent of the firing range was cleared. Seven village elders wrote to authorities last year asking NZ to properly clear the area and supplied evidence of unexploded devices.
In response to NZDF claims that the ordnance might have been left behind by another country, Fruchet told Stuff that while it was “a mathematical possibility,” given the NZ PRT used the Bamyan ranges for 10 years, it was not “a reasonable likelihood.”
Penfold said in the documentary: “There’s a saying in Afghanistan: that Afghan blood is cheap.” He added that this was “hard to argue with,” given the denials from NZDF, no compensation and no proper cleanup of the ranges nearly six years after soldiers left Bamyan.
Responding to the revelations, Chief of Army John Boswell told Radio NZ that, more than five years after leaving Afghanistan, the NZDF has now set aside funds to pay a contractor to clear the firing ranges. While stating that “we of course regret any deaths,” he refused to admit that the NZDF was responsible.
Neither the military leadership nor Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern explained why the deaths had been kept secret from the public, even after Human Rights Watch raised the issue of New Zealand’s responsibility in a letter to NZDF in June 2018.
Ardern criticised NZDF’s delay in clearing the firing ranges and ordered the work to be done “in earnest.” Due to winter snows, however, this may not be until April next year.
Seeking to cover for Labour’s responsibility, former Labour Party Prime Minister Helen Clark hypocritically told Stuff the failure to clean up the Bamyan site was “reprehensible.” It was the Clark government, which included the pseudo-left Alliance Party, which first sent the SAS to Afghanistan in 2001.
While no one is being held accountable for the 17 deaths and injuries caused by NZDF ordnance, New Zealand’s involvement in criminal US-led wars continues. In June, the Ardern government extended New Zealand’s troop deployments to Iraq, where about 100 NZ soldiers are stationed, and Afghanistan, where there are still about a dozen. The Labour-NZ First-Greens coalition has significantly strengthened New Zealand’s alliance with the US over the past two years and supports its militarisation of the Pacific region as part of war preparations against China.

UK covered up war crimes in Afghanistan and Iraq

Jean Shaoul

BBC TV’s flagship “Panorama” programme has broadcast interviews and evidence revealing that the Ministry of Defence (MoD) repeatedly covered up war crimes committed by Britain’s armed forces during the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq.
“Panorama” cited evidence surrounding the killing by UK troops of innocent and unarmed civilians that could in no way be described as “accidental” or “collateral damage.” The International Criminal Court (ICC) said it took the findings very seriously and would “independently assess” the evidence provided by “Panorama.”
The ICC has already concluded from a previous review in 2014 that there is credible evidence that British troops committed war crimes in Iraq, particularly surrounding the abuse of detainees, including murders by a soldier from the SAS special forces, as well as deaths in custody, beatings, torture and sexual abuse by members of the Black Watch. It was the first time the ICC had opened an inquiry into a Western state, with almost all ICC indictees being African heads of state or officials, while the United States—not a signatory to the Rome Statute that established the ICC in 2002—and the other imperialist powers get off scot-free.
British Army soldier in Afghanistan [Photo: British Army]
Allegations of mistreatment by British troops emerged in the years after the invasion of Iraq, including videos of soldiers carrying out wanton acts of cruelty. The case of Baha Mousa, a hotel worker in Basra who died after being tortured and beaten by troops while in custody in a British base in 2003, is the most well known. After six years of public campaigning, six soldiers finally appeared before a court martial, before being acquitted of wrongdoing. One soldier pleaded guilty and served just one year in jail. Most of the cases of alleged abuse and torture, which continue to mount, have never even reached a court hearing.
The Iraq Historic Allegations Team (IHAT) was set up to investigate 3,405 war crimes allegedly committed by British troops during the occupation of Iraq between 2003 and 2009. Operation Northmoor, a smaller scale inquiry, received 675 allegations relating to Afghanistan. Both found evidence of widespread abuse and mistreatment at the hands of British forces. This included the killing of unarmed civilians and children.
The corporate media immediately went into action, branding the investigations as “witch-hunts.” Theresa May’s government closed down both investigations in 2017 without any prosecutions, using the excuse that Phil Shiner, a lawyer who had taken more than 1,000 cases to IHAT, had paid fixers in Iraq to find clients. May pledged, “We will never again—in any future conflict—let those activist, left-wing human rights lawyers harangue and harass the bravest of the brave.”
But now the BBC, working with the Sunday Times, has uncovered new information about alleged killings in British custody and their coverup. It cited the case, investigated by IHAT, of the shooting of Raid al-Mosawi, an Iraqi policeman, in an alleyway as he left the family home by a British soldier on patrol in Basra in 2003. Within 24 hours, the soldier’s commanding officer, Major Christopher Suss-Francksen, citing the evidence of an eyewitness, concluded that the shooting was lawful because the Iraqi police officer had fired first and the soldier had acted in self-defence.
After two years of inquiries that included interviewing 80 British soldiers, including the soldier who had supposedly witnessed the shooting, IHAT stated that the soldier flatly contradicted Suss-Francken’s report. The soldier said he was not an eyewitness but had heard one shot and one shot only, suggesting that al-Mosawi had not fired at all. Other soldiers confirmed this.
The detectives concluded the soldier who shot al-Mosawi should be prosecuted for killing him and that Suss-Francksen should be charged with covering up what happened. No such prosecutions have taken place.
“Panorama” reported one investigator as saying that there had been dozens of allegations concerning the killing of unarmed civilians in Afghanistan, including by UK soldiers. While he conceded that civilians are killed in war, he said, “Yes, there are accidents. But killing in cold blood is not part of normal warfare.”
The two media organisations focused on the civilian police investigations—overseen by the MoD—opened after allegations of abuses emerged in civil court proceedings in London, where victims’ families were demanding redress. Their interviews with several unnamed former civilian police officers led the BBC and Sunday Times to conclude that government ministers and the MoD exerted political pressure to end the investigations to protect Britain’s reputation.
The investigators said, “There was more and more pressure coming from the Ministry of Defence to get cases closed as quickly as possible.” Another said that what happened was “disgusting” and that the families of victims were not getting justice. He asked, “How can you hold your head up as a British person?” Another said, “The Ministry of Defence had no intention of prosecuting any soldier of whatever rank he was unless it was absolutely necessary, and they couldn’t wriggle their way out of it.”
The MoD also lodged a series of complaints against the lawyers bringing the civil suits against it. Commenting in the Sunday Times, Ken Macdonald, a former director of public prosecutions, said “it is as though ministers feared the effects of justice.” He added, “All this may come home to roost. Now, as the ICC,” set up to prosecute “where individual nations too cowardly, incompetent or unwilling to bring their own citizens to justice … turns its eyes towards us, we are forced to confront the unnerving possibility that one of those derelict nations might be our own.”
Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s spokesman dismissed the BBC’s allegations of a coverup by the MoD of the armed forces’ crimes as “untrue,” while the MoD described them as “unsubstantiated.” Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab said that “all of the allegations that had evidence have been looked at.” Despite the lack of prosecutions, the government had “got the right balance” in ensuring “spurious claims” were not pursued.
The British generals and the MoD will fight tooth and nail against any attempt to be held to account.
Last May, Penny Mordaunt, defence secretary in May’s government, announced that the Tories would introduce legislation protecting British troops and veterans from investigation over actions on the battlefield abroad after 10 years, except in “exceptional circumstances” to prevent the “repeated or unfair investigations” that had followed operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. This is nothing but a carte blanche for future war crimes, including the mass murder of harmless and unarmed civilians. Freedom from prosecution for soldiers is a key plank in Johnson’s general election manifesto.
The “Panorama” revelations make clear that the rampant abuse by the armed forces was not the result of a few “bad apples.” But the program had nothing to say about the broader implications of the MoD’s coverup of criminality, other than pointing out that it was the soldiers on the ground “who were not trained to maintain law and order,” that were likely to carry the can for the senior staff that gave the orders.
The truth is that the criminality and abuse flow inexorably from the filthy and criminal nature of the operations led by British imperialism over the past decade and must inevitably start from the very top.
The illegal invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq have been based on the slaughter, maiming and terrorising of their populations and the destruction of their infrastructure for the geopolitical interests of the imperialist powers. UK forces, no less than their US counterparts, have played a full and bloody part in these despicable operations.