24 Sept 2020

Fed officials push for new corporate stimulus package

Nick Beams


Federal Reserve officials have launched what amounts to a full court press aimed at ensuring that Congress provides a further fiscal stimulus to corporations, as the COVID pandemic continues out of control and the limited revival of the US economy stalls.

While Fed representatives always couch their remarks in terms of giving assistance to the economy and even to workers, the fall in the stock market since the beginning of the month—the most significant downturn since the plunge in mid-March, when all financial markets froze—is the underlying concern.

Chairman of the Federal Reserve Jerome Powell (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)

The push began on Tuesday, when Fed Chair Jerome Powell gave testimony before the House of Representatives Committee on Financial Services. Powell repeated earlier calls for fiscal action, on top of the more than $3 trillion made available under the CARES Act.

He warned that while many economic indicators had shown an improvement, both employment and overall economic activity “remain well below their pre-pandemic levels, and the path ahead continues to be highly uncertain.”

Powell said the path forward would depend on “keeping the virus under control, and on policy actions taken at all levels of government”—a call for further stimulus measures.

Pointing to the measures taken by the Fed, which amount to an injection of around $3 trillion into the financial markets, he said they were designed to support the functioning of private markets, and stressed that the central bank had only lending, not spending, powers. While some borrowers would benefit from its programs, for others a loan that was difficult to repay might not be the answer, and in those cases “direct fiscal support may be needed.”

Together with the repetition of the commitment, at the start of his testimony, that the Fed would use all its tools “for as long as it takes,” these remarks temporarily halted the market slide, resulting in a slight upturn after a major fall on Monday.

But the downturn resumed on Wednesday, when the Dow fell more than 500 points, or 1.9 percent, the S&P 500 dropped 2.4 percent and the Nasdaq lost 3 percent. Since reaching record highs in August, the S&P and the Nasdaq have lost 9 percent and 12 percent respectively. There was a slight recovery on Thursday after a volatile session.

The market falls brought forward a series of comments by Fed officials on the need for government action, held up in Congress because of disagreements between Republicans and Democrats over the size and direction of any new measures.

In further testimony on Wednesday, Powell said economic recovery would move faster “if there is support coming both from Congress and the Fed. The power of fiscal policy is really unequalled by anything else.”

Others took up the same theme. In an interview with Bloomberg, Fed Vice-Chairman Richard Clarida claimed the economy had recovered “very robustly,” but added that “we’re still in a deep hole.”

In a speech, Boston Fed President Eric Rosengren said he was less optimistic than others about any recovery, because of both the continuation of the pandemic and the reduced prospects of further government spending.

“Additional support from fiscal policy, which I believe is very much needed, seems increasingly unlikely to materialize any time soon,” he said.

Chicago Fed President Charles Evans told reporters his projection for a fall in unemployment to 5.5 percent at the end of 2021 had been based on the assumption that there would be between $500 and $1 trillion in increased government spending, and that without that he expected higher joblessness and a slower recovery.

Atlanta Fed President Ralph Bostic was another to call for action. He told an Atlanta Chamber of Commerce virtual meeting he was “hopeful that policy makers in Washington as well as at the state level find creative ways to get that support out there.” Without it, he warned, there was a “significant chance” temporary dislocation “can become permanent.”

Cleveland Fed President Lorretta Mester said more government spending was very much needed because of the “deep hole” the economy was in.

But in the absence to this point of any movement from Congress for further bailouts, the comments by Fed officials on the need for more stimulus may be having a destabilising impact on Wall Street.

Quincy Krosby, chief market strategist for Prudential Financial, told the Financial Times: “When you hear that from the raft of Fed speakers, particularly from the top, it is of concern.” The emergence of a second wave of coronavirus infections could have devastating consequences for any recovery and for equity markets, she added.

Krishna Guha, vice-chairman of Evercore ISI, told the Financial Times that the Fed’s “increasingly shrill calls” for more fiscal action were “shaking confidence in the outlook, given the near-certainty that this additional fiscal support will not be forthcoming before January at the earliest.”

As the Fed calls for more government fiscal support, evidence has emerged on how its unprecedented intervention into financial markets, including the indirect and direct purchase of corporate bonds, is aiding major corporations at the expense of workers.

A report prepared by the House of Representatives Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus released on Wednesday found that the Fed had purchased bonds of corporations that have laid off more than 1 million workers, while paying out dividends to shareholders.

In a damning indictment of the Fed’s actions, the staff of the committee said: “Fed Chair Jerome Powell testified in June that ‘the intended beneficiaries of all of our programs are workers.’ However, the Select Committee’s analysis indicates that many large layoffs have occurred among the companies whose bonds were purchased by the Fed, suggesting that the primary beneficiaries of the program have been corporate executives, not workers.”

According to the report, 383 companies whose bonds were bought by the Fed had paid out dividends and 95 had carried out layoffs. Meanwhile, 227 of the companies had been accused of illegal activity sometime in the previous three years.

Confronted by the evidence gathered by the committee’s staff, the subcommittee chairman, Democrat Jim Clyburn, did his best to hold out some prospect for a reform of the Fed’s program.

“I believe that the terms of the Fed’s purchases of corporate bonds could have been improved so that benefits were equitably shared by workers as well as investors,” he said.

He got short shrift from Powell in his remarks in response to the report. Powell said the corporate bond-buying program had been designed to restore the functioning of private markets and had achieved that goal, as evidenced by the record amount of debt being issued in capital markets.

In its report, the Wall Street Journal said, “Powell implied that the program wouldn’t have achieved such an outcome if it had instead been conditioned on encouraging firms to borrow money in order to save jobs.”

Powell’s dismissive response underscores the fact that actions of the Fed and the Trump administration have never been about saving jobs. They have been directed entirely to maintaining corporate profits, via government bailouts, and providing free money to Wall Street, enabling speculators, investment houses and share traders to rake in money at the expense of workers.

Social distress mounts in the US as new weekly jobless claims rise to 870,000

Shannon Jones


For the twenty-seventh week straight first-time claims for unemployment benefits continued at historically unprecedented levels, with a seasonally adjusted 870,000 workers filing for benefits the week ending September 19. This number is up from 866,000 the week before, according to the US Labor Department. Another 630,000 filed under the Pandemic Unemployment Assistance program that provides assistance to the self-employed and other “gig economy” workers.

At the same time, continuing claims for unemployment assistance fell to 12.6 million for the week ending Sept. 12, a decrease of 167,000. This slight decline may reflect the fact that some workers are exhausting their unemployment benefits, which provide a maximum of 26 weeks, or even less, in most states. As of the beginning of September, another 11.5 million were claiming benefits through the pandemic assistance program.

Pedestrians wearing protective masks wait on line for food donations during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Corona neighborhood of the Queens borough of New York. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)

The large number of active unemployment claims, 24.1 million total, far surpasses anything seen in the Great Recession, which never exceeded a level of seven million. The current numbers understate the extent of the crisis as they do not reflect workers who are facing reduced hours or on furlough.

The largest weekly increases in new filings were in New York and Georgia. New claims in New York rose by over 9,000 last week and first-time filers in Georgia increased by more than 6,000. California alone had over 230,000 new filings, an increase of 4,400.

The number of jobs in the hospitality and leisure sector, which includes bars, restaurants, hotels and theaters, is still down 25 percent from pre-pandemic levels. New job openings are scarce, with 2.5 job seekers for every open position.

Despite the reopening of the economy pushed by President Donald Trump and enacted by Democratic and Republican governors, mass layoffs are continuing to hit workers throughout the country.

Blue Cross Blue Shield of Michigan has made voluntary separation offers to more than 10,500 employees as it moves to slash administrative costs. Real estate company Brookfield Properties announced a 20 percent across-the-board staff reduction. Its retail arm employs 2,000 people.

Faced with major budget deficits, public school systems are carrying out staff reductions, including Baltimore City Public Schools, which has sent layoff notices to 450 and the Schenectady City Schools, which is cutting 60 positions. Colleges are also carrying out job cuts as they face major budget strains, including University of Akron, which is cutting 70 staff and San Francisco State, which is cutting 130 positions. Many community colleges have also announced cuts.

Responding to the latest jobless numbers, David Zhao, an economist with employment website glassdoor.com, noted in a statement Thursday, “Economic recovery propelled by sheer momentum can only go so far amid a pandemic.” He added, “This stagnation signals enormous ongoing churn underneath the labor market as layoffs continue.”

The continued high level of new unemployment claims speaks to enormous economic distress amidst the pandemic, with daily new infections remaining high and moving upwards. These numbers stand in contrast to the boasts of the Trump administration about an easing of the crisis, touting the decline in the official unemployment rate, which fell to 8.4 percent in August, more than double what it was in February.

In a cynical legislative charade, in which each party blames the other for failing to act, the Democrats and Republicans in Congress are blocking the extension of emergency funding to the unemployed. Further, the stopgap weekly payments of $300 funded by money diverted by the Trump administration from Federal Emergency Management Agency funds are due to run out this week.

The deliberate starving of the unemployed is a policy being carried out with the support of Democrats and Republicans to help enforce the homicidal return-to-work policy of the ruling class. This policy is dictated by Wall Street, whose overriding aim is to restart production in order to meet the profit demands of big business and the finance houses. The brutal idea is to create such economic hardship that workers will have no choice but to work under unsafe conditions as COVID-19 infection are being allowed to again surge upward with the reopening of schools, colleges and workplaces.

The cutoff of assistance to the unemployed stands in stark contrast to the financial bonanza reaped by US billionaires through the flooding of government money to prop up the markets, $3 trillion since March. The US Federal Reserve has now pledged to pour another $120 billion a month, $1.5 trillion a year, to purchase financial assets. However, even these massive amounts are not enough to satisfy the appetites of Wall Street, which is demanding even more.

Meanwhile, despite official homilies to entrepreneurship, small businesses are being allowed to go bankrupt by the thousands, having long run out of money from the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP), even if they were able to qualify after most money appropriated by Congress was gobbled up by big corporations.

The cutoff of the federal supplement is putting further pressure on renters and homeowners whose jobs have been impacted by the pandemic. According to the US Census Bureau, in August more than one in four renters said that they did not think they would be able to meet rent in September. Figures published by the Washington Post reveal the number of eviction filings surged in many cities, including Kansas City, Missouri; Richmond, Virginia; and Fort Worth, Texas.

While the US Centers for Disease Control issued its own eviction ban for certain properties on September 4 following the end of the federal ban, it only lasts to the end of the year. Meanwhile, Congress has not appropriated any additional funds for rent assistance, meaning millions will still face eviction without any possibility of payment in just three months.

NBC News cited an analysis by Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Analytics, who estimated that US households owe over $25 billion in back rent, which could surge to $70 billion by the end of the year.

The continuing demand on food banks, another sign of social distress, is straining capacity. Local news channel 19Now spoke with Melony Samuels, the director of the New York food bank Bed-Stuy Campaign Against Hunger, who said that they were not prepared for a crisis of this length or depth. “Here we are six months now, devastated, still panicking and it seems to be just getting worse.” In April, the charity was providing 250,000 meals a week. It is now providing 315,000 meals a week.

According to Feeding America, between March and June four out of ten people visiting food banks had never used a food bank previously. The organization reports that more than 54 million in the US, including 18 million children, may face hunger this year. Already strained food banks faced an average 50 percent increase in demand nationwide since the start of the pandemic. According to a data analysis of US Census and Department of Agriculture figures, the proportion of children facing hunger is 14 times higher than it was last year.

Additional strains are being put on food resources by the ongoing wildfire disasters on the US West Coast and Hurricanes Sally and Laura that struck the Gulf Coast.

Dr. Megan Sandel, from the Boston University School of Medicine told the Intercept, “What I see every day from the pandemic is amazingly increased numbers of severely underweight children coming to our clinic, and parents really panicked about how they’re going to find enough food.”

There is no actual shortage of food in the US. In fact, 31 percent of food is thrown away at the retail and commercial level with a value of $161 billion, twice as much as the government spends on food assistance.

Student protests against herd immunity policy spread across Greece

Alex Lantier


Greek high school students marched Thursday in protests against the government’s herd immunity policy as occupations of high schools and strikes by doctors and transport workers spread across the country. This upsurge of social opposition comes as Athens hospitals, devastated by decades of European Union austerity, find themselves swamped with 580 COVID-19 victims as young as 17, including 70 intubated patients.

Amid a total blackout in the international media, students at hundreds of high schools and broad layers of workers are joining the struggle against the EU’s back-to-school campaign, led by Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ right-wing New Democracy (ND) government. The return to school has proceeded without opposition from the trade unions or the main bourgeois opposition party, the pro-austerity Syriza (“Coalition of the Radical Left”).

Doctors take part in a rally during a 24-hour nationwide strike by state hospital workers outside the health ministry in Athens, Thursday, Sept. 24, 2020. (AP Photo/Thanassis Stavrakis)

Protests by high school students against the ND government’s guidelines for the return to school continue to accelerate. While on Monday dozens of high schools joined a movement to occupy the schools that began last week, by Tuesday 100 schools were occupied. Yesterday, Kathimerini reported that over 200 schools were occupied across Greece, mainly in the Attica region around Athens, Thessaloniki, Crete, Achaea and Magnesia.

Anger is mounting among workers and youth over the lack of social distancing and conditions, such as large class sizes in poorly ventilated classrooms, which ensure that the virus will spread. The main demands of the protesting students include limiting class sizes to 15 and hiring on the basis of permanent contracts the number of teachers necessary to reduce class sizes, along with additional cleaning staff.

Sections of workers are taking strike action in solidarity, while also demanding wage increases and contract revisions. On Thursday, a strike at the port of Piraeus, near Athens, shut down all traffic, including both merchant shipping and ferries, for 24 hours. From Monday to Wednesday, Olympic Air was forced by strike action to cancel 58 domestic flights between Athens and various Greek islands.

On Thursday, students, joined by teachers and parents, marched in Athens and Thessaloniki, Greece’s two largest cities, criticizing both herd immunity policies and the military buildup against Turkey being carried out by the Mitsotakis government, in alliance with France.

Protesting students in Athens spoke to Greece’s Press Project of how they would speak to Mitsotakis if he were present: “You tell us we are closing schools, but your policy has turned them into health bombs and is resulting in the closure of one after another due to COVID-19! You are telling us that we are right, but that we should sit at home to do you a favor and give up our rights. You have the audacity to tell us that you will satisfy our demands if we back down—while at the same time claiming that nothing can be solved, that we are asking for too much if we demand safe schools.”

Protesters also chanted slogans against moves to increase military service to 10 months starting at age 18, and the recent massive arms deal between Paris and Athens, which is aimed at Turkey.

The Coordination Committee of Athens Students, an umbrella organization overseeing student protests and school occupations in the Athens area, echoed this sentiment in a statement criticizing the militarist budget of the Mitsotakis government. The statement read: “The ND government says it will buy 16 Rafale warplanes from France this year at a cost of nearly €4 billion. Then we are told there is no money to hire teachers who are badly needed to reduce the number of students per classroom.”

Many students note that the €4 billion spent on French weapons to prepare a fratricidal war against Turkey would be enough to hire the 300,000 teachers needed to cut class sizes to 15.

The Greek Communist Youth (KNE), linked to the Stalinist Greek Communist Party (KKE), reported that some school principals and officials are trying to blockade occupied high schools and “slander protesters as ‘mask deniers,’” claiming that they deny the necessity of wearing masks for safety during the pandemic. The KNE said that students are simply making the point that masks will not be enough to halt the spread of the virus between students who spend long periods of time in the same classroom.

On Thursday, in addition to protests by students, Greek hospital doctors protested in Athens outside the Ministry of Health to demand more staff and a scientific approach to fighting the pandemic. “We are here because the government has not taken any actions to help the National Health System,” they told Greece’s Press Project. “We will not tolerate becoming a danger to our patients because of the intensification of workloads and our exhaustion. There must be an urgent mass recruitment of permanent staff in hospitals.”

The doctors emphasized their opposition to sackings of temp nursing staff, demanding that all health staff immediately and unconditionally receive permanent employment. They also called for the hiring of one doctor and four nurses for every new intensive care bed that is opened.

“We are here because the government, as at all previous times, whatever its policy, says that scientists suggest but they legislate,” doctors told Press Project. Pointing to the rising death toll from the resurgence of COVID-19 in Greece, they denounced “health protocols written to satisfy the requirements of the hotels and the tourist industry… We are seeing the result of a policy that subjugates science to the savage laws of the market.”

Greek officials made clear they intend to ignore the protests and continue EU herd immunity policies. Even with 342 cases and nine deaths on Thursday, Development and Investment Minister Adonis Georgiadis said there would be no lockdown to halt the spread of the virus. “The lockdown will not take place tomorrow or the day after,” he said. “We are fighting to avoid it. It is the last recourse. It is not the advisory committee on infectious disease that rules, but the government.”

Mitsotakis echoed the comments of Georgiadis in a televised appeal yesterday, demanding that the public wear masks. He said the choice was between “self-protection and lockdown.” He added that “lockdowns mean closed businesses and unemployment,” basing himself on plans for the billions of euros in bailout funding to go only to the banks and major corporations, rather than to workers and small businesses.

As for Syriza leader and former prime minister Alexis Tsipras, he said Syriza should not provide “any opportunities for the government and Mr. Mitsotakis to escape the difficult situation in which they have placed themselves and the country.”

In fact, Tsipras himself bears central political responsibility for the crisis now unfolding in Greece. Elected in 2015 based on pledges to end EU austerity, he betrayed these promises and implemented billions of euros in social cuts that devastated Greek hospitals, schools and other institutions now threatened by COVID-19. Syriza and its allies in the KKE and the Greek trade union bureaucracy are directly implicated in the current disaster.

The alternative for Greek youth and workers is a turn to the European and international working class. Explosive anger is building across Europe and beyond at the financial aristocracy’s herd immunity policy, and protests have already broken out in Madrid.

The political task facing the working class is to prepare general strike action across Europe against herd immunity policies, to take control of the resources necessary to fight the virus, and to bring down anti-working class governments across Europe as part of a common struggle for the United Socialist States of Europe.

Corona-fied: Employers Spying on Remote Workers in Their Homes

Steven Hill


The future of work is here, ushered in by a global pandemic. But is it turning employment into a Worker’s Paradise of working at home? Or more of a Big Brother panopticon?

Disturbing increases in the use of digital surveillance technologies by employers to monitor their remote workers are raising alarm bells. With the number of remote workers surging as a result of the pandemic—42 percent of U.S. workers are now doing their jobs from their kitchens, living rooms, and home offices—a number of employers have begun requiring their workers to download spying software to their laptops and smartphones. The goal is for businesses to monitor what their remote employees do all day, to track job performance and productivity, and to reduce so-called “cyber-slacking.”

Business software products from Hubstaff, which tracks a worker’s mouse movements, keyboard strokes, webpages visited, email, file transfers and applications used, are surging in sales. So are sales for TSheets, which workers download to their smartphones so that employers can track their location. Another product, called Time Doctor, “downloads videos of employees’ screens” and uses “a computer’s webcam to take a picture of the employee every 10 minutes,” NPR reports. One employee told NPR, “If you’re idle for a few minutes, if you go to the bathroom or… [to the kitchen], a pop-up will come up and it’ll say, ‘You have 60 seconds to start working again or we’re going to pause your time.’”

Another system, InterGuard, can be secretly installed on workers’ computers. The Washington Post reports that it “creates a minute-by-minute timeline of every app and website they view, categorizing each as ‘productive’ or ‘unproductive’ and ranking workers by their ‘productivity score.’” Other employers are using a lower-tech approach, requiring workers to stay logged in to a teleconference service like Zoom all day so they can be continually watched.

Since the COVID-19 outbreak, one surveillance company, Awareness Technologies, says it has seen its sales triple. Executives at Hubstaff and Teramind also say demand for their companies’ monitoring products has tripled. One website showing “Employee Monitoring Software in the USA” lists nearly 70 companies with products for sale.

Outdated Laws Keep It Legal

Despite this surge in online surveillance activity, currently, it is a legal practice in the United States. Individual state laws vary over whether companies must inform workers that they’re using tracking software, but in reality, “When you’re on your office computer, you have no privacy at all,” says Lewis Maltby, president of the National Workrights Institute. “Anything and everything you do is probably monitored by your boss.”

Current laws are vastly outdated, as they are based on the Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986, when the primary form of electronic communication was the telephone. That was a distant time when desktop computers were first becoming popular, and smartphones were not yet a glint in Steve Jobs’ eye.

And now, in response to the coronavirus outbreak, companies such as Pricewaterhouse Coopers and Salesforce have developed intrusive applications that enable companies to continuously track the health status of their employees. Often they include a system for tracking contacts between employees within an office, and a mobile app for collecting information about their health status. A number of large U.S. employers, including AmazonWalmart, Home Depot and Starbucks, are taking the temperatures of their employees before they are allowed to work. Certainly, employers have a legitimate need to collect the necessary data to safeguard their workplaces, especially in response to a pandemic. But what is the appropriate level of “health intrusion”? How voluntary is the participation of workers, and who gets to decide?

The reality of this constant Big Brother digital spying in people’s homes is that dozens of remote workers are starting to complain that they feel burned out by this pressure. A recent Fishbowl survey of major companies’ employees found that three-quarters of those polled were opposed to using “an app or device that allows their company to trace their contacts with colleagues.” Yet many fear they will be branded as a troublemaker or lose their job if they speak out. And since remote workers hardly see each other—and increasingly may not even know many of their coworkers—these factors will make labor organizing and collective worker empowerment increasingly challenging.

U.S. labor unions have been slow to advocate for updating these outdated laws. One union, the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America, has been working to blunt the worst of the abuses. Labor-friendly media have been missing this story as well. Not only should unions advocate to update the laws and limit digital spying, but why not also demand that home-based workers be compensated by employers for use of their house, utilities and the internet? And that the employer remains responsible to provide equipment and a safe workplace, even in the home?

Remote Workforce GrowthThe New Normal?

As the number of remote workers rises, concerns are growing among labor advocates that this is quickly becoming the “new normal.” One survey by Gartner, Inc. found that 74 percent of companies intend to keep some proportion of their workforce on permanent remote status, with nearly a quarter of respondents saying they will move at least 20 percent of their on-site employees to permanent remote status. Google/Alphabet recently announced it will keep its 200,000 full-time and contract employees home until at least July 2021, and half of Facebook employees will work from home over the next decade. Hub International, a global insurance brokerage, has shifted 90 percent of its 12,000 employees to remote status. “Teleperformance, the world’s largest call-center company, estimates that around 150,000 of its employees [nearly half its global workforce] will not return to a physical worksite,” according to Social Europe.

Stanford economist Nicholas Bloom says:

“A recent separate survey of firms from the Survey of Business Uncertainty that I run with the Atlanta Federal Reserve and the University of Chicago indicated that the share of working days spent at home is expected to increase fourfold from pre-COVID levels, from 5 percent to 20 percent.

“Of the dozens of firms I have talked to, the typical plan is that employees will work from home one to three days a week, and come into the office the rest of the time.

But not all at-home workers are created equal. Bloom continues:

“Taken together, this is generating a time bomb for inequality. Our results show that more educated, higher-earning employees are far more likely to work from home—so they are continuing to get paid, develop their skills and advance their careers. At the same time, those unable to work from home—either because of the nature of their jobs, or because they lack suitable space or internet connections—are being left behind. They face bleak prospects if their skills and work experience erode during an extended shutdown and beyond.”

The future of work has become more uncertain than ever. In this “brave new world,” labor unions and advocates must ensure that the pandemic is not misused by businesses as an excuse to worsen conditions for employees who work out of the office. It is easy to imagine how the lines between ‘remote’ work and ‘platform’ work could blur, leading to more ‘Uberization’ as work devolves into ‘independent’ contracts, bogus self-employment and ‘pay-by-project’ arrangements that can be easily outsourced to remote (and lower-cost) destinations.

Worker advocates must push for a strong and modern legal data protection framework. And that should include an effective enforcement system against privacy abuse that disincentivizes illegal spying behavior. Remote work should not become a downward slide toward a Big Brother panopticon that penetrates into society ever more deeply, including into our homes.

FinCen Files Shine Spotlight on Suspicious Bank Transfers

Chuck Collins


On September 20th, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) –the reporters who brought us the “Panama Papers” and the “Paradise Papers” — released the “FinCEN Files,” in collaboration with Buzzfeed News.

The FinCEN Files are the result of a U.S. leak of 2,100 “Suspicious Activity Reports” (SARs) –covering over 18,000 transactions — filed by banks when they believe a transaction may involve fraud, corruption, or other criminal activity.  SAR reports are not public.  A former U.S. Treasury official leaked the documents to expose corruption.

The public should be concerned about the volume of suspect bank transactions that are the tip of the iceberg in terms of illicit funds, money laundering and tax dodging.  The U.S. has become one of the largest global destinations for illicit funds and tax dodging due to weak disclosure laws –with states like Delaware that do not require corporations to disclose their true beneficial owners.

Over the 18 years between 1999 and 2017, banks moved $2 trillion in funds that they considered suspicious, generating substantial fees in the process.  Some of the biggest global banks involved included Deutsche Bank, JP Morgan Chase, HSBC, Barclays Bank, and Bank of New York Mellon.  Almost half the $2 trillion in suspicious loans were made by Deutsche Bank, a bank that has paid substantial fines for past money laundering activities.

The Suspicious Activity Reports (SARs) showed that banks often moved funds for companies registered in offshore tax havens, such as the Cayman Islands and British Virgin Islands, where the identity of the owner was not known. Banks could have refused these transactions.  But in many cases they allowed the transactions to proceed and then filed a SAR report to cover their reporting obligations.

The Institute for Policy Studies Program on Inequality has monitored anonymous luxury real estate transactions that disrupt local affordable housing markets.   Our reports about luxury real estate in Boston and Seattle reveal the large percentage of luxury property purchased by shell companies. The IPS Inequality Program has advocated for national FinCEN oversight of cash transactions in real estate over a certain value and has pressed for release of FinCEN data on the City of Boston.

The FinCEN Files provides a window into one aspect of the movement of illicit funds.  If I’m a narco-trafficker looking to launder my ill-gotten treasure, I may take funds from an offshore account and use them to purchase, often with cash, real estate in the United States.  At some point, I’ll need the services of a bank to facilitate the transfer of funds.

FinCEN oversight alone has been a deterrent to some suspicious activities.  In early 2016, FinCEN imposed a temporary transparency rule on Miami-Dade and Manhattan to crack down on dark money transactions.  Purchasers of real estate with cash over $1 million were required to disclose beneficial ownership.  After the implementation of these rules in March 2016, Miami-Dade saw an immediate 95 percent drop in cash real estate purchases by shell companies and anonymous corporations. An academic study found that the threat of greater transparency enforcement led to a 70 percent decline on all-cash purchases nationwide.

Some of the well-know figures exposed in the FinCEN Files include Isabel dos Santos, the Angolan billionaire accused of looting that country in a previous ICIJ disclosure, the Luanda Leaks.

Trump’s former campaign manager, Paul Manafort, was named in over 33 SARs covering over 620 suspicious transactions.  Manafort was a key figure in Robert Mueller’s investigation of Russian interference in the U.S. election and was sentenced to 7.5-year prison term for fraud and tax evasion.

Many of the major banks covered by the FinCEN Files claim that they have changed their practices in recent years.  HSBC told Reuters that “all the information provided by ICIJ is historical” and that as of 2012,  “HSBC embarked on a multi-year journey to overhaul its ability to combat financial crime across more than 60 jurisdictions.”  Government oversight officials have expressed concern that the leaks may have a chilling effect and serve as a setback to transparency efforts.

A key part of the solution to the illicit funds and tax dodging is full disclosure of beneficial ownership of corporations, revealing the individuals responsible for a company’s behavior.  A growing number of sectors, including the Chamber of Commerce, are calling for greater ownership transparency.  Join the growing effort to press for ownership transparency, including legislation currently pending in the U.S. Senate.

Bill Gates’ Global Agenda and How We Can Resist His War on Life

Vandana Shiva


In March 2015, Bill Gates showed an image of the coronavirus during a TED Talk and told the audience that it was what the greatest catastrophe of our time would look like. The real threat to life, he said, is ‘not missiles, but microbes.’ When the coronavirus pandemic swept over the earth like a tsunami five years later, he revived the war language, describing the pandemic as ‘a world war’.

‘The coronavirus pandemic pits all of humanity against the virus,’ he said.

In fact, the pandemic is not a war. The pandemic is a consequence of war. A war against life. The mechanical mind connected to the money machine of extraction has created the illusion of humans as separate from nature, and nature as dead, inert raw material to be exploited. But, in fact, we are part of the biome. And we are part of the virome. The biome and the virome are us. When we wage war on the biodiversity of our forests, our farms, and in our guts, we wage war on ourselves.

The health emergency of the coronavirus is inseparable from the health emergency of extinction, the health emergency of biodiversity loss, and the health emergency of the climate crisis. All of these emergencies are rooted in a mechanistic, militaristic, anthropocentric worldview that considers humans separate from—and superior to—other beings. Beings we can own, manipulate, and control. All of these emergencies are rooted in an economic model based on the illusion of limitless growth and limitless greed, which violate planetary boundaries, and destroy the integrity of ecosystems and individual species.

New diseases arise because a globalized, industrialized, inefficient agriculture invades habitats, destroys ecosystems, and manipulates animals, plants, and other organisms with no respect for their integrity or their health. We are linked worldwide through the spread of diseases like the coronavirus because we have invaded the homes of other species, manipulated plants and animals for commercial profits and greed, and cultivated monocultures. As we clear-cut forests, as we turn farms into industrial monocultures that produce toxic, nutritionally empty commodities, as our diets become degraded through industrial processing with synthetic chemicals and genetic engineering, and as we perpetuate the illusion that earth and life are raw materials to be exploited for profits, we are indeed connecting. But instead of connecting on a continuum of health by protecting biodiversity, integrity, and self-organization of all living beings, including humans, we are connected through disease.

According to the International Labour Organization, ‘1.6 billion informal economy workers (representing the most vulnerable in the labour market), out of a worldwide total of two billion and a global workforce of 3.3 billion, have suffered massive damage to their capacity to earn a living. This is due to lockdown measures and/or because they work in the hardest-hit sectors.’ According to the World Food Programme, a quarter of a billion additional people will be pushed to hunger and 300,000 could die every day. These, too, are pandemics that are killing people. Killing cannot be a prescription for saving lives.

Health is about life and living systems. There is no ‘life’ in the paradigm of health that Bill Gates and his ilk are promoting and imposing on the entire world. Gates has created global alliances to impose top-down analysis and prescriptions for health problems. He gives money to define the problems, and then he uses his influence and money to impose the solutions. And in the process, he gets richer. His ‘funding’ results in an erasure of democracy and biodiversity, of nature and culture. His ‘philanthropy’ is not just philanthrocapitalism. It is philanthroimperialism.

The coronavirus pandemic and lockdown have revealed even more clearly how we are being reduced to objects to be controlled, with our bodies and minds as the new colonies to be invaded. Empires create colonies, colonies enclose the commons of the indigenous living communities and turn them into sources of raw material to be extracted for profits. This linear, extractive logic is unable to see the intimate relations that sustain life in the natural world. It is blind to diversity, cycles of renewal, values of giving and sharing, and the power and potential of self-organising and mutuality. It is blind to the waste it creates and to the violence it unleashes. The extended coronavirus lockdown has been a lab experiment for a future without humanity.

On March 26, 2020, at a peak of the coronavirus pandemic and in the midst of the lockdown, Microsoft was granted a patent by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). Patent WO 060606 declares that ‘Human Body Activity associated with a task provided to a user may be used in a mining process of a cryptocurrency system….’

The ‘body activity’ that Microsoft wants to mine includes radiation emitted from the human body, brain activities, body fluid flow, blood flow, organ activity, body movement such as eye movement, facial movement, and muscle movement, as well as any other activities that can be sensed and represented by images, waves, signals, texts, numbers, degrees, or any other information or data.

The patent is an intellectual property claim over our bodies and minds. In colonialism, colonisers assign themselves the right to take the land and resources of indigenous people, extinguish their cultures and sovereignty, and in extreme cases exterminate them. Patent WO 060606 is a declaration by Microsoft that our bodies and minds are its new colonies. We are mines of ‘raw material’—the data extracted from our bodies. Rather than sovereign, spiritual, conscious, intelligent beings making decisions and choices with wisdom and ethical values about the impacts of our actions on the natural and social world of which we are a part, and to which we are inextricably related, we are ‘users.’ A ‘user’ is a consumer without choice in the digital empire.

But that’s not the totality of Gates’ vision. In fact, it is even more sinister—to colonise the minds, bodies, and spirits of our children before they even have the opportunity to understand what freedom and sovereignty look and feel like, beginning with the most vulnerable.

In May 2020, Governor Andrew Cuomo of New York announced a partnership with the Gates Foundation to ‘reinvent education.’ Cuomo called Gates a visionary and argued that the pandemic has created ‘a moment in history when we can actually incorporate and advance [Gates’] ideas…all these buildings, all these physical classrooms—why with all the technology you have?’

In fact, Gates has been trying to dismantle the public education system of the United States for two decades. For him students are mines for data. That is why the indicators he promotes are attendance, college enrollment, and scores on a math and reading test, because these can be easily quantified and mined. In reimagining education, children will be monitored through surveillance systems to check if they are attentive while they are forced to take classes remotely, alone at home. The dystopia is one where children never return to schools, do not have a chance to play, do not have friends. It is a world without society, without relationships, without love and friendship.

As I look to the future in a world of Gates and Tech Barons, I see a humanity that is further polarized into large numbers of ‘throw away’ people who have no place in the new Empire. Those who are included in the new Empire will be little more than digital slaves.

Or, we can resist. We can seed another future, deepen our democracies, reclaim our commons, regenerate the earth as living members of a One Earth Family, rich in our diversity and freedom, one in our unity and interconnectedness. It is a healthier future. It is one we must fight for. It is one we must claim.

We stand at a precipice of extinction. Will we allow our humanity as living, conscious, intelligent, autonomous beings to be extinguished by a greed machine that does not know limits and is unable to put a break on its colonisation and destruction? Or will we stop the machine and defend our humanity, freedom, and autonomy to protect life on earth?

What If Preventing Collapse Isn’t Profitable?

Richard Heinberg


The real downside of the green-profit narrative has been that it created the assumption in many people’s minds that the solution to climate change and other environmental dilemmas is technical, and that policy makers and industrialists will implement it for us, so that the way we live doesn’t need to change in any fundamental way. That’s never been true.

The notion that modern industrial civilization is fundamentally unsustainable and is therefore likely to collapse at some point is not a new one. Even before the Limits to Growth report of 1972, many ecologists were concerned that our continual expansion of population and consumption, based on the ever-increasing rate at which we burn finite supplies of fossil fuels, would eventually lead to crises of resource depletion and pollution (including climate change) as well as catastrophic loss of wild nature. Dystopian outcomes would inevitably follow.

This apprehension led environmentalists to strategize ways to avert collapse. The obvious solution was, in large measure, to persuade policy makers to curtail growth in population and consumption, while mandating a phase-out of fossil fuels. But convincing political and business leaders to do these things proved difficult-to-impossible.

The folks in charge used the following arguments to justify their refusal to act.

Population Growth: The choice of whether or not to reproduce is a basic human right, said the authorities. Seeking to interfere with that right also violates religious freedoms. Besides, population growth helps economic growth (see “Economic Growth,” below).

Economic Growth: Policy makers insisted that we need a bigger economy, not a smaller one, to pay for environmental cleanup, more of which seems to be required all the time. Also, we need growth in order to pay back public and private debt, which has ballooned in recent years due to the expectation of future profits and tax revenues. Further, we must raise the living standards of people in poor countries, and poor people in rich countries, and the only way to do that is to expand trade and other economic activity.

Fossil Fuels: Yes, of course burning oil, coal, and natural gas is problematic in the long run, political and business leaders admitted. But until a cheaper energy source comes along, fossil fuels are necessary for economic growth (see “Economic Growth,” above).

Together, these arguments were impenetrable—not because there weren’t any better counterarguments, but because they reflected the short-term imperatives of the economic system itself. It’s a system, after all, that has to keep moving and growing to survive. So, for environmentalists, it was back to the drawing board.

After strategizing feverishly, they came up with what seemed like a winning formula. What if there could be “clean” energy sources cheaper than fossil fuels, and what if economic growth could be achieved without more resource extraction and waste dumping? In short, what if industry could profit by saving the planet? If this really turned out to be the case, two of the basic ecological contradictions of modern society (increasing rates of resource depletion and pollution) would disappear painlessly. Meanwhile, we could simply ignore the population issue and hope that it somehow takes care of itself as economic growth makes people more affluent and therefore likely to have fewer kids. Everybody wins!

And so, starting in the 1980s, big environmental organizations relied to an ever-greater extent on partnering with corporations and on hopes for technological solutions to the growth dilemma. Climate change would be defeated through the development of renewable energy. The looming problem of resource depletion would vanish as a result of more efficiency and recycling. Pollution would disappear with the proliferation of harmless, biodegradable, recyclable materials. Building solar panels, manufacturing “green” products, and recycling old stuff would be profitable and would create jobs. Economic growth would be decoupled from environmental harms of all kinds. Our collective human economic metabolism would continue to increase in scale, but in ways that didn’t threaten wildlife or future generations of humans. Problems solved!

To be fair, environmentalists have also lobbied for carbon taxes, various regulations, and government investment to jumpstart the shift to alternative technologies, and some environmentalists never got on board with the pro-growth propaganda. But usually the promise was front and center: with just an initial nudge, planet-saving would soon become a self-funding growth activity for industry.

And here we are today. The opportunities for green growth have snowballed to the point where they are now seemingly endless. New machines have been invented to suck carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere; these machines are expensive, and enormous numbers of them will be needed to make much of a difference with regard to climate change, so the profit potential is mind-numbing! Engineers have found ways of combining captured CO2 with hydrogen released from water by the application of electricity; the results are synthetic fuels that could replace oil and natural gas in transportation and industry. Those “synfuels” promise to be expensive to produce, so get ready for a torrent of new commerce as fuel users gear up to pay for them! The same goes for electric cars, as hundreds of new models move from drawing boards to showrooms! Meanwhile, solar panels and wind turbines are getting cheaper, so there’s little to prevent renewable energy from crushing the fossil fuel industry once and for all! Make way for green profits and jobs galore!

And yet, during the last few decades, as all these supposedly profitable green solutions have sprouted, our actual environmental problems have gotten worse. The Earth has warmed by more than one degree Celsius above its temperature fifty years ago. Forests are burning as never before. Storms are becoming mega-storms. And the number of climate refugees is climbing fast. Two-thirds of all wild animals have disappeared in this last half-century. The oceans appear to be dying from acidification, overfishing, and giant gyres of plastic pollution. Meanwhile, human population has doubled, from 4 billion in 1974 to nearly 8 billion today.

What’s the hitch? Have environmentalists simply not tried hard enough to sell their no-pain marketing plan? Has insufficient government investment and regulation prevented the big green profit machine from revving up to speed? Or is there something fundamentally wrong with the eco-opportunity message?

It’s easy to make the case that government has dragged its feet on regulations and incentives. But if green alternatives are really so profitable, why the reluctance to wholeheartedly support them? Yes, fossil fuel companies have deliberately thrown tacks in the roadway, questioning climate science while hoovering up government subsidies, and they have spent vast amounts both to lobby and contribute to the campaigns of elected leaders. But surely that’s not the only impediment.

Consider renewable energy. Costs for solar panels and wind turbines have continually fallen, so these alternative energy sources should be Exhibit A for the green-growth argument. Unfortunately, however, the difficulties of a complete transition from fossil fuels to renewables cannot be boiled down to a question of cost per unit of electricity produced by solar versus coal. Renewables and fossil fuels are very different sources of energy, requiring different systems to manage and use them. Therefore, the transition will require a great deal of investment in infrastructure beyond panels and turbines themselves.

The intermittency of sunshine and wind imposes the need for energy storage technologies, for much greater redundancy of energy sources, for more robust transmission grids, and for infrastructure to turn electricity into fuels for technologies that will be hard to electrify (such as long-distance airplanes, big farm machinery, and high-heat industrial processes like cement making). All of these will be costly.

Take just the last of these—synfuels, of which considerable quantities may be needed, depending on how much aviation, shipping, intensive farming, and high-heat industry we want to maintain. We can make synfuels from free sunlight and wind, and CO2 captured from the air. It would seem to be a no-brainer. But it turns out that the process is inefficient and expensive compared to doing the same work with oil or natural gas. While sunlight and wind are free, the machines we use to capture energy from them are not; they are built from nonrenewable materials, just like oil derricks and gas pipelines. Fossil fuels are, in a sense, free too. Sure, they need extraction, refining, transport, and burning, but nature has already done the work of concentrating and transforming millions of years’ worth of ancient sunlight into substances that are relatively easy to store, transport, and use. Until these fuels start to get really scarce (which may happen sooner than a lot of people assume), fossil fuels will therefore continue to be cheaper, in many applications, than renewables.

Further, we already have the infrastructure required for finding, extracting, transporting, and using fossil fuels, whereas the production of synfuels would require a great deal of new infrastructure—so much that it would amount to a replacement for much of our existing fossil fuel industry, which took many decades to build.

So, even if solar panels and wind turbines continue getting cheaper, there will still be systemic technological and economic hurdles—in addition to any political foot-dragging—hindering a full transition.

Ugh. That was supposed to be the cheap and easy part of the green-growth solution. Unfortunately, there are even more difficulties to be faced in attempting to maintain a growing economy and an expanding population while dramatically reducing environmental harms.

Some of those problems are summed up in the word externality. In economics lingo, an externality is the impact of an economic transaction that is not priced into that transaction. No one sets out to produce externalities, in the sense that no one pollutes just for the sake of polluting. Pollution is a byproduct of doing business, and industry typically assumes that society as a whole will either learn to live with the mess or pay to clean it up. Only rarely does industry foot the bill (that’s what might be called internalizing the externality). Most of the time, industry profits, while nature bleeds and society pays.

Perhaps you’ve read reports that estimate the future costs of climate change. The numbers are staggering. Surely the prospect of such unprecedented financial losses over the coming decades will motivate today’s industrialists to invest in green alternatives! Not necessarily. Publicly held corporations are required by law to make decisions that result in the highest value to their shareholders, not society as a whole. Next quarter’s profits are therefore all-important. If climate change imposes unbearable costs on society at some point down the line, that’s society’s burden.

Another set of problems issues from our laws regarding private property. If a corporation buys land that happens to contain a major coal deposit, the corporation owns that coal and can mine and sell it. (In some cases, corporations can even buy rights to resources below land owned by others.) But no business made the coal, or the soil above it. Industrialists simply claim ownership by paying a fraction of real value, and then profit from the extraction of whatever valuable minerals may exist. Resource depletion is always our grandchildren’s problem, never ours. And our grandchildren have no seat at the table.

In other words, whether the problem is related to pollution or depletion, the incentives and advantages are all on the side of industry and growth, never nature and conservation, unless government steps in with a regulation or two.

Yes, there are occasional profits to be made from green energy and products. For example, companies sometimes earn profits by making and selling solar panels, electric bikes, biodegradable laundry detergent, and hemp T-shirts (note: I’m setting aside, for now, the full life-cycle ecological footprints of these products when I characterize them as “green”). But until the fundamental incentives and legal structures that support our current industrial growth economy are overhauled, the lion’s share of profits will continue to accrue to industries that extract and pollute. The reason these industries extract and pollute is that most economic activity is directed toward consumption, and most consumption inevitably depletes resources and pollutes. That’s why there’s been no overall shift in society’s direction.

So, what would actually be required to stop the bleeding?

First, we would have to abolish externalities. That would mean requiring industrialists to pay all the real costs of their activities—from mine to landfill. No more free pollution, including the free dumping of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere.

Then we would have to change laws related to the ownership of land. As American economist Henry George proposed back in the 1870s, and as Native Americans have always believed, land should be the common property of all people, and other species should have the right to habitat and survival. Workers should own the products of their labor, but no one should unilaterally own our common inheritance of nature’s bounty.

If we did these two things, most profits would disappear. Yes, people could still exchange products and services, but windfalls from resource extraction and from industrial processes that entail waste dumping would vanish. Therefore, policy makers would have to reorganize political and economic systems so that profit was no longer as important; instead, the well-being of people and planet would be paramount.

Without industrial-scale profits, an enormous amount of debt would come due that could not be repaid with interest. In effect, that would mean the disappearance of mountains of money. Again, policy makers would have to retool the political-economic system so that money and debt play less of a role in people’s daily lives.

There is a third and final realm in which action would be necessary. We would need to take the population question seriously. If population is growing, a shrinking economy becomes an ever-greater burden on each individual. But if population levels are declining, then economic degrowth imposes a smaller per-capita toll, and quality of life could improve as human numbers decline to a sustainable level.

The eventual result of taking these collective actions would likely be a happier society, but a smaller and slower one. Many people already yearn for a slower and happier way of life, and, ironically, under current industrial conditions they are forced to pay extra for simple, healthy food, clean air, and opportunities to feel creative and genuinely useful. The simplicity movement, the permaculture movement, the self-sufficiency movement, the maker movement, the tiny house movement, the sharing economy, and the back-to-the-land movement have all sought to cultivate and channel the understandable human urge to regain personal autonomy, re-weave social relationships, and reconnect with nature. There is advantage to be had in ending our assault on the planet; just not profit in the financial sense.

You see, the real downside of the green-profit narrative has been that it created the assumption in many people’s minds that the solution to climate change and other environmental dilemmas is technical, and that policy makers and industrialists will implement it for us, so that the way we live doesn’t need to change in any fundamental way. That’s never been true. The sooner we get that through our heads, the more time we will have to get used to living happily within limits—without nature imposing those limits in ways that aren’t so pleasant.