Roomana Hukil
With the defeat of the Tamil Tigers after 26 years in 2009 in Sri Lanka,
it was hoped that the Sri Lankan political space would see a new
opening for a peaceful co-existence, and attempts were made to address
the long standing grievances between the Tamil community and other
minority groups. However, Sinhalese Buddhist triumphalism led to its
consolidation of power within the ruling party. As a result, assertions
for a single Sinhala Buddhist state were made and many instances of
violence, essentially against the Sinhalese Muslims, drew the attention
of the international community.
Such percolating hate-filled propaganda against the Sri Lankan
minorities raise concerns about the prospects for reconciliation and
reconstruction policies/processes. What has led to the marginalisation
of Sri Lankan Muslims in Sri Lanka, especially when compared to the
other ethno-religious minority groups in the country?
Historical Hiccup
At the beginning of the 20th century, the majoritarian attitude towards
the minority was based on religious and not ethnic factors. This
attitude changed during independence, when Tamil Indians were targeted
based on their ethnicity. It was only post-independence that the Sri
Lankan Muslims started being targeted on the basis of their religious,
linguistic and ethnic differences. Disparities were first realised in
the early 1990s, when 72,000 Tamil Muslims from the Northern Province of
Sri Lanka were forcibly evicted by the LTTE when Jaffna peninsula was
captured and hundreds were massacred.
This phenomenon has re-emerged with the defeat of the LTTE and, now, the
divide is based on a composition of ethnic, religious, political and
economic underpinnings.
Demography
The latest census indicates a vast increase in the number of Sinhalese
Muslims from 8.5 to 9.7 per cent in 2001 and 2012 respectively. On the
other hand, the Theravada Buddhists who represented 76.7 per cent of the
population in 2001 have fallen to 70.2 per cent in 2012. This
alteration disturbs the majority Buddhist community as well as the
national political parties who consider electoral representation and
allotment and distribution of the limited land as pressing concerns.
Consequently, political parties are alleged to be supporting the cause
for radical groups such as the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS).
Furthermore, on the eastern coast, Tamil and Sinhalese Muslims roughly
share the same demographic composition that is steadily mounting. This
is seen as an impediment to the Sinhalese Buddhist’s ideology of a
‘single Sinhala nation’ since they live in a minority there.
Sensitivity Factor
The objective of the hardliners in Sri Lanka is to touch upon and raise
sensitive issues that are common also to other less aggravated Sinhalese
sections of the population. The aim is to create an inter-communal
divide. Early 2013, the BBS campaigned against the system of certifying
halal meat products in the country, stating that Muslims were trying to
impose their food habits with an intention of bringing about Sharia law.
Due to pressure exerted by the BBS, the government pronounced that the
All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama (ACJU) should cease to issue halal
certificates on meat products.
Supplementing the frantic urge to create communal divisions, the BBS
also alleged the slaughter of cows in a meat inspection facility in
Dematagoda. However, they were proven inaccurate.
Eye Openers
The status of Muslims has changed considerably since the 1970s, when
Muslims were played against the LTTE. With the fall of the Tamil Tigers,
the Sinhalese Muslims lost their value-laden image and ceased to exist
as perceived assets to the Sinhala state. Also, post 2009, Muslims
started flourishing in their business enterprises, trade and commerce
units in urban spaces. They gained a foothold in the Sinhalese Army and
acted as significant contributors to the economy. The Sinhalese
Buddhists began to fear that their positions and opportunities were
being overwhelmed by the minority groups.
Without the issue of the Sinhalese Muslims in Sri Lanka, Galagoda Aththe
Gnanasara Thero would not be a popular figure. Radical establishments
like the BBS seek out new enemies and problems to grow and survive. As a
consequence, the BBS also urges Muslims to exhibit their anxiety and
angst against the majority Sinhalese Buddhists so that they may
spontaneously react, allowing the BBS to project the Muslims negatively
and gain popular support from the majority Sinhalese population.
As a result of these factors, Muslims are being pinned against the wall
as were the Tamils in 1972 when the standardisation quota was
implemented. Gradually, the moderate Tamils turned radical. This may
seems as a distant possibility but certainly cannot be discounted for
the Sinhalese Muslims. At present, Muslims in Sri Lanka are alienating
themselves from the mainstream community. The issue, at this time, for
the Sinhalese Muslims in Sri Lanka is to choose between living as
‘Muslims of Sri Lanka’ or as ‘Muslims in Sri Lanka’.
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