Wasbir Hussain
External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj has just ended a four-day visit
to China where she discussed “bilateral, regional and global issues of
concern” for both countries. The range of discussions with her Chinese
counterpart Wang Yi, that stretched to over two hours, were rather
extensive: finalising the transit issue for Indian pilgrims to Kailash
Manasarovar through Sikkim to the border question, to defence contacts
between the two neighbours, trade and commerce, and possibly river
waters, in view of the concerns in India over the massive damming of the
Yarlung Tsangpo (Brahmaputra). What is not known, however, is whether
Sushma Swaraj or the new Foreign Secretary, S Jaishankar, an expert
China hand who spent four years in Beijing as India’s Ambassador there,
raised the issue of official Chinese arms manufacturing companies
regularly selling small arms (man-portable lethal weapons like AK series
rifles, light and sub-machine guns, grenades etc) to insurgents in
Northeast India. China, in fact, holds the key to the availability of
weapons and ammunition among the terror groups in Northeast India that
is actually keeping insurgency alive in this far-eastern frontier.
One has heard the Modi Government at the Centre talking of a ‘zero
tolerance policy’ on terror, something that has not been clearly
articulated as yet. Going by New Delhi’s diktat to the security
establishment in Assam to go all out against the insurgents indulging in
violence, in the wake of the 23 December 2014 massacre of around 80
Adivasis in the state by rebels of the National Democratic Front of
Bodoland (Songbijit faction), one can assume that the Centre now is in
favour of tough action to neutralise trigger-happy rebels. The approach
seems to have yielded good results because from 23 December 2014 to 31
January 31, 2015, security forces engaged in stepped-up
counter-insurgency operations against the NDFB (Songbijit) have arrested
nearly 140 cadres, killed a top commander, and recovered nearly two
dozen rifles, including sophisticated German HK 33 and US-make M 16
rifles and a range of AK series ones, most likely made in China. Close
to 2,000 rounds of ammunition have been seized.
There is every reason to believe that unless the flow of small arms to
the region is checked, insurgency cannot be eliminated or controlled in
Northeast India. Any new anti-terror policy that New Delhi may formulate
in the coming days would have to take this fact into consideration. It
is here that the China factor will come into play, something that the
Modi Government will have to confront.
In fact, if one looks at the charge-sheet filed by the National
Investigating Agency (NIA) on 26 March 2011 against Anthony Shimray,
chief arms procurer of the Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist
Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM), it becomes clear that the insurgent
group was actively buying weapons from Chinese companies. The FIR lists
out the plan in detail and specifically says that Shimray, accompanied
by a representative of another rebel group, the National Democratic
Front of Bodoland (NDFB), visited the Norinco headquarters in Beijing.
Norinco or the China North Industries Corporation, is one of China's
largest State-owned weapons manufacturers. Bangkok-based NSCN-IM rebels
paid USD 500,000 to Norinco and bought 1,800 weapons that landed at
Bangladesh’s Cox Bazar in 1996 and were transported onwards to Northeast
India, to NSCN-IM and NDFB camps. Half of these weapons, of course,
were seized by Bangladeshi security forces while being off-loaded.
Around 2007, NSCN-IM faced desertion from its ranks with people going
away with weapons. That was the time the outfit again decided to buy
1,000 weapons, mainly AK series rifles, light machine guns, sub-machine
guns, pistols, rocket-propelled grenades etc. NSCN-IM approached another
Chinese arms manufacturing company, TCL, and paid USD 1,00,000. The
money was paid through a Thai arms dealer Wuthikorn Naruenartwanich
alias Willy. The deal did not materialise due to the ‘disturbed
situation’ in Bangladesh where the consignment was meant to be
delivered. The NIA has electronic receipt of the payment.
Reports attributed to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) said that a
definite money trail exists as payment to the Chinese firm was made
through normal banking channels via a leading private bank's branch in
an African country. NSCN (I-M), according to the MHA, has parked its
funds in bank accounts across several African nations. The NIA is bent
on pursuing the Anthony Shimray arms procurement case to its logical end
and has received a shot in the arm with the arrest in 2013 of Wuthikorn
Naruenartwanich. His extradition to India was cleared by a criminal
court in Thailand but Willy has since moved a higher court there and is
awaiting its verdict on the matter of his extradition. What is clear is
the Chinese link in weapons supply to rebels in Northeast India.
Bangladesh and Myanmar have been the key transit routes through which
small arms made in China reaches the Northeast. The main conduits in
Myanmar are the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Kachin Independence
Army (KIA). These two ethnic insurgent groups have acted as the
interlocking chain for the illegal weapons flow from Yunnan in China via
Myanmar to Northeast India, but the most effective illegal weapons
trader in Myanmar is another armed ethnic group, the United Wa State
Army (UWSA).
The UWSA is the military wing of the United Wa State Party (UWSP)
founded in 1989 with members of the Wa National Council (WNC), which
represent the Wa ethnic group and former members of the Communist Party
of Burma (CPB). The UWSA’s biggest source of revenue is its involvement
in the illegal small arms network across South and Southeast Asia. It
manufactures Chinese weapons with an “informal franchise” procured from
Chinese ordnance factories. The main motive is to sell these weapons for
huge profit to armed groups in Northeast India.
A security situation in the Northeast that remains under control is
vital to the pursuance of India’s Look East Policy. Therefore, New Delhi
will have to devise a strategy to neutralise insurgency in the
Northeast, and that strategy will have to factor in the flow of small
arms to these groups. The ability to chock this flow right at the source
of its origin could well hold the key.
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