Ranjit Gupta
In Saudi Arabia, the incumbent King has the absolute right to designate a
successor who is titled as the Crown Prince. However, with an eye to
ensure acceptable successions in the future given the intense factional
rivalries within the royal family and the advancing age of potential
monarchs, King Abdullah established the Allegiance Council in 2006 to
decide upon succession matters. Also, in March 2014, King Abdullah,
controversially, created a new designation - Deputy Crown Prince - and
appointed his half-brother Prince Moqren, thus placing him second in the
line of succession. The appointment decree was strangely worded,
stating that the appointment had been made in consultation with the
Crown Prince, had been approved by the Allegiance Council, and could not
be changed by anybody in the future. Disgruntled members of the royal
family tweeted objections and it became publicly known that
unprecedentedly a quarter of the Allegiance Council did not agree. The
reality is that the Allegiance Council has functioned as a rubber stamp.
The fact is that in the normal course it would have been highly
unlikely that Moqren, the son of a Yemeni slave woman, who never had a
front rank job, would be in the line of succession, particularly as
there remained an elder brother, the youngest of the powerful ‘Sudairi
Seven’, Prince Ahmed. It was clear that Moqren’s appointment was
designed to ensure that Abdullah’s sons would have a prominent
governmental future.
King Salman, already 79 and in poor health, is the last of the prominent
sons of the founder King, and the time is inevitably coming for the
crown and other important portfolios to pass on to the next generation.
For years there has been speculation of when that might happen and who
would be the chosen one.
All this was settled within a few hours of Salman’s ascending the throne
and even before King Abdullah was buried. The single most important
decision announced by King Salman was the appointment of the incumbent
Interior Minister Prince Muhammad bin Nayif to be concurrently the new
Deputy Crown Prince, unequivocally making the latter the first amongst
the next generation to be in line to take the crown. He is 59 years old.
The other particularly significant appointment was that of his son,
Mohammed bin Salman, only 32 years old, as the new Defence Minister and
also the Head of the Royal Court, a singularly important post. He will
also be a member of the newly created high-powered Council of Political
and Security Affairs (chaired by the new Deputy Crown Prince and
Interior Minister) and head the newly created high-powered Council of
Economic and Development Affairs. To assign two particularly powerful
portfolios and give membership of the government’s newly created policy
and implementation hubs to an untried and untested rather young
individual is absolutely unprecedented. He has been clearly placed in
the line to become King one day.
The many changes also affect two of the late King Abdullah’s sons who
have been removed from significant jobs by making Faisal bin Bandar
Governor of Riyadh instead of Turki bin Abdullah and reinstating Khaled
al-Faisal as Mecca Governor less than two years after he was replaced by
Mishaal bin Abdullah.
All these appointments cumulatively herald the return of the Sudairies
to overriding power after the 20 year Abdullah hiatus - 10 years as
virtual regent and King for another decade. The former King’s son,
Prince Meteb, remains the head of the National Guard - it would have
been hazardous to remove him since the National Guard has been commanded
by Abdullah since 1962 and more recently by Prince Miteb, is
numerically larger than the army, as strong as the army, and fiercely
loyal to the Abdullah clan.
Prince Moqren was confirmed as Crown Prince but remains the fly in the
ointment. This was probably done not to rock the boat immediately on
taking over. In the past once designated as the Crown Prince he has
invariably become the King unless he predeceased the incumbent King like
Crown Prince Sultan and Crown Prince Nayef successively. However,
Moqren has no supporting constituency in the country either in the royal
family or in the governmental establishment or amongst clerics or the
people, and it should not be too difficult to remove him if only the
ailing King Salman has enough time left to consolidate his hold on power
and earn sufficient popularity with the people. In the meantime he is
unlikely to be given any significant role in the new and evolving
set-up.
Moqren has lost his most powerful supporter Khalid Al-Tuwaijri, the
erstwhile head of the Royal Court. Despised and deeply resented by the
vast majority of the royal princes, his removal was the first and
entirely predictable decision taken by the new monarch upon accession to
the throne.
Significantly the Oil Minister Naimi has been retained, clearly
indicating that Saudi Arabia will continue its policy of retaining
market share even at the risk of keeping oil prices low. Despite
resultant budgetary constraints this year, the new King has showered
large monetary hand-outs to a vast number of people and entities
totalling several dozens of billions of dollars to garner popularity. He
is the first Saudi King to use social media and has racked up more
than 450,000 new followers on the microblogging site Twitter
(@KingSalman), bringing the total to over 1.75 million. King Salman has
certainly got off to a very deeply personally satisfying beginning.
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