4 May 2015

Murdoch’s Scottish Sun backs the Scottish National Party

Jordan Shilton

The Scottish Sun announced last Thursday that it was supporting a Scottish National Party (SNP) vote in Britain’s May 7 general election.
The paper superimposes a picture of SNP leader Nicola Sturgeon on Princess Leia’s body, next to a headline, “May the 7th be with you: Why it’s time to vote SNP.”
Media commentary made much of the fact that, while supporting the SNP in Scotland, the right-wing tabloid called for a Conservative vote in the rest of the UK. Criticism was made of the paper’s inconsistency—and some dismissed it as merely an expression of its anti-Labour agenda. The New Statesman, for example, wrote, “Of course, there is one uniting factor in these two front pages: they are both calculated to do maximum damage to Ed Miliband.”
The problem with such an explanation is that it does not address the central fact that the media’s attack on Labour has focused on the claim that the SNP will hold party leader Miliband “to ransom”, forcing him to adopt anti-austerity measures, while endangering the unity of the UK. The Sun ’s English edition lists as the second reason, after the economy, for supporting the Tories, “Stop the SNP running the country.”
Whatever other motivations are involved, Murdoch’s endorsing of the SNP punctures this carefully constructed myth of the SNP representing an anti-austerity party.
On this fundamental issue, no contradiction exists from the standpoint of the ruling class in backing the Conservatives in England and the SNP in Scotland. Both parties are in reality right-wing organisations fully beholden to the financial elite. They are both committed to driving down the living standards of the working class, each using their own brand of nationalism in the process to keep workers divided.
While Murdoch backed a No vote in last September’s referendum, he built up close relations with former SNP leader Alex Salmond over several years. Salmond cultivated his ties with the media mogul as part of his efforts to present the SNP as a business-friendly party ready to slash corporate taxes and establish a cheap-labour platform in Scotland to attract inward investment.
In the current election campaign, concealed behind a blizzard of anti-austerity rhetoric, the SNP is holding firm to this right-wing programme. The Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) think tank acknowledged that the SNP’s policy commitments implied support for austerity along with the other main parties. According to the IFS analysis, the SNP’s spending plans would impose the longest period of austerity of all the major parties.
The party commits to balancing the UK’s budget deficit of £90 billion by 2023. As an SNP source told the Herald, “Our proposals would see the deficit fall in each and every year of the next Parliament, bringing the overall deficit down to below 2 percent by 2019-20, in line with the average of the last 60 years. The current budget deficit will be eliminated at this point.”
The only difference between the SNP’s programme and that of the Conservatives and Labour is therefore one of timing. Prime Minister David Cameron’s party has pledged to eliminate the budget deficit by 2018 through a further multi-billion package of spending cuts following the election.
Cameron has made a deliberate appeal to English nationalism, releasing a mini manifesto for England two weeks ago that supported calls for English votes for English laws. In this way, he has sought to exploit the divisions whipped up during the campaign for last year’s Scottish independence referendum to split the working class along regional lines—so as to prevent a united movement in opposition to the assault on living standards.
The SNP’s election campaign thus far has sought to tone down talk of Scottish independence, in favour of pursuing an alliance to prop up a Labour government in the next parliament.
In comments on BBC’s “Question Time” Thursday, Miliband rejected a coalition or any formal agreement with the SNP. But speaking in Cardiff the next day, he told Sky News, “It will always be a matter for the House of Commons how they vote on the Queen’s speech, for example”—indicating his belief that the SNP will back Labour without any formal pact.
The Daily Telegraph revealed an internal SNP document identifying areas of common ground between its policies and Labour, confirming that it would seek an arrangement with a minority Labour government to back it on a case-by-case basis.
The SNP portrays a deal with Labour as the “Progressive Alternative” to the Conservatives. The internal document declares, “By electing SNP MPs, the people of Scotland can vote to get rid of the Tories, protect the welfare of everyone who lives here, and promote progressive politics across the UK.”
The SNP’s orientation to Labour exposes its anti-austerity pose. Reviled by workers across the country, Labour is the party that organised the multi-billion pound bailout of the criminal financial elite in 2008, led Britain into successive wars of aggression in Afghanistan and Iraq, and initiated the brutal austerity drive expanded by the current Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition and imposed in Scotland by the SNP.
The SNP’s ability to portray itself as an anti-austerity party is largely thanks to the support given to it by the pseudo-left groups in last year’s referendum, and in the current election campaign by figures like Tommy Sheridan.
Murdoch’s backing for Sturgeon and Salmond is nevertheless a high-risk gamble.
The SNP is still committed to stoking national divisions on behalf of sections of the business elite in Scotland who support the devolution of powers, such as setting taxes and possibly outright independence, as a means of competing with its rivals and pressing ahead with the assault on the working class.
In an interview with the Daily Telegraph, Jim Sillars, former deputy leader of the SNP, stated that the SNP would make a call for a second independence referendum the centrepiece of its 2016 manifesto for the Scottish parliamentary elections. Sturgeon refused to deny Sillars’ suggestion, stating that the party could support a referendum in principle in a future manifesto.
The re-emergence of the issue of another independence referendum, barely six months after 55 percent of the electorate voted No in last September’s vote, reflects the depth of the crisis of capitalist rule in Britain. Far from putting an end to the debate over Scottish separation, the referendum laid the basis for deepening regional and national conflicts across Britain and for the SNP and its allies to misdirect popular hatred of the Tories and Labour.
Sillars’ latest call is in part an attempt to apply pressure to Labour or the Conservatives to reach a favourable deal with the SNP following May 7. Asked how Sillars’ demand for a new referendum could be justified, an SNP spokesman stated, “If we can achieve the kind of policy objectives we want to see, particularly around the anti-austerity and the devolution of powers, then that is fantastic. If they backslide then the dynamics change.”
One could hardly be more explicit. If powers to cut corporation tax and other measures are not extended to Holyrood, the SNP would initiate a campaign for another independence vote. In either case, the consequences for workers throughout Britain will be the same: an intensification of regional competition for investment, which will produce a race to the bottom in wages and living standards.

Muslim girl expelled from French high school for wearing long skirt

Anthony Torres

A high school girl from northeastern France was expelled for wearing a skirt that school authorities considered too long and an ostentatious sign of her religious beliefs. The affair points to the anti-Muslim atmosphere that now predominates in official circles in France.
The teenager was expelled from her high school for nine days by the principal. The ministry of education defended the decision: “In this case, it was considered that the student was carrying out religious propaganda. It is not an expulsion that was put in place, but a dialogue that has been opened up with her family. And it is noteworthy that her mother made a statement to ask for the situation to be handled calmly.”
The absurd and reactionary treatment meted out to the student reflects the sharp rightward evolution of the French political establishment over the last decade. The school expelled the student based on the 2004 law outlawing all “ostentatious” religious symbols, even though the young woman was not wearing any visible religious sign.
The high school student’s case is not isolated. Last year, 130 similar cases took place and 20 this year, according to the Collective against Islamophobia in France. The number of anti-Muslim actions has sharply risen this year, moreover, since the Kouachi brothers’ terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo.
The goal of such Islamophobic laws is to divide the working class, attack democratic rights, encourage racist and anti-immigrant sentiment, and to push through unpopular policies of austerity and war in France and across Europe. The young high school student is the victim of a sharp turn to the right that has developed over decades in Europe.
The 2004 law was voted amid rising social anger with the anti-working class policies of French President Jacques Chirac. It was part of a strategy to divert working class opposition to the social crisis and a governmental agenda of cutting pensions, attacking social services, and intensifying police repression. The law was initially put forward as teachers were on strike to defend their pensions and public education spending more broadly.
This attack against Muslims in France encouraged a series of Islamophobic attacks across Europe. Several years ago, a law was voted in Switzerland to ban the construction of minarets. Over the last year in Germany, marches were organized over several weeks by the far-right Pegida movement to oppose Islam in Europe.
For years, the ruling elite in France has encouraged collective hysteria against Islam in order to attack the working class.
In 2009, French President Nicolas Sarkozy launched a debate on “national identity” and a law against wearing the burqa. This law was part of Sarkozy’s strategy of appealing to neo-fascist voters who had voted for Sarkozy in the 2007 presidential elections.
The law against the burqa and the “national identity” debate provided political cover for the French ruling elite to legitimize the neo-fascist National Front over the ensuing years, as well as an escalating series of imperialist wars against Muslim countries. The anti-burqa law in particular encouraged hostility to resistance to NATO’s imperialist occupation of Afghanistan, which was cynically presented as a struggle to defend women’s rights.
The entire political establishment bears responsibility for Islamophobic laws in France. The law against the burqa obtained the support of Manuel Valls, the current Socialist Party (PS) prime minister, and the Stalinist French Communist Party (PCF). PCF deputy André Gerin presided over the legislative committee that drafted the anti-burqa law. The law also won the support of France’s various pseudo-left parties, from the New Anti-capitalist Party (NPA) to the Independent Workers Party (POI).
By supporting laws targeting Muslims, these parties of the affluent middle class demonstrate their hostility to democratic rights and to the struggle to unify the working class.
The 2004 law against the veil has encouraged employers to victimize Muslim workers, such as when a Muslim worker was fired for wearing a veil at the Baby-Loup day care center.
As for the 2009 anti-burqa law, it has escalated social tensions and police repression in immigrant suburbs across France. A riot broke out in Trappes in 2013, after police violently arrested a woman wearing the veil and then beat and insulted her husband.
It is in this atrocious political atmosphere that a high school student can be expelled for no other reason than claims that her skirt is too long.

France to spend billions on military rearmament program

Kumaran Ira

After a defense meeting at Presidential Elysée palace on Wednesday, French President François Hollande announced a major boost in defense spending. He announced an extra €3.8 billion in defense spending over the next four years to cover both overseas military operations and permanent deployment of troops throughout France.
“Several decisions have been taken,” Hollande said, stressing that he spoke as the head of armed forces. The current €31.4 billion defense budget will be increased, with an extra €600 million in spending next year, reaching as much as €1.5 billion in 2019. Paris is preparing to review the 2014-2019 Military Spending Law on May 20 to “release €3.8 billion of additional appropriations on the four years,” according to Hollande.
Extra military spending will come from further plundering of the working class through the austerity measures and social cuts advocated by Hollande’s Socialist Party (PS). Hollande called the military spending increase “a large effort, even a major effort.”
On Thursday, Finance Minister Michel Sapin announced cuts in health care and housing. “It’s legitimate that priority goes to security,” he told Europe1 radio.
Bloomberg cited Finance Ministry sources saying that “the housing budget, which includes subsidies for families and students as well as incentives for home builders, will be reduced and the ministry in charge will be asked to better allocate its resources.” Health care, which already faces big spending cuts this year, will be at the center of efforts to cut spending in 2016.
Hollande sought to justify his reactionary program of austerity and war, which has made him the most unpopular French president of the post-World War II period, by claiming the bill would protect the French population from terrorism. He was alluding to the deployment of 10,000 troops inside France itself in the aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo shootings this January.
Hollande is also expanding the military’s manpower resources. Of the 10,000 troops deployed across France after the Charlie Hebdo attack, 7,000 soldiers are to be permanently deployed, according to Hollande. Up to 18,500 jobs in the military that were set to be eliminated will be kept, in order to bolster troop deployments at home and abroad.
Under conditions where the ruling class has nothing to offer to millions of unemployed youth, Paris is preparing to use them as cannon fodder in its imperialist wars. Hollande is promoting “voluntary military service” for young people aged between 18 and 25 without qualifications. The government recently announced the establishment of seven “voluntary military service” centers that will receive around 2,000 young people next year.
Hollande justified these policies, claiming they would protect the French people from terrorism and allow for stepped-up military interventions abroad.
Hollande said, “I am making this choice because it is that of France, of its protection, its security, and I know that the French people, if they want to be confident in the future, must feel they are safe and protected everywhere. It is one reason that justifies the decision, giving confidence to the French people. … They have it in the army, in the political authorities that take decisions, but they must know that the necessary spending will be placed at the service of these objectives.”
He added, “I have also argued that our exterior deployments must also be placed at an elevated level.”
Hollande’s claim that he is building up the military to boost the French population’s confidence in his government is a political fraud. The French ruling elite is terrified of rising social discontent and anger in the working class with the Hollande administration. It is dramatically expanding police state measures designed to intimidate and repress social discontent, while escalating its imperialist wars of pillage in its former colonial empire.
Participating in the US-led wars in the Middle East, including in Syria, Libya and Iraq, France is also waging wars in former French colonies in sub-Saharan Africa, such as Mali and the Central African Republic. Around 10,300 troops are deployed in France’s overseas operations.
The PS’s rearmament program is also part of a broader turn to militarism and war by the imperialist powers around the world that pose the sharpest possible dangers to the working class internationally. It can only be met by a unified international struggle of the working class against war, based on a revolutionary and socialist perspective.
Tensions between the major capitalist powers threaten to plunge the population of Europe and the world into a catastrophic war. Europe is embroiled in a conflict with Russia over the civil war that broke out in Ukraine after the NATO-backed fascist-led coup in Kiev last February, a conflict that Hollande said could lead to “total war.” Under its “pivot to Asia”, Washington is fomenting a war drive aimed at China, and French media have called for preparations to blockade Chinese oil imports from the Middle East in the Indian Ocean.
Tensions between the major European imperialist powers historically rooted in two world wars of the 20th century, notably between Germany and France, are also exploding. As the anti-European Union neo-fascists of the National Front rise in France, Berlin has launched a broad re-militarization program that is being watched nervously by the French ruling elite.
Germany plans to boost its defense budget by 6.2 percent over the next five years, increase defense spending to more than €35 billion by 2019, and comprehensively modernize its army. From 2010 to 2014, Berlin has raised defense spending by 7 percent to €32.4 billion, while French defense spending fell 2.5 percent over the same period, to €31.4 billion.
Initial comments have begun to appear in the French media expressing concerns over German rearmament, however, particularly after Berlin responded positively to proposals for the creation of an EU army in which it would play a dominant role. Le Monde attacked this policy as an attempt to disguise plans for German military domination of Europe. It described Berlin’s calculations as follows: “We cannot scare our neighbors as we rearm. It is better to give a European gloss to our re-militarization.” It added that French policymakers, however, “are not in a hurry to see Germans in uniform.”
As Hollande’s policy makes clear, French imperialism’s response is to launch an arms race in Europe that threatens humanity with disaster.

US warplanes kill dozens of civilians in Syria

Patrick Martin

US airstrikes in Syria killed dozens of civilians in a predominately Arab-populated village in the eastern part of Aleppo province Friday. The death toll was still rising as more bodies were found and missing family members were accounted for.
Initial reports had put the number of deaths at 52, but at least one US media outlet, McClatchy News Service, said it had obtained a list of 64 dead from ten families. Whatever the final figure, it is the worst atrocity perpetrated by the US-led campaign of bombing supposedly directed at Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which has long supported the US-backed campaign to overthrow Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, at least nine children were among the victims of the US airstrike on the village of Bir Mahali. It described them as victims of a “massacre committed by the US-led coalition under the pretext of targeting the Islamic State.”
The group had previously downplayed civilian casualties in Syria, claiming that only 60 civilians had died in the hundreds of airstrikes by warplanes of the United States, Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf sheikdoms participating in the war against ISIS.
The US Central Command, which regularly reports US airstrikes in Syria and Iraq without any detail on the death toll or the exact targets struck, said the May 1 attack was among nearly a dozen in “the area of” Kobani, the largely Kurdish-populated town on the Syrian border with Turkey that became the focal point for US air strikes last fall. Bir Mahali is 33 miles south of Kobani.
McClatchy said that US warplanes had become involved in longstanding ethnic conflicts between Arabs and Kurds in the Euphrates River valley, an area with a mixed population that also includes Assyrians and other Christians. It cited reports from “activists pointing out that the fishing and farming village of about 4,000 Arabs has had tense relations with Kurds living nearby—especially with the Kurdish ‘People’s Protection Units’ or YPG.”
The implication was that Bir Mahali was targeted, not because of the presence of Islamic State forces—it is not clear whether there were any in the village—but because the Kurdish militia wanted to wreak havoc on an Arab-populated town.
The US military worked with the YPG in the months-long siege of Kobani. The YPG has political ties to the PKK, the Kurdish nationalist guerrilla force that has fought inside Turkey for decades, and is on the US State Department’s list of “terrorist” organizations.
The US-YPG connection demonstrates yet again that Washington uses the term “terrorist” in a completely cynical fashion, branding groups because they oppose US foreign policy, or fight US client states, not because of the methods they employ. When it comes to violence against civilians, as the atrocity in Bir Mahalli demonstrates, the US government is the world’s foremost practitioner of terrorism.
A statement from the Combined Joint Task Force, the official name for the US-led coalition bombing ISIS targets in both Iraq and Syria, said that there were 24 airstrikes carried out on May 1-2, of which 17 were in Syria, hitting Raqqa, the lone provincial capital under ISIS control, as well as targets near Kobani, Al Hasakah and Dair Az Zawr.
The seven airstrikes in Iraq were near Mosul, Tal Afar, Baiji, Ramadi and Fallujah, the five cities controlled by ISIS either wholly or in part.
The US military did not admit the killing of a large number of civilians in Bir Mahalli, but said it was investigating claims. Major Curtis Kellogg, a military spokesman, told the Associated Press, “We currently have no information to corroborate allegations that coalition airstrikes resulted in civilian casualties,” adding, “Regardless, we take all allegations seriously and will look into them further.”
The reported mass killing of civilians in Syria comes amid indications that key US client states in the region, including Saudi Arabia and Qatar, are stepping up their support for anti-government “rebels” fighting the Assad government.
The Washington Post reported April 30, “The delivery of additional weapons and financial aid from Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Qatar have facilitated recent advances against government forces in northwest Syria by the Army of Conquest, a newly formed umbrella of diverse rebel groups, including al-Qaeda’s affiliate and other Islamist groups, along with ‘moderate’ [i.e., pro-US] fighters.”
Last month these forces captured the northwestern provincial capital Idlib, and then the city of Jisr al-Shughur, as well as numerous bases and outposts of the Syrian army, in an offensive that threatens to cut off the capital city, Damascus, from the Mediterranean coastal region that is Assad’s political stronghold. Jabhat al-Nusra, the al Qaeda affiliate in Syria, has played a major role in this military push.
The Post also reported that at a meeting of the anti-ISIS coalition in early April, hosted by Jordan, “administration officials were bombarded with questions about US leadership of the 60-nation group, and how it would address the global expansion of the Islamic State.”
The New York Times, reporting on the same meeting, said that members of the US-led coalition were pressing Washington “to agree to a broadening of the campaign to include terrorist groups that have declared themselves to be ‘provinces’ of the Islamic State.”
This could include extending the military operation to include targets in Libya, where ISIS is alleged to support Ansar al-Sharia, a local Islamist formation, as well as unspecified measures against supposed ISIS supporters in “Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and Yemen, according to American counter-terrorism officials.”

Natural Calamities: Wrath Of God or Human Error

S. Darapuri

As a small child I remember watching some Bollywood films, where invariably to show the displeasure of God, earthquakes and floods were being shown.
Even till today somewhere in the back of my mind whenever such calamities occur, strong urge grips me, forcing me to believe that natural calamities are nothing but the wrath of the God against the erring beings.
The other day, as I sat jostling with the apprehensions and doubts about voicing my sentiments on watching the Nepal tragedy, a spokesperson of a reputed TV channel, said it all.
“Pashupatinath temple remains intact in face of the deadly disaster”. Although other old temples also had turned into rubble, he deliberately or out of sheer ignorance failed to mention that. Next morning, a leading newspaper on its front page, showed picture of devastated Buddhist temple. Whatever did it want to convey, was hard to discern?
That some Gods protect themselves but fail to protect their followers? Or Lord Buddha, whom some claim to be ‘avatar’ of Lord Vishnu, though he himself never claimed to be one and seemed satisfied in being regarded as just another human being; and a teacher whose teachings had to be followed not blindly but after putting to test; was not as powerful enough as Pashupatinath, to save his temple from the calamity.
Few years back the Kedarnath tragedy was interpreted to be a wrath of a displeased displaced goddess by some, the arguments given by some renowned researchers were being completely ignored.
The point is, are we just going to sit in one corner deriving solace in some kind of childlike exercise in finding miraculous explanations to man-made calamities and keep losing our valuable natural and historical heritage.
Older structures are certainly not going to be there for long but advanced technology and scientific knowledge could help in protecting them for more longer time. And the most important fact is that it is now high time, that man stops fiddling with Nature.
Recurrent natural calamities seem to affirm the fact that no matter how much man with self created weapons of destruction may claim to be powerful, he still stands dwarfed in face of power of the Nature.
There is also another universal Law of Nature that without compassion for fellow beings, survival of humanity is impossible. We are somewhere failing as human beings. For the same reason, not for a moment we hesitate to spill blood of ‘Live Humans’ in our desperate bid to protect stone made structures.
God does not reside either in stones or manmade structures, He is known for his omnipresence. Only recently, the film ‘PK’ tried hard to prove it. Before that, many reformers and saints tried to prove that. But that also does not give us the right to break structures of historical importance and aesthetic excellence. Every human being is a God’s creation, is a common belief, then why does our religiosity fail to prevent us from tainting our hands with the blood of other beings and yet deprived of guilt we tend to bear the audacity of proclaiming ourself to be ‘pure’, ‘clean’ and ‘vegetarian’ to the core.
In the present time, being a Third World Country there is a need to save our natural and human resources from all kinds of destruction. There is a need to draw out clear cut plan to save the country from natural and manmade calamities. Science and Technology should be directed to produce devices that avert recurrent disasters, if not avert, atleast alert the people at the right time. Policies of government should have a human face, attitude of preparedness should be there to deal with disasters of anykind. There is more and more need to educate people especially in moral education, to awaken their moral consciousness, so that each task is carried out in the direction of welfare of humanity. There is an urgent need to remind each individual that we are part of a ‘human civilisation’ where violence and savageness against anyone has no place! It is also to be remembered, forgetting to be humane, is the gravest sin and violence meted out against humankind and Nature alike!

Steady State Socialism

Alan Johnstone

In 1923 the communist activist Sylvia Pankhurst opened an article with the declaration that ‘Socialism means plenty for all. We do not preach a gospel of want and scarcity, but of abundance…We do not call for limitation of births, for penurious thrift, and self-denial. We call for a great production that will supply all, and more than all the people can consume.’ (1) We have the technology and the know-how to end deprivation and offer everyone on this planet the decent and comfortable standard of life they deserve that Sylvia advocated and it need not take decades to come about. Yes, socialism can bring security to billions within our lifetimes. It is achievable.
Along with folk like Herman Daly, socialists are seeking ultimately to establish a steady-state economy (or ‘zero-growth’) society, a situation where human needs sits in balance with the resources needed to satisfy them. Such a society would already have decided, according to its own criteria and through its own decision-making processes, on the most appropriate way to allocate resources to meet the needs of its members. This having been done, it would only need to go on repeating this continuously from production period to production period. Production would not be ever-increasing but would be stabilized at the level required to satisfy needs. All that would be produced would be products for consumption and the products needed to replace and repair the raw materials and instruments of production used up in producing these consumer goods. The point about such a situation is that there will no longer be any imperative need to develop productivity, i.e. to cut costs in the sense of using less resources; nor will there be the blind pressure to do so that is exerted under capitalism through the market.
It will also create an ecologically benign relationship with nature. In socialism we would not be bound to use the most labour efficient methods of production. We would be free to select our methods in accordance with a wide range of socially desirable criteria, in particular the vital need to protect the environment. What it means is that we should construct permanent, durable means of production which you don’t constantly innovate. We would use these to produce durable equipment and machinery and durable consumer goods designed to last for a long time, designed for minimum maintenance and made from materials which if necessary can be re-cycled. In this way we would get a minimum loss of materials; once they’ve been extracted and processed they can be used over and over again. It also means that once you’ve achieved satisfactory levels of consumer goods, you don’t insist on producing more and more. Total social production could even be reduced. This will be the opposite of to-day's capitalist system’s cheap, shoddy, “throw-away” goods and built-in obsolescence, which results in a massive loss and destruction of resources.
In a stable society such as socialism, needs would change relatively slowly. Hence it is reasonable to surmise that an efficient system of stock control, recording what individuals actually chose to take under conditions of free access from local distribution centres over a given period, would enable the local distribution committee to estimate what the need for food, drink, clothes and household goods would be over a similar future period. Some needs would be able to be met locally: local transport, restaurants, builders, repairs and some food are examples as well as services such as street-lighting, libraries and refuse collection. The local distribution committee would then communicate needs that could not be met locally to the bodies charged with coordinating supplies to local communities.
Of course there will be a short phase where there an increase in production will be necessary to relieve the worst problems of food shortages, health-care and housing which affect billions of people throughout the world. There will also be action to construct the means of production and infrastructures such as transport systems for the commencement of the supply of permanent housing and durable consumption goods. These would be designed in line with conservation principles, which means they would be made to last for a long time, using materials that where possible could be re-cycled and would require minimum maintenance. When these objectives have been accomplished there would begin an eventual fall in production, and society could move into a stable mode. This would achieve a rhythm of daily production in line with daily needs with no significant growth. On this basis, the world community could reconcile two great needs, the need to live well whilst sharing and caring for the planet, sparing it from excesses.
Whether it is called ‘the market economy, ‘neo-liberalism’, ‘free enterprise’ (or even ‘mixed’ or ‘state-command’ economy”), the social system under which we live is capitalism. Capitalism is primarily an economic system of competitive capital accumulation out of the surplus value produced by wage labour. As a system it must continually accumulate or go into crisis. Consequently, human needs and the needs of our natural environment take second place to this imperative. The result is waste, pollution, environmental degradation and unmet needs on a global scale. The ecologist’s dream of a sustainable ‘zero growth’ within capitalism will always remain just that, a dream. If human society is to be able to organise its production in an ecologically acceptable way, then it must abolish the capitalist economic mechanism of capital accumulation and gear production instead to the direct satisfaction of needs.
The problem for a great number of people in the environmental movement is that they want to retain the market system in which goods are distributed through sales at a profit and people’s access to goods depends upon their incomes. The market, however, can only function with a constant pressure to renew its capacity for sales; and if it fails to do this production breaks down, people are out of employment and suffer a reduced income. It is a fundamental flaw and an insoluble contradiction in the green capitalist argument that they want to retain the market system, which can only be sustained by continuous sales and continuous incomes, and at the same time they want a conservation society with reduced productive activity. These aims are totally incompatible with each other. Also what many green thinkers advocate in their version of a “steady-state” market economy, is that the surplus would be used not to reinvest in expanding production, nor in maintaining a privileged class in luxury but in improving public services while maintaining a sustainable balance with the natural environment. It’s the old reformist dream of a tamed capitalism, minus the controlled expansion of the means of production an earlier generation of reformists used to envisage.
David Pepper in his ‘Eco-Socialism’(2) suggests we start from a concern for the suffering of humans and look for a solution to this. This makes us ‘anthropocentric’ as opposed to the ‘ecocentrism’ – Nature first – of many ecologists. The plunder and destruction of Nature is rejected as not being in the interests of the human species, not because the interests of Nature come first. Environmentalists can learn from Marx’s materialist conception of history which makes the way humans are organised to meet their material needs the basis of any society. Humans meet their material needs by transforming parts of the rest of nature into things that are useful to them; this in fact is what production is. So the basis of any society is its mode of production which, again, is the same thing as its relationship to the rest of nature. Humans survive by interfering in the rest of nature to change it for their own benefit. Those active in the ecology movement tend to see this interference as inherently destructive of nature. It might do this, but there is no reason why it has to. That humans have to interfere in nature is a fact of human existence. How humans interfere in nature, on the other hand, depends on the kind of society they live in. It is absurd to regard human intervention in nature as some outside disturbing force, since humans are precisely that part of nature which has evolved that consciously intervenes in the rest of nature; it is our nature to do so. True, that at the present time, the form human intervention in the rest of Nature takes is upsetting natural balances and cycles, but the point is that humans, unlike other life-forms, are capable of changing their behaviour. In this sense the human species is the brain and voice of Nature i.e. Nature become self-conscious. But to fulfil this role humans must change the social system which mediates their intervention in nature. A change from capitalism to a community where each contributes to the whole to the best of his or her ability and takes from the common fund of produce what he or she needs.
Present-day society, capitalism, which exists all over the globe is a class-divided society where the means of production are owned and controlled by a tiny minority of the population only. Capitalism differs from previous class societies in that under it production is not for direct use, not even of the ruling class, but for sale on a market. To repeat, competitive pressures to minimise costs and maximise sales, profit-seeking and blind economic growth, with all their destructive effects on the rest of nature, are built-in to capitalism. These make capitalism inherently environmentally unfriendly. It is a highly misleading notion that society can live with a market economy that is ‘green’, ‘ecological’, or ‘moral’, under conditions of wage labour, exchange, competition and the like.
Humans behave differently depending upon the conditions that they live in. Human behaviour reflects society. In a society such as capitalism, people’s needs are not met and reasonable people feel insecure. People tend to acquire and hoard goods because possession provides some security. People have a tendency to distrust others because the world is organised in such a dog-eat-dog manner. If people didn’t work society would obviously fall apart. To establish socialism the vast majority must consciously decide that they want socialism and that they are prepared to work in socialist society. If people want too much? In a socialist society ‘too much’ can only mean ‘more than is sustainably produced.’ For socialism to be established the productive potential of society must have been developed to the point where, generally speaking, we can produce enough for all. This is not now a problem as we have long since reached this point. However, this does require that we appreciate what is meant by ‘enough’ and that we do not project on to socialism the insatiable consumerism of capitalism.
If people decide that they (individually and as a society) need to over-consume then socialism cannot possibly work. Under capitalism, there is a very large industry devoted to creating needs. Capitalism requires consumption, whether it improves our lives or not, and drives us to consume up to, and past, our ability to pay for that consumption. In a system of capitalist competition, there is a built-in tendency to stimulate demand to a maximum extent. Firms, for example, need to persuade customers to buy their products or they go out of business. They would not otherwise spend the vast amounts they do spend on advertising. There is also in capitalist society a tendency for individuals to seek to validate their sense of worth through the accumulation of possessions. The prevailing ideas of society are those of its ruling class so then we can understand why, when the wealth of that class so preoccupies the minds of its members, such a notion of status should be so deep-rooted. It is this which helps to underpin the myth of infinite demand. It does not matter how modest one’s real needs may be or how easily they may be met; capitalism’s “consumer culture” leads one to want more than one may materially need since what the individual desires is to enhance his or her status within this hierarchal culture of consumerism and this is dependent upon acquiring more than others have got. But since others desire the same thing, the economic inequality inherent in a system of competitive capitalism must inevitably generate a pervasive sense of relative deprivation. What this amounts to is a kind of institutionalised envy and that will be unsustainable as more peoples are drawn into alienated capitalism.
In socialism, status based upon the material wealth at one’s command, would be a meaningless concept. The notion of status based upon the conspicuous consumption of wealth would be devoid of meaning because individuals would stand in equal relation to the means of production and have free access to the resultant goods and services. Why take more than you need when you can freely take what you need? In socialism the only way in which individuals can command the esteem of others is through their contribution to society, and the stronger the movement for socialism grows the more will it subvert the prevailing capitalist ethos, in general, and its anachronistic notion of status, in particular.
All wealth would be produced on a strictly voluntary basis. Work in socialist society could only be voluntary since there would be no group or organ in a position to force people to work against their will. Free access to goods and services denies to any group or individuals the political leverage with which to dominate others (a feature intrinsic to all private-property or class based systems through control and rationing of the means of life.) This will work to ensure that a socialist society is run on the basis of democratic consensus. Goods and services would be provided directly for self-determined needs and not for sale on a market; they would be made freely available for individuals to take without requiring these individuals to offer something in direct exchange. The sense of mutual obligations and the realisation of universal interdependency arising from this would profoundly colour people’s perceptions and influence their behaviour in such a society. We may thus characterise such a society as being built around a moral economy and a system of generalised reciprocity.
Capitalism is not just an exchange economy but an exchange economy where the aim of production is to make a profit. Profit is the monetary expression of the difference between the exchange value of a product and the exchange value of the materials, energy and labour-power used to produce it, or what Marx called ‘surplus value.’ Defenders of capitalism never seem to ask the practical question about what the critical factor determining a production initiative in a market system.
The answer is obvious from everyday experience. The factor that critically decides the production of commodities is the judgement that enterprises make about whether they can be sold in the market. Obviously, consumers buy in the market that they perceive as being for their needs. But whether or not the transaction takes place is not decided by needs but by ability to pay. So the realisation of profit in the market determines both the production of goods and also the distribution of goods by various enterprises. In the market system the motive of production, the organisation of production, and the distribution of goods are inseparable parts of the same economic process: the realisation of profit and the accumulation of capital. The economic pressure on capital is that of accumulation, the alternative is bankruptcy. The production and distribution of goods is entirely subordinate to the pressure on capital to accumulate. The economic signals of the market are not signals to produce useful things. They signal the prospects of profit and capital accumulation. If there is a profit to be made then production will take place; if there is no prospect of profit, then production will not take place. Profit not need is the deciding factor. Under capitalism what appear to be production decisions are in fact decisions to go for profit in the market. The function of cost/pricing is to enable a business enterprise to calculate its costs, to fix its profit expectations within a structure of prices, to regulate income against expenditure and, ultimately, to regulate the exploitation of its workers. Unfortunately, prices can only reflect the wants of those who can afford to actually buy what economists call ‘effective demand’ – and not real demand for something from those without the wherewithal – the purchasing power – to buy the product (I may want a sirloin steak but I can only afford a hamburger.)
Socialist determination of needs begins with consumer needs and then flows throughout distribution and on to each required part of the structure of production. Socialism will make economically-unencumbered production decisions as a direct response to needs. With production for use, the starting point will be needs. By the replacement of exchange economy by common ownership basically what would happen is that wealth would cease to take the form of exchange value, so that all the expressions of this social relationship peculiar to an exchange economy, such as money and prices, would automatically disappear. In other words, goods would cease to have an economic value and would become simply physical objects which human beings could use to satisfy some want or other. (One reason why socialism holds a decisive productive advantage over capitalism is by eliminating the need to tie up vast quantities of resources and labour implicated in a system of monetary/pricing accounting.)
Humans are capable of integrating themselves into a stable ecosystem. and there is nothing whatsoever that prevents this being possible today on the basis of industrial technology and methods of production, all the more so, that renewable energies exist (wind, solar, tidal, geothermal and whatever) but, for the capitalists, these are a “cost” which penalises them in face of international competition. No agreement to limit the activities of the multinationals in their relentless quest for profits is possible. Measures in favour of the environment come up against the interests of enterprises and their shareholders because by increasing costs they decrease profits. No State is going to implement legislation which would penalise the competitiveness of its national enterprises in the face of foreign competition. States only take into account environmental questions if they can find an agreement at international level which will disadvantage none of them. But that’s the problem, isn’t it? Competition for the appropriation of world profits is one of the bases of the present system. So it is not “Humans” but the capitalist economic system itself which is responsible for ecological problems and the capitalist class and their representatives, they themselves are subject to the laws of profit and competition.
Yes, socialism is a real alternative and the only viable means to achieve the steady state economy sought by so many.

The Rise of the African-American Police State

Garikai Chengu

Black people in America live in a police-state-within-a-state. The African American police state exercises its authority over the Black minority through an oppressive array of modern day lynchings by the police, increasing for-profit mass incarceration and the government sanctioned surveillance and assassination of Black leaders. The African American police state is unquestionably a modern day crime against humanity.
The first modern police forces in America were Slave Patrols and Night Watches, which were both designed to control the behaviors of African Americans.
Historian Victor Kappeler notes that in 1704, the colony of Carolina developed the nation’s first Slave Patrol. Historical literature is clear that prior to the Civil War a legally sanctioned police force existed for the sole purpose of oppressing the slave population and protecting the property and interests of white slave owners. The glaring similarities between the eighteenth century Slave Patrols and modern American police brutality in the Black community are too salient to dismiss or ignore.
America was founded as a slave holding republic and slaves did not take too kindly to being enslaved and they often rebelled, becoming enemy’s of the state. Slave Patrols were created in order to interrogate and persecute Blacks, who were out and about, without any due process or formal investigation. To this day, police do not serve and protect the Black community, they treat Blacks as inherently criminal and sub-human.
Ever since the first police forces were established in America, lynchings have been the linchpin of the African American police state.
The majority of Americans believe that lynchings are an outdated form of racial terrorism, which blighted American society up until the end of the era of Jim Crow laws; however, America’s proclivity towards the unbridled slaughter of African Americans has only worsened over time. The Guardian newspaper recently noted that historians believe that during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century on average two African-Americans were lynched every week.
Compare this with incomplete data compiled by the FBI that shows that a Black person is killed by a white police officer more than twice a week, and it’s clear that police brutality in Black communities is getting worse, not better.
Racial terrorism gave birth to America. It should come as no surprise that the state’s law enforcement agents routinely engage in the terrorism of modern day lynchings.
Traditional lynchings were not preceded by judge, jury or trial and were often for the most trivial of reasons such as talking to a white woman, failing to remove a hat or making a sarcastic grin. Modern day lynchings are also not preceded by due process. Numerous Black children like Tamir Rice have been slaughtered by police for trivialities like playing with a toy gun in public.
Lynching does not necessarily mean hanging. It often included humiliation, torture, burning, dismemberment and castration. A lynching was a quintessential American public ritual that often took place in front of large crowds that sometimes numbered in the thousands. Historian Mark Gado notes that, “onlookers sometimes fired rifles and handguns hundreds of times into the corpse while people cheered and children played during the festivities”.
Sensational American journalism, spared the public no detail no matter how horrible, and in 1899 the Springfield Weekly described a lynching by chronicling how, “the Negro was deprived of his ears, fingers and genital parts of his body. He pleaded pitifully for his life while the mutilation was going on…before the body was cool, it was cut to pieces, the bones crushed into small bits…the Negro’s heart was cut into several pieces, as was also his liver…small pieces of bones went for 25 cents…”. Such graphic accounts were the norm in the South, and photos, were regularly taken of the lynched bodies on display and made into postcards that were sent all over the country.
Nowadays, the broader American public participates in modern day lynchings by sharing videos that go viral of police officers slaying Black men, women and children. By opting not to censor the graphic content of police killing Blacks, today’s videos in the media serve the same purpose as the detailed written accounts of yesteryear by adding to the psychological suffering of the African American. Such viral graphic accounts also desensitize the white community to such an extent that empowers white policemen to do more.
A hallmark of twentieth century fascist police states, such as Italy under Mussolini or Franco’s Spain, is the lack of police accountability for their crimes. In spite of extremely egregious circumstances surrounding all lynchings and many police killings, police are rarely held liable.
The United Nations Human Rights Committee recently issued a report on human rights abuses in the United States which roundly condemned the epidemic of police brutality. It stated: “The Committee is concerned about the still high number of fatal shootings by police which has a disparate impact on African Americans”.
In modern America, the African American police state assassinates the Black victim twice. Once by way of lynching and again to assassinate the victim’s character so as to justify the public execution. All too often a Black victim’s school record, employment status and social media presence are dragged by the media into the court of public opinion, as if any of it has any baring on whether an agent of the state has the right to lynch a Black U.S. citizen.
Arbitrary arrest and mass incarceration have been quintessential elements of police states from East Germany to Augusto Pinochet’s Chile.
The United States right now incarcerates more African-Americans as a percentage than South Africa did at the height of Apartheid.
A Senate hearing on the Federal Bureau of Prisons reported that the American prison population hovered around 25,000 throughout the 1900s, until the 1980’s when America suddenly experienced a massive increase in the inmate population to over a quarter million. The cause was Ronald Reagan’s War on Drugs which intentionally, and disproportionately targeted Blacks. The War on Drugs is now the African America police state’s main propaganda justification for police brutality and judicial discrimination agains Blacks.
One out of three African American males will be arrested and go through the American injustice system at some point in their lives, primarily for nonviolent drug charges, despite studies revealing that white youth use drugs at higher rates than their Black counterparts.
For decades, the African-American crime rate has been falling but Black imprisonment rates have consistently soared. Aside from the War on Drugs, the rise in prison population may have another less publicized cause: gradual privatization of the prison industry, with its profits-over-justice motives. If the beds aren’t filled, states are required to pay the prison companies for the empty space, which means taxpayers are largely left to deal with the bill that might come from lower crime and imprisonment rates.
Private prisons were designed by the rich and for the rich. The for-profit prison system depends on imprisoning Blacks for its survival. Much in the same way the United States was designed.
After all, more Black men are in prison or jail, on probation or parole than were enslaved in 1850 before the Civil War began.
The history of Nazi Germany’s Gestapo has many parallels to what U.S. law enforcement in the Black community has become.
The infamous “stop-and-frisk” policies that allow the New York Police Department to stop you based on suspicion are Nazi-like. Latinos and Blacks make up 84 percent of all those stopped, although they make up respectively 29 and 23 percent of New York City’s population. Furthermore, statistics show that NYPD officers are far more likely to use physical force against Blacks and Latinos during stops.
The Gestapo operated without any judicial review by state imposed law, putting them above the law.
The FBI’s counterintelligence programs (COINTELPRO) of the 1950’s, 60s, and 70s formed one of the most infamous domestic initiatives in U.S. history, targeting Black organizations and individuals whom the FBI saw as threatening the racist, capitalist status quo.
COINTELPRO was a series of covert, and often illegal, government projects aimed at surveying, infiltrating, discrediting, and brutalizing Black communities.
After COINTELPRO director William C. Sullivan concluded in a 1963 memo that Martin Luther King, Jr. was “the most dangerous Negro in the future of this nation,” he wrote: “it may be unrealistic to limit [our actions against King] to legalistic proofs that would stand up in court or before Congressional Committees.”
The FBI waged an intense war against Martin Luther King Jr. The African American police state’s law enforcement agents bugged his hotel rooms, tried to provoke IRS investigations against him, and harassed magazines that published articles about him. In 1999, a civil trial concluded that United States law enforcement agents were responsible for Martin Luther King Jr’s assassination.
The perpetuation of the African American police state is a modern day crime against humanity. The ongoing protests and uprisings in Black communities are a direct and just response to centuries of worsening incarceration, modern day lynchings and systematic second class citizenship. Far from being a “post-racial” nation, American race relations are at a new low. Simmering discontent in Black communities will continue to rise towards a dangerous boiling point unless and until the African American police state is exposed and completely dismantled.

I Dare You President Obama

Ralph Nader

President Barack Obama
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20500
Dear President Obama:
You have taken a strong across-the-board position favoring the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) nearing completion and scheduled for a fast track clearance vote in the Congress. Indeed, you have descended admirably from your presidential perch to take on the most informed critics of this agreement with Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore and Vietnam.
You have accused critics of spreading misinformation, including Senator Elizabeth Warren and Lori Wallach, the director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, who is known for her meticulous research and who was at Harvard Law School during your time there.
With the barrage of commentary on an agreement, labelled singularly as trade promotion by unknowing newspaper columnists and reporters, and the less reported rebuttals that the TPP is far more than a trade agreement (aka treaty) and places serious environmental, health, consumer and labor conditions within its grip, isn’t it time for you to engage with concerned citizens and their representatives rather than assert unilaterally that “Elizabeth Warren is wrong on the facts”? It is time to clarify the issues before a skeptical public and others who are downright confused. Why not debate Senator Elizabeth Warren before a national TV audience?
There are many reasons for you to use this format to engage the American people. They will be the ones paying the price in many dire ways if the mega-corporate promoters of TPP turn out to be as wrong as they have been with prior trade deals, most recently the Korean Trade Agreement (2012) which you espoused and which has worsened the trade deficit with South Korea and caused job loss in the United States.
Vice President Albert Gore debated NAFTA on nationwide television with Ross Perot.
You and Senator Warren have been teachers of the law and share a common law school background—Harvard. A debate would be deliberative and, assuming you and she have read the 29 chapters of the TPP (only a handful of chapters dealing with trade), would be revelatory far beyond the narrow prisms reflected in the mass media.
Like NAFTA and the World Trade Organization, the TPP is a transnational system of autocratic governance that subordinates and bypasses our access to our own judiciary in favor of secret tribunals whose procedures contravene our country’s system of due process, openness and independent appeals. These agreements, as you know, have enforceable provisions regarding the rights and privileges of corporations. The rhetorical assurances regarding labor, environment and consumer rights have no such enforcement mechanisms.
Notwithstanding all the win-win claims of promoters of past trade agreements, our country’s trade deficit has continued to grow over the past 35 years. Enormous trade deficits mean job exports. Given this evidence, the public would be interested in listening to your explanation of this adverse experience to U.S. workers and our economy.
You believe Elizabeth Warren is wrong on the facts relating to the “Investor-State Dispute Settlement” provision of the TPP, which allows foreign companies to challenge our health, safety and other regulations, not in our courts but before an international panel of arbitrators. A perfect point/counterpoint for a debate process, no?
Over the years, it has been abundantly clear that very few lawmakers or presidents have actually read the text of these trade agreements involving excessive surrender of local, state and federal sovereignties. They have relied on memoranda prepared by the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) and corporate lobbies. Given the mass of fine print with portentous consequences for every American, a worthy debate topic is whether to put off submitting this trade pact so that copies can be made accessible to the American people to discuss and consider before going to Congress under very limited debate for an up or down vote without any amendments being permitted. Why the rush when the ink isn’t even dry on the page?
Some may wonder why you don’t call this agreement a “treaty”, like other countries. Could it be that an agreement only requires a 51 percent vote, rather than a two-thirds vote in the Congress for treaty ratification?
You are quoted in the Washington Post decrying “misinformation” circulating on the TPP and pledging that you are “going to be pushing back very hard if I keep on hearing that.” Fine. Push back before tens of millions of people with Senator Elizabeth Warren as your debating counterpart. If you agree, be sure that interested Americans have a copy of the TPP deal first so that they can be an informed audience.
I look forward to your response.
Sincerely yours,
Ralph Nader

Lessons of The Tenderloin

Steve Early

When British sociologist Ruth Glass first coined the term “gentrification” in 1964, she was describing the process of displacement already underway in London as poor and working class people got forced out of their traditional urban neighborhoods due to an influx of higher-income renters and home-buyers. In the U.S., no city is more closely identified with this same trend than San Francisco, now one of the most expensive housing markets in the country.
Not long ago, San Francisco had many blue-collar neighborhoods, that were affordable and provided easy access to working class jobs. Now, as housing lawyer and community organizer Randy Shaw notes in his new book, The Tenderloin: Sex, Crime and Resistance in the Heart of San Francisco (Urban Reality Press, 2015), much of the city is “virtually off-limits to all but well-heeled residents.” Since 1990, its black population has decreased by 44 percent—more than any other major U.S. city.
African-Americans, along with a growing number of Latinos employed in the service sector, have been pushed far beyond the city limits in search of housing they can afford.Some of these workers have to commute long distances back downtown, at great expense in time and money. Meanwhile, the city’s up and coming property owning class—rooted in the new white-collar wealth of Silicon Valley—is renovating their old homes and apartments in places like the Mission District, turning a longtime immigrant stronghold into the Bay Area’s hottest hipster haven.
As Al Jazeera reported in February, Facebook’s multi-billionaire founder Mark Zuckerberg recently threw down $10 million in cash for a “pied-a-terre” in the Mission valued at $3.2; to give himself some elbow room, he then bought the house next door for $1 million above its asking price.
The only exception to this local displacement trend is a San Francisco neighborhood with a colorful 100-year history of naughtiness and non-conformism. It has been known, for most of that time, as “The Tenderloin”—a reference to the antique police practice of shaking down local restaurants and butcher shops by taking the best cuts of their beef in lieu of cash.
At various periods in its storied past, the Tenderloin has been home to famous brothels, Prohibition-era speakeasies, San Francisco’s first gay bars, well-known hotels and jazz clubs, film companies and recording studies, and professional boxing gyms. For the past 35 years, Shaw has worked there as co-founder of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic (THC). After graduating from a law school located a few blocks away, he became involved in many of the neighborhood’s early fights for individual tenants rights. Among the crucial large-scale victories won by Tenderloin defenders was a pioneering “community benefits agreement” (CBA) with three powerful hotel chains.
As Shaw recounts in his book, Hilton, Holiday Inn, and Ramada wanted to build three luxury tourist hotels adjacent to the Tenderloin in the early 1980s. Given the city’s pro-development political climate—less prevalent then than now–the hospitality industry expected little organized opposition to its plans. The high-rise project originally proposed would, according to Shaw, have transformed the adjacent area by “driving up property values, leading to further development, and, ultimately its destruction as a low-income residential neighborhood.”
Community Organizing Case Study
Among those faced with the prospect of big rent increases and eventual evictions were many senior citizens, recently arrived Asian immigrants, and longtime residents of Single Room Occupancy (SRO) apartment buildings in dire need of better ownership and management. Fortunately, this low-income, multi-racial population included some residents with “previously unrecognized activist and leadership skills” that were put to good use by the full-time community organizers assisting their struggle. During a year-long campaign, they succeeded in mobilizing hundreds of people to pressure the city Planning Commission to modify the hoteliers’ plans. As Shaw reports, the resulting deal with City Hall created “a national precedent for cities requiring private developers to provide community benefits as a condition of approving their projects.”
“Each of the hotels contributed $320,000 per hotel per year for twenty years for low-cost housing development.“ They also had to sponsor a $4 million federal Urban Development Action Grant (UDAG) for the acquisition and renovation of four low-cost Tenderloin SROs….Additionally, each hotel had to pay $200,000 for community service projects, and give priority in employment to Tenderloin residents.” 
Thirty years later, community benefits agreements of this sort are much more commonplace, if no less difficult to obtain. Where tax breaks or other forms of public assistance subsidize a major development project today, the value of negotiated community benefits—in the form of additional low income housing units, living wage jobs, local hiring, or preservation of open space for public use—can be far more lucrative.
In fact, the dozens of cities that have won community benefits agreements from developers in recent decades have already triggered their own big business backlash, in the form of proposed legislation in Michigan that would ban CBA’s. Not surprisingly this Republican initiative is directed at belated efforts by the city of Detroit to make land grants and tax breaks for developers come with a few more strings attached. But its corporate sponsors clearly hope that other states will also move to restrict municipal negotiation of binding agreements related to the local impact of hotel, casino, shopping center, office building, or luxury apartment construction.
Such “mitigation measures” in the Tenderloin were combined with later successful struggles over re-zoning and the Tenderloin Housing Clinic’s own acquisition and development of non-profit SRO buildings (which now house 1,600 of San Francisco’s most needy tenants). The result is what Shaw calls “an island of low-income and working class residents amidst a city of great wealth.”  He estimates that the Tenderloin today has “a higher percentage of housing in nonprofit hands than any central city neighborhood in the nation,” an arrangement which safeguards its distinctive character as  “an economically mixed neighborhood with thousands of low-income residents.”
“Nearly a quarter of the neighborhood’s buildings are non-profit owned, and many others are privately owned but with tenants’ rents subsidized by the federal government. Other buildings are off the speculative market because they are leased to non-profit groups whose tenants’ rents are stabilized by the city.”
As Shaw told a recent interviewer, “the story of most urban neighborhoods in the U.S. is that they either remain desperately poor, drug-dominated, and very unpleasant places to live or they become gentrified.” Like similar downtown areas elsewhere, the Tenderloin was long synonymous with drugs, crime, sub-standard housing, and terminal economic decline. Visitors to San Francisco were warned to stay away from the place. Now, as a result of four decades of successful community organizing around housing issues, this 31 square-block area has safer streets, more neighborhood oriented small businesses, pocket parks and art displays. Defying past stereotypes and current trends, it also has the highest percentage of children, among its residents, of any neighborhood in San Francisco.
Befitting a place that more people are now proud to call home, the Tenderloin will soon have its own local history museum (scheduled to open in June). This facility will help educate newer residents and out-of-town visitors about the Tenderloin’s colorful working class past—while also celebrating its current, all-too-unusual status as one of the nation’s “most racially and ethnically diverse communities.”
Of course, pride in any urban community doesn’t count for much if you can’t afford to live there anymore. For those resisting gentrification elsewhere—or fighting to insure that its benefits are more equitably shared—Shaw’s book will be an invaluable guide. It illustrates how persistent and creative grassroots organizing can challenge and change urban re-development schemes designed for the few, rather than the many. And, in many other cities, not just San Francisco, it’s the latter who continue to get pushed out and left behind in the name of neighborhood improvement.