10 Jun 2016

Vicious media campaign in New Zealand over child abuse

Chris Ross

The death of Moko Rangitoheriri, aged 3, has been seized on by the media and political establishment to launch a campaign directed against the most impoverished and economically deprived sections of New Zealand’s population.
On August 10 last year, the child was taken by ambulance to Taupo Hospital with multiple internal and external injuries, consistent with a series of severe beatings. He died later that night.
Nicola Dally-Paki, Moko’s mother, had placed her son and 8-year-old daughter in the care of David Haerewa, 43, and his partner Tania Shailer, 26, who lived in Taupo with four of Shailer’s own children. Dally-Paki arranged with Shailer to take the children while she looked after her eldest son, who was in hospital after breaking his leg.
On May 2, Haerewa and Shailer pleaded guilty to manslaughter charges at Rotorua High Court. They will be sentenced on June 27. The Child, Youth and Family (CYF) agency has removed Dally-Paki’s remaining two children from her care.
Shailer had met social workers from CYF and the Maori Women’s Refuge days before Moko’s death, saying she was “not coping” with caring for six children. The agencies knew Haerewa had a previous conviction for domestic violence against Shailer, but no one was sent to check on the children.
Social Development Minister Anne Tolley deflected criticism of the agency, saying anyone who questioned CYF’s competence should “look at themselves in the mirror and ask what they could have done to save this wee boy.”
People throughout the country have been horrified by the crime and want to know how it could have occurred. Gruesome details of the abuse Moko suffered have been endlessly repeated in the media, but there has been little attempt to probe the social conditions that led to the tragedy.
Thirteen children died in New Zealand during 2015 in similar circumstances. Their average age was three. Over half the victims were Maori, one of the most exploited layers of the New Zealand working class. In the final analysis, the abuse and neglect inflicted on young children is a product of staggering levels of poverty, social breakdown and family dislocation.
In order to prevent an understanding of the deeper causes of the tragedy, politicians and the media have demonised not just the couple responsible for Moko’s death, but an entire “underclass” of impoverished welfare recipients.
Maori people, in particular, have been blamed for a “culture of violence” in families. The hysterical moralising and implicit racism in much of the media coverage has been aimed at deflecting attention from the responsibility of successive governments of all stripes for the worsening social crisis facing the entire working class.
Broadcaster Duncan Garner proclaimed in his Dominion Post column on May 7 that child abuse was “the product of the underclass ... [who] live in third and fourth generation benefit families.” He wrote: “They were beaten, and their parents were beaten and so it continues. They have not been shown love … they have no idea how to be parents. Monsters breed more monsters.”
Garner denounced the manslaughter charge as a “perverse plea bargain” that allowed the couple to get away with torture and murder. Comparing them to ISIS terrorists, he said they were “not humans, they are monsters and cowards and they need to be inside for decades.”
In another column on May 21, Garner declared: “Short of stopping these people breeding, we need to teach them what the generations before have failed to do.” He called on readers to join a “march for Moko” at the court when Haerewa and Shailer appear for sentencing.
Right-wing commentator and author Alan Duff wrote in the New Zealand Herald that “some Maori have no moral values because they’re not taught them.” Duff advocated pushing “a few more up into the educated or business-owning bracket,” i.e. to emulate entrepreneurs, rugby players and television producers and actors. He intoned: “You can bet those hideous child-killer monsters were never exposed to any positive, can-do attitude. No. They grew up on a diet of abuse.”
In fact, the cultivation of a small privileged layer of Maori through ethnic “empowerment” is exactly what the political establishment has done over the past two decades. Hundreds of millions of dollars have been handed over in land settlements to establish tribal-based Maori business entities.
Its purpose, however, has been to divide workers on ethnic lines and use the tiny, well-off Maori stratum to suppress the resistance by Maori workers. As a result, the majority of Maori, who have borne the brunt of successive industry closures, have seen their living standards decimated, with thousands condemned to entrenched poverty, desperation and cultural backwardness.
A series of marches against domestic violence and child abuse took place on May 22. Mother of two Karis Vesey, who initiated the campaign, told Maori television she was “stirred to do something” after reading Garner’s articles. At the centre of the protests were demands that “men” and Maori apologise and “take responsibility” for abuse.
At the Auckland rally, Labour Party justice spokeswoman Jacinda Arden echoed the media and the Sensible Sentencing Trust, a right-wing “law and order” lobby group. She railed against the fact that half of those found guilty for child deaths were convicted of manslaughter instead of murder. Maori Party MP Marama Fox, who is part of the conservative National Party-led coalition government, said “our whole nation has taken the lives of our children for too long.”
No one in the media has called for the political establishment to “take responsibility” for the root causes of child abuse. Decades of attacks on living standards have brutalised the most vulnerable sections of the population, creating a mental health crisis. There were a record 564 suicides reported in 2015, many connected to poverty and unemployment. Maori, who represent about 15 percent of the population, made up 23 percent of the suicides.
No one has asked if those at the centre of the Moko Rangitoheriri case were psychologically disturbed and in need of help. Funding for healthcare and counselling services has been drastically cut. The mentally ill were previously on sickness benefits but have been forced to look for work as part of government policies to push people off welfare.
Particular responsibility rests with the Labour Party and the trade unions, which, in the 1980s, began the 30-year assault on the social position of working people. From 1980 to 1990, mostly under the Lange Labour government, the share of gross domestic product going to income earners dropped from 60 percent to 50 percent. The social reversal has accelerated due to the austerity measures imposed since the 2008 economic crisis. According to Labour’s own figures, workers’ share of economic growth has now plummeted to 37 percent.
The unfolding crisis is affecting ever-growing numbers of people. Last December, the Children’s Commissioner reported that the number of children living in poverty increased from 24 to 29 percent, or 305,000 children, in the space of one year. The rate almost doubled from 15 percent in 1984. Meanwhile, welfare services have been slashed to the bone, and more than 30,000 people are homeless or living in overcrowded or makeshift accommodation, including many families with children.

Tensions mount in Poland in run-up to NATO summit

Dorota Niemitz

On May 15, six former Polish ministers of national defense who held office between 1997 and 2015 published an open letter calling for the resignation of Poland’s current defense minister, Antoni Macierewicz. The letter highlights mounting tensions within the Polish ruling elite in advance of the NATO summit, to be held July 8-9 in Warsaw.
While Poland has over many years played a key role in NATO’s military encirclement of Russia, there are fears that the hysterical Russophobia and Polish chauvinism of the present Law and Justice Party (PiS) government could become a destabilizing factor in the war preparations against Russia and lead to tensions within NATO itself, particularly with Germany and other European members of the alliance.
“All governments of the Republic of Poland have achieved great success in obtaining a strong position within the NATO structures” by presenting Poland as “a stable, predictable and trustworthy country,” the letter read. It was signed by Radosław Sikorski, Janusz Onyszkiewicz, Bronisław Komorowski, Bogdan Klich, Janusz Zemke and Tomasz Siemoniak. It went on to declare that “in a matter of a few months, the Law and Justice (PiS) government has undermined Poland’s position in Europe and NATO.”
The open letter strongly objected to a statement made by Macierewicz in parliament on May 11. “It is hard to believe that a politician holding such a responsible post could so carelessly discredit the potential of the Polish army,” the letter it stated.
Macierewicz said the Polish armed forces had neither the capacity to ensure the security of Polish territory or airspace nor the ability to protect key facilities in the country. He accused previous Polish governments of “an incorrect assessment of the intentions of the Russian Federation toward Poland and the other European countries.” As a result, he claimed, they left the eastern flank of the country “completely unprotected.”
Disagreements have also emerged over the defense ministry’s plans to turn far-right paramilitary militias into a national defense force called the Voluntary Home Army. This force, equipped with heavy weaponry, is to be incorporated into the professional army. The project, which is already far advanced, is seen by some military professionals as a possible source of friction.
Macierewicz is a notorious anti-Semite, right-wing nationalist and anti-communist. In 2006, in the government of Jarosław Kaczyński, he was responsible for dissolving the old military secret service and forming a new one. At the time, he accused “most former Polish foreign ministers” of being Soviet agents. He has systematically blocked the promotion of military officers who were trained before 1989 under the Stalinist regime. When he was appointed defense minister of the new PiS government, five generals (i.e., one in four) resigned.
His former superior, Radosław Sikorski, who was defense minister in 2006, recently called him a “nut” in a Twitter post and accused PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński of reanimating a politically bankrupt “Frankenstein of Polish politics.”
Macierewicz’s claims that the previous Civic Platform (PO) government did nothing to prepare for war with Russia have little to do with reality. The White Book on the National Security of the Republic of Poland, published in 2013 by over 200 experts and analysts, states that the strategic potential and capacities of the Polish Armed Forces have been systematically increased since its accession into NATO in 1999.
In fact, Poland has been aggressively building its military potential for years, spending close to 2 percent of its gross domestic product on defense and pledging to increase that to 3 percent. The PO government was in the forefront of the drive for sanctions against Russia. It supported the 2014 coup in Ukraine and backed the permanent deployment of NATO troops in Poland.
Despite popular opposition, PO Prime Minister Donald Tusk signed a deal to install a missile defense complex in Poland in 2008. At present, Poland is the venue for Operation Anaconda, the largest NATO military exercise in Eastern Europe since the end of the Cold War a quarter century ago.
The main liberal publications, Gazeta Wyborcza and Newsweek, have intensified their anti-Russian warmongering since the coup in Ukraine. Adam Michnik, a leading figure in the anti-PiS opposition movement, stated in 2015 that “Putin can be stopped only by the use of force.”
After a Russian jet flew near a US warship in the Baltic Sea in April, the key foreign policy advisor to former president Bronisław Komorowski (PO), Roman Kuźniar, stated: “The Russian plane should have been fired upon. Too bad the Americans didn’t do it. Not shot down, but fired upon. Secretary Kerry… should have announced that they would definitely do it the next time… what the Turks had done, and rightfully so, a few months earlier.”
NATO’s expansion and the concentration of its armed forces near Russia’s borders, particularly the deployment of forces in close proximity to the base for the Russian Navy’s Baltic fleet in Kaliningrad, have created an extremely dangerous situation. Any Russian war plane flying to or from the Kaliningrad exclave can now be considered a “provocation” and used as a pretext to launch a military attack on Russia.
If Macierewicz is a Frankenstein monster, he is certainly one of NATO’s own making. The restoration of capitalism, the encouragement of nationalism, and years of military provocations against Russia have brought to the fore such right-wing figures. These are people who would not hesitate to instigate a war with the potential of wiping the population of Poland and large parts of Europe off the face of the earth.
The differences within the Polish elite are of a tactical nature. At a time when tensions between NATO and Russia, as well as within NATO itself, are already on the rise, it is in the interests of the European Union and US ruling elites to preserve, at least for a time being, a united front against Russia. The PiS regime is threatening this unity. Criticism by the EU of legislative changes disempowering the Polish Supreme Court have irritated the Polish governing camp and prompted rabid verbal attacks on the country’s main allies.
Ahead of the NATO summit in July, PiS leader Kaczyński, while desperately pressing for permanent bases of the alliance’s troops on the country’s territory, is insisting that the allies are making “a very grave mistake” by siding with the Polish opposition. He has insinuated that former US President Bill Clinton suffers from mental illness because he compared the PiS government to that of Putin and called Poland an undemocratic authoritarian state. Prime Minister Beata Szydło has attacked the European Commission for its criticism of Poland and for its refugee policy.
The Polish opposition fears that such statements will isolate Poland on the international arena. The May edition of Newsweek accused the PiS of having “an anachronistic vision of international relations,” particularly in Europe. “The Polish government on its own is not able to realize any of its strategic goals, yet it repels its foreign partners and institutions,” it wrote.
Another factor behind the conflicts within the Polish elite is the sharpening of class tensions within the country itself. Although Poland is generally presented as a “success story” by bourgeois economists, it has never recovered from the impact of capitalist restoration.
Between 1989 and 2003, some 3.2 million industrial jobs were destroyed in a country of less than 40 million people. Two-and-a-half million people have left Poland to work abroad, particularly in Britain and Germany. In 2015, the average nominal income was 904 euros a month, less than half the EU average of 2,299 euros. Despite economic growth, unemployment remains at 10 percent and youth unemployment at 25 percent.
Only a layer of the upper class and middle class has profited from integration into the EU. This is the main force behind the official opposition and the PO.
The PiS, with a mixture of right-wing nationalism and social demagogy, has been able to profit from the social discontent, particularly in the poorer countryside. But it knows that the country is highly dependent on the EU—a major source of financial subsidies and, with 80 percent of exports and 75 percent of imports, its main trading partner. And it is well aware that it will have to impose further social attacks.
The rewriting of history to glorify far-right authoritarian dictators, the trampling on democratic rights, the intimidation of the population through mass surveillance, and the construction of paramilitary militias are preparations for violent class war against the working class.

Mass voter disenfranchisement in US elections

Tom Carter

In recent weeks, numerous reports have emerged of arbitrary mass disqualifications, tampering with registration data, confusing and arcane voting procedures, and other efforts at voter suppression in the course of the primary elections and in advance of the US general election.
According to preliminary surveys, many voters were prevented from voting because they did not understand voting regulations, particularly early registration deadlines. Others were the subject of deliberate purges of voter rolls, the switching of their party affiliation without their knowledge or consent, their omission from the rolls at their polling places even though they were properly registered, or otherwise being turned away from polling places.
The brazen and provocative character of these voter suppression efforts is linked to the reactionary 2013 Supreme Court ruling gutting the enforcement provisions of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, a major reform of the period of civil rights struggles. The Voting Rights Act struck down arbitrary voting restrictions at the state and local level, a pillar of the Jim Crow system of segregation in the South.
Since the 2013 Supreme Court ruling, the Democrats have not introduced a single bill onto the floor of either house of the federal legislature that would mitigate the impact of the decision. Emboldened by this climate, state legislatures have unleashed a barrage of anti-democratic measures, such as “voter ID” laws, which discriminate against working class, poor, elderly and minority voters.
Voter ID laws are already in effect in 33 of 50 states. This year, new restrictions on voting will be operative in 17 states for the first time in a presidential election: Alabama, Arizona, Georgia, Indiana, Kansas, Mississippi, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia and Wisconsin.
Voter disenfranchisement, gerrymandering and other forms of electoral corruption are increasingly accepted as a normal part of the American political system. Both capitalist parties have engaged in redistricting efforts that have twisted America’s election districts into absurd shapes that have no historical or geographical justification.
New anti-democratic provisions are often passed in election years by state legislatures in violation of federal law with the knowledge that by the time a judge can determine that the provisions are illegal, the elections will have already taken place and the desired result obtained.
The National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO) Education Fund estimates that new voter ID laws will effectively disenfranchise 875,000 Latino voters this year.
The state of Missouri passed a voter ID law in May that is expected to disenfranchise 220,000 mainly poor and working class voters, although it is not expected to go into effect before this year’s November election. Wisconsin’s new law is expected to disenfranchise 300,000 voters.
Ohio election officials have purged tens of thousands of citizens from poor areas from the voter rolls on the spurious grounds that they have not “voted enough” in the past. The American Civil Liberties Union has filed a lawsuit in an attempt to halt the purges. If voters who have been purged do not re-register by a certain deadline they may turn up at polling stations in November only to discover that they are not able to vote.
“These people are perfectly eligible to vote,” Ohio ACLU Legal Director Freda Levenson told reporters. “They've lived in the same house since they've been registered, they haven't moved, they haven't been convicted of a felony, and they didn't cancel their registration.”
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in Georgia has also filed a lawsuit in an attempt to prevent similar purges of the voter rolls. The lawsuit alleges that purges of voters who have not “voted enough” violate the National Voter Registration Act of 1993.
On Tuesday, just as the polls were opening in six states, including California, multiple TV and media networks announced that Hillary Clinton had secured the Democratic nomination in a transparent effort to discourage supporters of the self-described “socialist” Democratic candidate Bernie Sanders from voting. The report was purportedly based on a survey of anonymous superdelegates; neither Clinton nor Sanders have secured the 2,383 pledged delegates necessary to secure the nomination without superdelegates.
A lawsuit filed by Election Justice USA, a voter advocacy group, alleges that 125,000 Democratic voters were dropped from the rolls and prevented from voting in the New York primary elections. More than 200 voters have joined the lawsuit. The group has also alleged that voters who requested provisional or affidavit ballots were falsely told that “there was no such thing.”
The attorney general’s office in New York received more than 1,000 complaints from voters, a rise from 150 reports in the 2012 elections. At least one voter reported a forged signature on a voter registration sheet.
In California, the most populous state, reports are emerging of many voters receiving the wrong ballots, with registered Democrats receiving Republican ballots or non-party ballots. Voters who received non-party ballots may have cast them without realizing that doing so would preclude them from voting in the presidential primary for either party. A vote cast with the wrong ballot cannot be corrected.
The “non-party” ballot contains blank pages where the presidential candidates would otherwise be listed, with only an arrow and the words “GO TO NEXT PAGE.” A voter receiving the ballot could read the 23-page document, packed with dense legalese, from beginning to end without seeing the names “Clinton,” “Sanders” or “Trump.”
Under existing California regulations, a person who is designated as a “no party preference” (NPP) voter in California would have had to re-register as a Democrat or Republican by May 23 in order to vote for the presidential candidates of either party. There are approximately 2.2 million such voters in California. This means that a Bernie Sanders supporter who was listed on the rolls as an independent or “NPP” voter, and who did not know about the May 23 deadline, could have been handed a ballot on June 7 that did not have the name of his candidate on it.
Sanders campaigners were compelled to issue emergency instructions such as the following to their supporters: “California, DO NOT WRITE IN Bernie Sanders on your ballot. If you do not see Bernie Sanders’ name printed on your ballot, then you have the wrong ballot and you need to exchange it for the proper ballot. Do NOT send it back, go exchange it for A Dem party CROSSOVER ballot.”
The Los Angeles Times reported “chaos” at polling places on June 7 in an article headlined “Broken machines, incomplete voter rolls leave some wondering whether their ballots will count.” The article describes many polling places with broken or jammed machines, missing voter rolls, purged lists of party members, and poll workers who themselves did not understand the applicable rules and regulations.
Many voters were immediately handed a pink provisional ballot because the standard voting infrastructure had broken down. Others protested the provisional ballots because they are not counted immediately, take longer to read and fill out, and are frequently rejected as improperly marked--at a rate of about 10 to 15 percent.

Modi declares enhanced Indo-US military alliance “need of the hour”

Deepal Jayasekera

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s two-day visit to Washington this week marked a major step toward transforming India into a frontline state in the US drive to strategically isolate, encircle and prepare to wage war on China.
On Tuesday, Modi held his third major bilateral summit with US President Barack Obama in the past 20 months. At its conclusion, they issued a lengthy joint statement elaborating plans to strengthen Indo-US military-security cooperation across the Indian Ocean and Asia-Pacific regions, in Africa, space and cyber-space.
Modi and Obama announced that their negotiators had finalized the text of a Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), under which the US military will be able to routinely use Indian ports and military bases for rest, resupply and repair, including the forward positioning of supplies. Implementation of this agreement will invariably result in the stationing of US troops in India.
The joint statement also announced that the US has designated India a “Major Defense Partner.” Henceforth, India will be eligible to buy and, under an already existing agreement, in some cases co-develop and co-produce the most advanced weapons and weapon systems that the Pentagon is willing to share with its closest partners.
On Wednesday, Modi used a joint address to the US Congress to promote India as a US ally, noting that Obama has said that the Indo-US partnership could be “the defining partnership of the 21st Century.”
Modi extolled the cheap-labor business opportunities that await corporate America in India, adding, “In every sector of India’s forward march I see the US as an indispensable partner.”
But above all he emphasized the Indo-US military-security partnership. “The need of the hour,” declared Modi, “is for us to deepen our security cooperation.”
“A strong India-U.S. partnership,” he claimed, could “anchor peace, prosperity and stability from Asia to Africa and from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific.”
Employing the code words Washington has used to falsely paint China as the aggressor in the South China Sea while carrying out its own ever-more provocative military maneuvers, Modi said the Indo-US alliance can “help ensure security of the sea lanes of commerce and freedom of navigation on seas.”
To further underscore the Indian elite’s readiness to serve as junior partners of US imperialism, he paid tribute to the “great sacrifices” of the US military in the “service of mankind” and singled out the US invasion and occupation of Afghanistan for special praise.
The US political elite greeted Modi, the head of the communalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a lifelong member of the Hindu supremacist RSS, with rapture. On at least eight occasions, Democrats and Republicans rose as one to applaud the Indian prime minister.
For a decade ending only in 2014, Modi was barred entry into the US because of his role in instigating and facilitating the 2002 anti-Muslim pogrom in Gujarat in which well over a thousand people were killed and tens of thousands were rendered homeless.
But given his readiness to integrate India ever-more completely into the US’s anti-China pivot, the US ruling elite is more than willing to overlook Modi’s past as well as his government’s record of inciting communal strife,
Washington, first under George W. Bush and now Obama, has been seeking to promote India as a counterweight to China and harness New Delhi to its predatory strategic agenda—because of India’s size, rapidly expanding nuclear-armed military, and dominant geostrategic position in the Indian Ocean, the world’s most important ocean waterway and the lifeline of China’s economy.
Under the previous Congress Party-led government, India tilted sharply toward Washington. This included forging a “strategic global partnership” with US imperialism, making the Pentagon the Indian military’s preferred training partner, and making large-scale US weapons purchases.
However, Modi and his BJP have gone far beyond this, dramatically expanding India’s strategic alignment with the US in the two years since they took the reins of power. New Delhi now routinely parrots the US line on the South China Sea dispute, has expanded bilateral and trilateral military-security ties with Japan and Australia, the US’s principal Indo-Pacific allies, and is negotiating a series of agreements, of which the LEMOA is the first, aimed at facilitating joint action and interoperability between the Indian and US militaries.
In mid-May, four Indian warships began a two-and-a-half month deployment in the South China Sea and other parts of the Pacific, during which they will stage a joint exercise with the US and Japanese navies.
Rattled by the world economic crisis and fearing that the window is rapidly closing on its ambitions to become a “great power,” the Indian bourgeoisie is trying to get a leg up by assisting US imperialism in its reckless drive to offset its economic decline and maintain its global hegemony through belligerence and war.
It is New Delhi’s readiness to serves as a US choirboy and satrap that lies behind the surge in “pro-India” sentiment within the American elite. As Senator John McCain, the 2008 Republican Presidential candidate and a leading war hawk, noted in a comment published by CNN, “In all my years in Congress, I recall only a select few countries that rose so quickly to such an exalted esteem.”
From the standpoint of US strategists, Modi’s visit had a double purpose: to build on the “US-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region” signed by Modi and Obama in January 2015 by pushing for the further integration of India into the US global agenda; and secondly, to demonstrate that the Indo-US alliance enjoys overwhelming bipartisan support and will continue to be a priority whoever sits in the White House after the 2016 presidential election.
Modi, in his address to the US Congress, never mentioned the word “China ,” nor the name of India’s arch rival, “Pakistan.” But his speech made repeated thinly veiled references to both.
The US has trashed international law, mounting illegal wars and summary executions by drone strike, but it invariably paints China as threatening freedom of commerce and navigation and Washington as the upholder of order between states. Thus Modi touted India as a country that respects the “global commons” and “international rules and norms,” while decrying the challenge to the “security architecture” in Asia.
As for Pakistan, Modi, denounced it in unmistakable terms as an incubator of terrorism, then called for joint international action to isolate “those who harbor, support and sponsor terrorists.”
Under Modi, New Delhi has moved aggressively to assert India’s claim to be the regional hegemon of South Asia. In so doing, it is seeking to leverage the military-strategic backing it is receiving from Washington in return for its integration into the US’s anti-China “Pivot to Asia.”
On several occasions over the past two years Washington has intervened, fearing New Delhi’s belligerent posture toward Pakistan was damaging the US war in Afghanistan and could spiral into all-out war.
At the same time, Washington has been at pains to demonstrate that New Delhi is its foremost ally in South Asia and that the US is eager to assist India in becoming a “net security provider” in the Indian Ocean, Asia, and even Africa.
Speaking to the Council on Foreign Relations in April, US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter said, “We have much more to do with India today...than with Pakistan. There is important business with respect to Pakistan, but we have much more, a whole global agenda with India.”
During Modi’s US visit this week, Washington again sought to display its readiness to “help” an India harnessed to the US’s predatory interests. Obama announced that the US supports India’s rapid admission to the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), which will give it greater access to civilian nuclear technology, enabling it to concentrate its indigenous nuclear program on weapons development. Hitherto, only states that have signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty have been allowed to join the NSG.
At the same time, there are increasing signs that relations between the US and Pakistan are fraying. With the US blithely ignoring Islamabad’s increasingly shrill warnings that its promotion of India has overturned the balance of power in South Asia, Islamabad has increasingly turned toward China for support. This in turn has angered Washington, especially as the proposed China Pakistan Economic Corridor would, if realized, undercut the US strategy to impose an economic blockade on China in the event of war or war crisis by seizing the Straits of Malacca and other Indian Ocean/South China Sea chokepoints.
Meanwhile, with the US war in Afghanistan bogged down, Washington is adamant that Pakistan must bear a greater burden of the war through still more aggressive military action again the Taliban and allied militias in Pakistan.
Significantly, the US press commentary on Modi’s visit made no effort to hide that the Indo-US alliance is directed against China. Much of it also pointed to the growing frictions between the US and Pakistan.
This will certainly encourage the BJP government. Speaking at last weekend’s Shangri La security conference in Singapore, Indian Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar said that time for Pakistan to take up Modi’s reputed offer of a peace dialogue—which is conditional on Islamabad bowing to a series of Indian demands—is fast running out.
Yesterday, as Modi was being feted by the Congress and held up as an exemplar of the alliance between the world’s most powerful and most popular “democracies,” Pakistan’s Adviser on Foreign Affairs Sartaj Aziz was warning that Pakistan would respond to India’s recent test of an indigenously produced antiballistic missile. “Massive conventional nuclear and missile development programs pursued by India are now leading to nuclearization of the Indian Ocean,” said Aziz.
The US’s anti-China war drive is dramatically escalating tensions across Asia, threatening to plunge the region and world into a conflagration between nuclear-armed states.

Former US generals, diplomats clamor for renewal of Afghan war

Thomas Gaist

In an open letter to the White House published June 3 by The National Interest magazine, 13 retired American generals and diplomats demanded the suspension of all further US troop withdrawals from Afghanistan.
The letter, signed by four former US ambassadors to Kabul and five former US military commanders in Afghanistan, including General Stanley McChrystal and General David Petraeus, makes clear that the proposed “freeze” in US troop withdrawals would serve to defer the issue until after the election.
“Unless emergency conditions require consideration of a modest increase, we would strongly favor a freeze at the level of roughly ten thousand U.S. troops through January 20,” the letter stated. “This approach would also allow your successor to assess the situation for herself or himself and make further adjustments accordingly.”
Given the long history of US wars launched immediately following presidential elections, it is easy enough to guess at the sort of “adjustments” the authors have in mind. The obvious implication of such a statement is that, with the election past, the newly installed administration will have a free hand to order further escalation.
In the event, the authors leave no doubt over their preferred policy. With arrogance befitting the colonial masters of old, the retired US officials wrote: “Afghanistan is a place where we should wish to consolidate and lock down our provisional progress into something of a more lasting asset.”
The demands for an essentially permanent US presence in Afghanistan, issued one and a half years after President Obama proclaimed the war over, have become more insistent amid signs that the Afghan government is likely to lose more and more territory to the Taliban.
Stephen Biddle of the Council on Foreign Relations wrote, “The range of plausible outcomes in Afghanistan is now very narrow. The Afghan government could lose the war outright, or it can negotiate a compromise settlement with the major insurgent factions. There is no longer any meaningful prospect to defeat the Taliban.”
“What’s needed isn’t a slower timetable for withdrawals – it’s the end of timetables altogether,” he continued.
While framed as “proposals” in the public statements of the foreign policy establishment, preparations for expanded war in Afghanistan and Central Asia are proceeding as if the question were already decided. As early as January, US commanders began proclaiming openly in the US media that the Pentagon plans to station thousands of American troops in Afghanistan for “decades to come.”
From the outset, the Afghanistan “drawdown” was always a tactical maneuver, conceived as part of the Obama administration’s strategy of shifting resources to the Asia-Pacific and Eastern Europe, in preparation for large-scale wars against Russia and China.
This strategy was disrupted by the unexpected seizure of large portions of Iraq by Sunni insurgents, beginning with the seizure of Mosul by Islamic State in Iraq and Syria in June 2014, which threatened to bring about the collapse of the US-backed neocolonial government in Baghdad. Under pressure from the Pentagon, the Obama administration has steadily re-inflated the US intervention in Iraq, deploying thousands of ground troops and pounding the already devastated country with more than 6,000 air strikes.
A similar catastrophe now threatens the US position in Afghanistan. Despite 15 years of murderous warfare waged by the United States military in the name of suppressing insurgency and terror but directed, in reality, against all opposition to the Kabul regime, and against the Afghan population as a whole, the US puppet government remains incapable of controlling the cities without help from tens of thousands of Western troops and heavy fire support from the US Air Force.
The Afghan national army, trained at huge expense by the American government, has proven incapable of holding territory without US air and ground support. In the course of 2015, Taliban forces briefly seized the northern city of Kunduz, staged attacks against the Afghan Parliament building in the center of Kabul, and launched offensives in Helmand province that forced Washington to redeploy hundreds of combat forces in support of collapsing Afghan national units.
While the US sought negotiations with the Taliban via the Quadrilateral Coordination Group during the opening months of this year, the assassination of Taliban leader Mullah Akhtar Mansour, carried out by a squadron of US Special Operations drones on May 21, appears to have succeeded in scuttling the talks.
Mansour’s killing, an act characterized bluntly by CFR analyst Biddle as “a major escalation in the US drone campaign,” has brought to power a new Taliban leader, Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, reported to be much more strongly opposed to a negotiated compromise with the US-backed government than his predecessor.
The US push to escalate the killing on both sides of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border comes amid geopolitical tensions throughout the region that have been massively inflamed by the Obama administration’s “Pivot to Asia.”
The shift in US policy, aimed at encircling and preparing for war against China, is compressing and amplifying political tensions throughout Asia, irreversibly dislocating the continent’s political order and impelling all of its major powers toward a general war.
The US-Pakistan alliance, once a pillar of American-dominated South Asia, is breaking down amid mutual denunciations by Washington and Islamabad.
Any expansion of the Afghanistan war will be directed, in part, against elements in Pakistan that are increasingly bucking the US line and turning toward China. In their letter to Obama, General Petraeus and Co. noted, “Afghanistan is a crucial partner in helping to shape the calculations of Pakistan, which has been an incubator of violent extremism but which might gradually be induced to cooperate in building a regional order conducive to peace and economic progress.”
In its concluding paragraph, the diplomats and generals letter again emphasized the “helpful effects on the strategic assessments of some in Pakistan.”
For their part, Pakistan’s elite, having authorized a decade and a half of continuous US drone warfare against Pakistan’s population, responded to the latest strike on Mansour with denunciations of Washington for violations of international law and demands for an end to all US strikes on Pakistani soil.
Washington has drawn India on board as a full partner in its Eurasian military agenda, signing a series of agreements, including the U.S.-India Joint Strategic Vision for the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean Region and the Framework for the U.S.-India Defense Relationship, setting India on a collision course with both China and Pakistan.
India is now poised to assume a direct security and military role in Afghanistan, under conditions where the governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan are already involved, according to Afghan President Ashraf Ghani, in a “secret war.” Five days after Mansour’s killing, Pakistan announced the capture in Quetta of six agents from Afghanistan’s National Directorate of Security (NDS). The Afghan cadres were interfacing with insurgent groups involved in terrorism and armed struggle against Pakistan, Islamabad claimed.
At the same time, Obama’s “pivot” is fostering a new era of ferocious economic nationalism and propelling a scramble for economic primacy in Central Asia and control over the vast resource and commodity flows linking East Asia and the Indian subcontinent with Africa and the Middle East.
Seeking to circumvent the US encirclement, China is moving to develop the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a $46 billion infrastructure project aimed at integrating Pakistan into a Chinese-led Eurasian economic bloc.
The Chinese initiative has only spurred India to intensify its intervention in Afghanistan and deepened the simmering India-Pakistan conflict. Last month, in a move openly intended to undercut the CPEC, India ’s Hindu nationalist-led government signed the Chabahar Pact with Iran and Afghanistan, pledging hundreds of millions for infrastructure projects linking Afghanistan with the Indian coast, which are designed to allow New Delhi access to Central Asia and the Middle East while bypassing Pakistan.

NSS in Retrospect: Why not Iran and North Korea?

Kimberley Anne Nazareth


The big question at the Nuclear Security Summit (NSS) 2016 was the absence of Iran and North Korea. What implications did their absence have? Or what implications would their presence have had, if any?

The participants at the NSS seem to meet no clear criteria except that they are seen as responsible players on the Global nuclear scene in western perception. To note is the fact that all NSS summits have been held in the US or treaty allies of the US. The 2012 summit was the only one that included new members – again all NATO allies except for Gabon – invited for nuclear “good behaviour”. For Gabon this included legislating a new regulatory mechanism as well as concrete progress on export controls. Through the life of the NSS, from 2010 to 2016, Iran and North Korea have been seen as being outside the nuclear consensus and have therefore been excluded from the summit.

Iran
Iran’s notable absence at the 2016 NSS, in spite of the success of the nuclear deal, is perplexing to most. However the reality is more complex. There are a number of interplaying factors in this respect. 

In the case of Iran, President Barack Obama probably did not want to tip the equilibrium both at home and abroad. Given the commencement of an election year and significant domestic opposition to the nuclear deal, inviting Iran would have had unpredictable repercussions at home. Most notably, given the virulent opposition of several Israeli lobbies (although divided in their opposition) in the US, and their importance in election funding, an invitation to Iran would have had severe consequences for the Democrats. There were also several external factors at play here. Saudi Arabia, an invitee since the first summit, is vehemently opposed to the deal seeing it as somehow signifying a power shift in the Persian Gulf. A rapid reintegration of Iran into the nuclear fold therefore would have been extremely counterproductive for US diplomacy with its Gulf Allies. 

The question for Iran is whether it missed out by not being present at the Summit. As it turns out not being invited was opportune for the Iranian government as well, given the domestic tightrope it has to walk. On one hand, being seen at the summit would have been a reaffirmation of Iran’s re-entry into the comity of nations. On the other hand, hardliners in Tehran, who are averse to western rapprochement, would have seen this as a step too far – given the public self-criticism inherent in the reporting requirements. At the end of the day it will still take Iran a long time to reap the benefits of the deal. Participation, or the lack thereof, in the summit would not affect the JCPOA. Therefore inviting Iran would not have had any tangible benefits to the international community or to Iran. 

North Korea 
North Korea is a different case. While Iran is seen as reintegrating with the international community, North Korea seems to be regressing with ever more provocative actions. In such a climate an invitation to North Korea would have been seen as legitimising its rogue behaviour. On the one hand a US invitation to North Korea could have created a forum where, given Russia’s abstention and a balance heavily in favour of the US and its allies, significant pressure could have been brought to bear on it. On the other hand, the absence of Russia would have left China playing a lone action role as North Korea’s defender; leading to isolation, a siege mentality within the summits dynamics and possibly recalcitrant behaviour from China. It is important to note, that the aim of the NSS was not to score diplomatic points or act as a forum for embarrassing ones opponents or pushing them to the wall. It was meant to be a consensus building body, and leaving North Korea out, achieved this goal. An invitation to Pyongyang would then seem highly unrealistic as the NSS prioritises nuclear security and this would have meant a hijacking of the security agenda by the non-proliferation agenda.

Moving Forward 
Moving beyond the Summit, what does the immediate future hold for Geopolitics? The fact remains that Iran and North Korea are currently classified as proliferators, who will require much time and effort to become a part of the system. The NSS have become the annual meeting of stakeholders in that system, who are now looking at issues of standardisation and best practices, far removed from the world of proliferation. On balance then the NSS did not add to Non-Proliferation imperatives, but excluding Iran and North Korea did not damage those imperatives either, and in Iran’s case might have been the best option to exercise.

8 Jun 2016

Scholarship in USA for Physicians from Developing Countries 2016

Application Deadline: The application window will close August 8, 2016. Notification of awards: November 2016
Offered Annually? Yes
The Developing Countries Scholarship Fund was established to provide access to quality education for physicians who reside in developing countries to attend The Annual Assembly in Phoenix, AZ. This scholarship program will provide financial support (up to $5,000) to physicians to learn the latest clinical information and research updates in hospice and palliative care from leading experts in the field.
This scholarship program provides financial support (up to $5,000) to physicians to help them access the latest clinical information and research updates in hospice and palliative care from leading experts in the field.
This scholarship program is intended to facilitate Annual Assembly participation and cover ordinary costs associated with meeting registration, travel-related expenses (airfare, cab fare, meals), and lodging.
Field of Study: To help physicians access the latest clinical information and research updates in hospice and palliative care from leading experts in the field
Eligibility: Scholarships are available to physicians who care for seriously ill patients and permanently reside and practice in a developing country. It is our hope that the scholarship recipients will share the knowledge gleaned from the Annual Assembly to improve the palliative care offerings in their home country. Preference will be given to applicants who are

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  • members of the AAHPM. Free online membership is available to physicians who reside in a developing nation as defined by the World Bank as “lower or middle income” & HINARI list of eligible countries
  • have not previously attended the Annual Assembly
  • are junior in their career, and
  • whose organizations are considered least able to afford this opportunity.
Scholarship Worth: This scholarship program will provide financial support (up to $5,000) to physicians to cover ordinary costs associated with meeting registration, travel-related expenses (air fare, cab fare, meals), and lodging.
How to Apply: Candidates must submit the completed application form along with your uploaded curriculum vitae (limit of 2 pages), and a letter of recommendation or support by August 8, 2016. All documents must be in English.
Visit Scholarship Webpage for more details
Important Note: Scholarship recipients must participate in a discussion forum during the Annual Assembly by developing a 10 minute presentation briefly portraying the state of hospice and palliative medicine in their region as well as their own role in the provision of such care. Recipients will also be required to submit a written report describing how their attendance at the Annual Assembly benefited their work.

American Wasteland: the Most Urgent Challenge for America is Its Poorly Hidden Mental Health Crisis

James Luchte

The relentless tragedy of narcotic addiction, especially of opiates, across America has overwhelmed already depleted public resources, leaving a trail of devastated communities, families and lives – threatening a new lost generation.
For millennia, opiates have been agents that wash away or deaden pain. In light of the chaos of our mental health provision, the lure of opiates (and other drugs) is an understandable, though dangerous, response to untreated mental illness.
It is ironic, however, that the default “solution” to the crisis is another range of drugs.
Substance abuse is clearly another thread in the American mental health crisis. The main arena of public intervention however remains the criminal justice system.
Hearing the phrase “mental health crisis,” one may think of the epidemic of mass shootings plaguing the country since the Reagan era. Or, images may erupt of home grown terrorist attacks or the plunge toward right-wing extremism in contemporary politics.
Yet, suicide outranks both homicides and car accidents as the number one killer of our fellow citizens. Every eighty minutes, for instance, a Veteran commits suicide, the final act of a life shattered by emotional and physical trauma.
The public health dimensions of the crisis have been studiously ignored by the neo-liberal media in its ideological refusal of any primary public role in the provision of health care.
Yet, the truth is already clear: the crisis has been an enormously profitable transition to a new order of private service provision.
From this perspective, the mental health crisis emerged with the elimination of public mental health provision in the neo-liberal project to privatize and monetize the welfare state.
Beginning with the mass eviction (“de-institutionalization”) of the mentally ill by the Reagan administration in the early 1980’s, Ken Kesey’s One Flew over the Cuckoo’s Nest was weaponized to eradicate the already quarantined. To the horror of anti-psychiatry campaigners, “care in the community” translated into death in the streets and incarceration.
The harsh transition to the dominion of privatized corporate entities has left many behind – dead, damaged and criminalized – but in this new enclosure movement, even decay has been profitable.
Simultaneous to the largest concentration of wealth in the hands of a few, moreover, the absolute reach of advertising (corporate public relations) intensifies, disseminating icons of products and services from which most citizens are locked out – whose “American dream” has become a nightmare of unfulfilled media-generated desire.
In line with French theorists Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari’s premonitions in Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, unbridled capitalist social and political economic relations have generated a schizophrenic crisis, a radical dissociation between the abject singularity of exploitation and alienation and the elevated ideality of the icon.
The hyper-capitalism of the neo-liberal era has, with the elimination of the social safety net, surrendered the most vulnerable to the horrifying exteriority of the streets, medicalization, and prison. As Representative Tim Murphy (R-Pennsylvania) acknowledged, “We have replaced the hospital bed with the jail cell, the homeless shelter, and the coffin.”
We imagine we are aware of the issues of mental illness and crime, at least through our familiarity with and trust in television drama. Yet, the corporate media-generated spectacle of “crime and punishment” also remains radically dissociated from reality.
Far from friendly peace officers, strolling through our neighbourhoods, as the drama disseminates, police departments – at the front line of the mental health crisis – have become militarized, operating in communities in a para-military capacity.
The intensive “outfitting” of police forces has fuelled the atmospheric profits of weapons, ammunition, military hardware and logistics companies, as thousands of non-violent offenders are locked away in private prisons, another burgeoning industry, threatening the incarceration of thousands with serious mental health difficulties.
The deflection of the crisis by politicians and pundits is facilitated by the mantra of “crime and punishment” across corporate media. Our beloved police dramas narrate a dystopic labyrinth of irredeemable criminality, while bestowing a theatrical sense of security in the mere thought of professionals “out there looking after us”. In their homes, fearful Americans pay for added protection from private security companies.
Despite the seductive illusions of crime fiction, the most threatening aspect of the mental health crisis is the refusal of our leaders and media gatekeepers – in the real world – to challenge powerful health insurance, weapons, security, prison and pharmaceutical interests, which profit handsomely from the evolving emergency.
As blatantly compliant agents of powerful economic lobbies – of corporate power – our politicians willingly allow the cynical proliferation of a wasteland of damaged and cancelled lives – and the silent incarceration and medicalization of a generation.
In fact, other than police interdiction, there is no proactive strategy, nor is there adequate infrastructure, to cope with the proliferating mental health emergency in America.
The deterioration of the situation, moreover, has accelerated with increasing numbers of public mental health practitioners leaving their practices and therapeutic roles. One psychiatrist, who asked to remain anonymous, described the mental health system as a “shambles” and in “catastrophic meltdown.”
States – the front line of mental health care provision – have shifted, in tandem with the neo-liberal wrecking ball, mental health budgets to the matching grants of Medicaid, an underfunded system which has increasingly moved toward pharmacological solutions and sub-contracted private managed care.
In the wake of devastating cuts to already inadequate funding, the poor have been left once again to fend for themselves – Ground Zero of the crisis.
As always, the overriding criterion of corporate profits, in this instance, of “Big Pharma,” trumps the public interest and its long neglected public health concerns.
The mental health crisis is a time-bomb scenario which amplifies the longstanding calls for a comprehensive public health care system, for both physical and mental health.
In response to the crisis, there have arisen nation-wide grassroots efforts seeking to broaden our perspectives on “crime and punishment” through a re-interpretation of “raw facts” within the context of the mental health paradigm and its capacity for a humane public response.
Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders’ proposal of a “Medicare for All”, for example, articulates a decisive shift toward a public health paradigm for mental illness related crime.
Communities – working to resist the lure of narcotization – are seeking proactive engagements with local, regional, and national law enforcement and government. They advocate a radical shift away from the institutional and mercenary culture of interdiction and police militarization toward a therapeutic public health context in which flexible scenarios (such as drug legalization or managed provision) are enacted to manage the crisis.
Nationwide, citizens continue to empower themselves, through organizations such as NUHW (National Union of Healthcare Workers), NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness), and other activist networks, such as Black Lives Matter and the Prison Radio Project, to resist the culture of demonization, criminalization, and incarceration, whether it be in penal or psychiatric systems, or in lives of despondency and despair.
We can no longer remain silent about mental illness – and its roots in our “business as usual”.

Hunting Sharks: Unnatural Justice And Human Revenge

Binoy Kampmark

Every so often, when a human wades in absurd company with a majestic shark, a predictable spectacle unfolds. The shark, interest piqued, attacks human. The human can be fatally wounded, though not always. Shark is thereby hunted – this, deemed the automatic reaction of the outraged and incensed.
The shark is but one animal, incapable of understanding the false notion of a social contract it is meant to abide it. Similarly, humans assume that notions of revenge and deterrence have some role to play. You killed one of our species, and must account.
Much of this is occasioned by the traditional galeophobic tendencies that have become mandatory in countries in proximity of shark populations. In a statistical sense, being nabbed and placed on the menu of a shark is akin to 1 in 3,748,067. That is the figure arrived at from the University of Florida’s Museum of Natural History. Obviously, the figure changes if you are a marine obsessive, tempting fate.
That figure, however, should also be considered along others. The chances of drowning are 1 in 1,134, far greater relative to becoming the gourmet delight of the animal in question. “We never get to the what-are-the-odds part,” notes Elizabeth Palermo of Live Science, “because the nature of the brain is to take partial information, quickly judge whether there may be danger, and then draw quick, protective or precautionary conclusions before we objectively look at the evidence.”
The shark, however, is deemed wily, much in the way western cultural commentators considered the Oriental inscrutable, outrageous and unbecoming of Western ideals. One has to be sneaky in order to be effective, adjust, adapt to the beast of the sea. “Baited drum lines,” goes the ABC report, “have been dropped off Perth’s north in the hunt for a suspected five-metre shark which killed a diver”.
The Sea Shepherd crew were far from impressed. Spokeswoman Natalie Banks claimed that this was “a knee-jerk reaction… it does not prevent these shark attacks. By killing a white shark in Falcon we are not preventing shark attacks from happening again. We need to do things like signage and medical kits at beaches right now.”
Obviously, the emphasis there being on human cognisance of the obvious – though prevention has little role to play in the role of mythology, mankind and beast. The shark performs roles it has no clue of, the subject of a script which enrols the enforcers, the killers, the marauders. The beast shall be found.
Pictures of the deceased are demonstrated as sacred images. There is Ben Gerring, who “died after being attacked by a shark while surfing at Falcon”; and Doreen Collyer, “Edith Cowan lecturer… fatally wounded while diving at Mindarie.” In her husband’s words, “Doreen was a beautiful person and everyone loved her. She was a devoted grandmother, mother and loving wife.”
They have the faces, and the tears of those who lost them. The shark, on the other hand, remains the marine skulking animal, eluding authorities, posing a public menace. Authorities have deemed the shark “a serious threat to public safety.”
According to the premier of WA, Colin Barnett, “It was estimated to be 6m long and if a shark like that stays in the vicinity it is a continuing threat.” A creature in breach of the human social contract imposed upon it. “If that shark stays in the area it will be presumed or judged to be a threat so we reserve that right.”
Catching the creature is not proving to be an easy affair. Drum lines off Mindarie have been deployed with the purpose of eliminating sharks if they fit the appropriate “description”. Barnett has resisted, so far, drawing upon the bloody 2014 policy of catch-and-kill via permanent drum lines which, by his own admission, was “divisive” and did not prove successful. (This is understated – some 172 sharks were killed in the move, with not a single great white among the numbers.)
The shark attacks have, however, given the premier cause for concern. As Fisheries department metropolitan regional manager Tony Cappelluti explained on Monday, “We’ve had [the attacks] months apart but probably never several days apart.” How inconsiderate of them – and their timing.
There is nothing of the Hemmingway macho about this. The political fears are far more rudimentary in their material worth. The great whites, in inflicting such fatalities, have given the state “world exposure” that will damage tourist numbers, something that was already affecting various WA beaches.
The response from Barnett is simple: shoot the animal in question. “Shark suspected of WA attack to be shot.” Forget the shark’s role in the great body of the sea – it has been condemned without a jury of peers or the dictates of natural justice. It is merely being punished for its nature.