22 Dec 2016

Mosul, Iraq and Obama’s legacy of war

James Cogan

Barack Obama is the first two-term American president to have presided over war every day of his tenure in office. He bequeaths to a Trump administration ongoing operations in Afghanistan, continuing drone strikes in northwest Pakistan, the consequences of the 2011 destruction of Libya, the instigation of civil war in Syria, US sponsorship of the brutal Saudi interventions in Yemen, and the civil conflicts in Ukraine, the Caucuses and across Africa.
Obama’s blood-soaked legacy, however, is most graphic in Iraq. There is a bitter irony in this, given the fact that he was elected in 2008 largely on the basis of claimed opposition to the Bush administration’s invasion and occupation of the country, and his boasts, after continuing the war for nearly three more years after his inauguration, to have ended it with the formal withdrawal of US forces in December of 2011.
Obama launched new military attacks in Iraq following ISIS’ June 2014 capture of Mosul, where one of the most criminal episodes in over 25 years of US violence against Iraq and its people is currently unfolding.
The northern Iraqi city is under siege by tens of thousands of US-led Iraqi Army forces, Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) troops and sectarian Shiite militias. The objective is to take back control of the city from the Sunni extremist Islamic State, which was able to capture Mosul and other Iraqi cities from the Shiite-dominated government in Baghdad only because of the weaponry and recruits it had gained in Syria by serving as a proxy for the US and its allies in the war for regime change against the government of Bashar al-Assad.
The Obama administration seized upon this blow-back from its own policy to resume large-scale American operations in Iraq and directly intervene in the war in Syria. Uncounted numbers of Iraqis and Syrians have paid with their lives as a result. The majority Sunni cities of Fallujah and Ramadi in western Iraq have already been effectively destroyed and depopulated as a result of the campaign to evict ISIS. Now, the same destruction is being inflicted to “liberate” Mosul—Iraq’s second largest city with a population of some 1.5 million.
After two months of the US-led assault, reports from Mosul testify to large-scale civilian casualties, mass displacement, the wholesale destruction of infrastructure and housing, and horrific human suffering.
The Baghdad government instructed Mosul residents to remain in their homes and not flee the city. In the weeks since, air strikes by the US and British, French, Australian, Canadian, Jordanian and Iraqi war planes have shattered bridges linking the west and east of the city across the Tigris River and destroyed water pipelines. Electricity has been cut off in most areas. The university and other public buildings have been reduced to rubble, while roads are being “cratered” to stop vehicles using them.
Hundreds of thousands of people, including large numbers of children, are trapped without safe drinking water, adequate food or access to medical treatment. ISIS has rigged buildings with explosives and is sending vehicles driven by suicide bombers against the government forces pushing into the eastern suburbs. It has ignited oil-filled trenches to cover the city in thick black smoke and hinder air attacks. The US-led offensive is making limited progress due to the savage resistance.
The most populated suburbs are still held by ISIS. In the areas that have been retaken by US-led forces, just 100,000 people have been able to flee to tent city displacement camps. Males are separated from their families to be detained and interrogated for potential ISIS sympathies. Scattered reports have surfaced of Sunni civilians being killed or tortured by sectarian Shiite troops or militias. Once in the camps, people are prevented from leaving for “security reasons.”
A Kurdish government representative stated this week that 2,000 more people are now fleeing the city each day. Lisa Grande of the United Nations told the Washington Post: “We are very worried that we are going to run out of supplies. We only have limited amounts of stocks, and if everyone near and inside Mosul requires help, we won’t have enough—not by a long shot.”
Medical facilities have been overwhelmed by civilians with wounds caused by gunfire or explosives. The fate of the majority of wounded, inside the city where hospitals are not functioning, is terrible to contemplate.
The Obama administration and American media, as well as the governments and media in allied states, have denounced as a war crime the Russian-backed Syrian government offensive that dislodged US-backed Islamist “rebels” from the city of Aleppo. The plight of Aleppo civilians, particularly imagery of suffering children, has been widely reported.
The people of Mosul, however, are being treated as “collateral damage” by the imperialist hypocrites, barely warranting comment. Casualties are largely being blamed on ISIS using civilians as “human shields” or attacking people trying to escape the city with snipers or mortars.
Summing up the situation, one displaced person told the Washington Post: “People of Mosul have two options. Either stay inside and die because of the bombing or hunger, or go to the camps—to the prison. Either way, it’s a slow death.”
The US military has stated that the offensive will go on for at least two to four months—well into the first stages of a Trump presidency. When, or if, Mosul falls, the full extent of civilian deaths is unlikely to ever be known. Close to 14 years since the US invasion, the credible estimate by Lancet that it caused over 650,000 deaths just between March 2003 and June 2006 is still routinely rejected as exaggerated by apologists for American imperialism and its puppet government in Baghdad. The death toll of this year’s bloodbaths in Fallujah and Ramadi has not been revealed.
While the exact human cost is unknown, there is no doubt as to the overriding motive behind the 1991 Gulf War, years of sanctions on Iraq, the 2003 US invasion, through to the current blood-letting in Mosul: Oil.
The 2003 invasion was a criminal conspiracy planned between the Bush administration and the major oil conglomerates and justified with flagrant lies that Iraq threatened the United States with “weapons of mass destruction.” It was continued under Obama because years of Iraqi resistance had prevented the US establishing untrammelled dominance over either the country’s energy resources or the broader Middle East. During the past three years, ISIS’ victories in Iraq, and Russia’s decision to join Iran in militarily supporting the Syrian Assad government, have further set back the US agenda.
US intrigues in the Middle East will continue under Trump. He is surrounded by figures steeped in the 25-year attempt to subordinate the region to American dictates. These include Exxon Mobil CEO Rex Tillerson, whose company sought to buy up much of Iraq’s oil industry. In charge of the Pentagon will be Gen. James “Mad Dog” Mattis, who commanded Marines in the 2004 assault on Fallujah, opposed the withdrawal of US forces in 2011, and has advocated military confrontation with Iran to shatter its influence in Iraq and Syria.
The degree to which the Middle East becomes the focus of US aggression under Trump will be determined by the outcome of the bitter struggle taking place within the American establishment over which major rival to its world position should be its more immediate target. Accusations by the Democratic Party and much of the American media that Trump’s victory is the result of “Russian interference,” stems from their concern that the new administration intends to moderate the confrontation with Russia in the Middle East and Eastern Europe, in order to focus more immediately on escalating the conflict with China.
Regardless of what front is ultimately chosen by a Trump administration, the legacy of Barack Obama is the heightened danger of World War III.

21 Dec 2016

Tanzanian-German Centre for Eastern African Legal Studies (TGCL) Scholarships for East African Students 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 17th February, 2017
Eligible Countries: East African Community Partner States (Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda)
To be taken at (country): University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Field of Study: Law
About the Award: The TGCL, a think tank on East African Community law, is a cooperation project of the University of Dar es Salaam and the University of Bayreuth in Germany. It is funded by the German Federal Foreign Office through the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD).
Structured LLM and PhD study programmes at the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, are addressed to aspiring young East African lawyers, qualifying them for leading positions in the region.
The LLM candidates will pursue a coursework and a dissertation programme on Regional Integration and East African Community Law. The programme takes one year of fulltime attendance.
PhD students are required to write a comprehensive PhD thesis within three years of fulltime attendance.
The TGCL will offer seminars and workshops on academic research methodology and professional leadership skills for its students, accompanied by an introduction to German Law and the Law of the European Union.
Additionally, interdisciplinary seminars and a German language course are part of the programme.
On successful completion of the programme, the students will obtain a law degree from the University of Dar es Salaam and an additional TGCL Certificate.
Type: PhD/Masters
Eligibility: Applications are invited especially from candidates from the East African Community Partner States (i.e. Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda).
The formal minimum requirements for admission to the LLM and PhD programmes are:
  • for the LLM programme: a Bachelor’s degree in law (LLB) with a minimum GPA of 3.0 or its equivalent from a recognised higher learning institutions.
  • for the PhD programme: an excellent LLM degree from a recognised institution
The language of instruction in the School of Law is English. Those who are not conversant with it should not apply.
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: Scholarships are granted only to applicants from EAC countries and will cover:
  • the university fees for the LLM/PhD programme
  • a reasonable health insurance
  • an annual stipend of 2,400 EUR for Tanzanians and of 3,000 EUR for non-Tanzanians
  • a housing allowance of 30 EUR per month
  • a once-off research grant of 460 EUR for LLM and 920 EUR for PhD
Duration of Scholarship: 
  • LLM: 1 Year
  • PhD: 3 Years
How to Apply: The applicant must register online through the TGCL website and submit the following documents electronically:
  1. a signed curriculum vitae with clear evidence of periods of legal and other relevant education, training and practical experience. It is compulsory to use the Europass CV template (http://europass.cedefop.europa.eu).
  2. one page letter of motivation
  3. certified photocopies of all relevant certificates (birth certificate, school leaving certificates, academic transcripts, certificates of legal or other professional education, including provisional results for applicants who are in the final year of their LLB studies); in the case of documents not in English an official translation should be attached
  4. a passport picture
  5. a release letter from your employer (if you are employed) – a proposal of the intended research (for LLM candidates: 1,500 words; for PhD candidates: 3,000 words) – see annexed guidelines
  6. for PhD candidates: an electronic copy of your LLM dissertation
Additionally, applicants must send (1) Hard copies of all application documents mentioned above (2) three letters of recommendation (signed and sealed), (3) a printout of the online registration form to:
The Coordinator, TGCL, Dr Benedict T. Mapunda, University of Dar es Salaam School of Law, P.O. Box 35093, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania; phone: +255 22 278 1422; fax: +255 22 278 0217; email:mapundabt@yahoo.com
Award Provider: German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD).
Important Notes: Incomplete and late applications will not be considered. All applications have to be submitted both online and as a hardcopy. It is highly recommended to use a reliable professional courier service to ship the hardcopy, if you are not handing it in personally

McCain Institute Next Generation Leaders Program 2017 for Emerging Leaders. Fully-funded to the US

Application Deadline: 17th February 2017
To be taken at (country): Following the initial training and coaching module in Washington, NGLs depart for their placements sites across the United States to professionally develop in areas relevant to their future goals while providing a broadening experience. For example, an international journalist may receive placement in a major American newspaper city desk, a national government executive in a mayor’s office or a political activist in a community-based organization. All placement sites are chosen by The McCain Institute.
About the Award: The McCain Institute’s flagship ‘Next Generation Leaders’ (NGL) program is designed to identify, train, network and empower a diverse group of emerging, character-driven leaders from the United States and around the world.
The program is year-long and begins in early September and runs through the end of August of the following calendar year. Participants are expected to be in the United States for the entire program year and attend all four leadership development modules along with contributing at their placement organizations to gain the full NGL experience.
As the Institute links successive classes of leaders together, it creates a global network of advocates for common core values of security, economic opportunity, freedom and human dignity.
The program offers a unique blend of professional development, exposure to top-level policymakers and formal training in leadership. At four junctures throughout the year, the program provides hands-on training focused on values, ethics and leadership, media and communications skills, and best practice examples of American business, political and civic life.
A key aspect of the program is each NGL’s preparation of an individual Leadership Action Plan. Aimed at defining the tangible steps and actions the NGLs will take to bring about positive change in their home societies, the Leadership Action Plan becomes the central project of the NGL’s development year. Each NGL will take this plan home for implementation upon completion of the program. At four junctures throughout the year, the program provides training in values, ethics, leadership, along with media and communications skills and access to the best examples of American business, political, and civic leadership.
Type: Training/Fellowship
Eligibility: 
  • The typical NGL is between 30 to 45 years old, mid-career professional with at least 10 years of professional experience and a high-degree of professional, academic and work achievements;
  • Fluent in English and able to read and understand complex texts in English, give oral presentations in front of small and large audiences, build a professional network, and create personal relationships with colleagues;
  • Must demonstrate commitment to highest level of ethical leadership, provide decisive recommendations that substantiate their leadership qualities, making a commitment to return to their home environment at the end of the program year;
  • To determine if you are a competitive candidate for the NGL Program, please review the biographies of previous Leaders on the program webpage (link below)
Number of Awards: 20
Value of Program: 
  • The McCain Institute provides each NGL a stipend that covers all standard living costs for a year. Each participant receives the stipend amount monthly, covering expenses such as rent, utilities, food and any other regular costs;
  • The stipend amount varies depending on the cost of living in the participant’s placement city. Added to the stipend is travel allowance that NGLs may use for professional travel in support of their LAP’s during the program year;
  • The overall stipend is separate from the program related cost, such as travel to and from leadership training modules, module lodgings, and per diem for the duration of program modules are covered by The McCain Institute separately;
  • Per visa regulations The McCain Institute also covers health insurance and workers comp.
  • Following the initial training and coaching module in Washington, NGLs depart for their placements sites across the United States to professionally develop in areas relevant to their future goals while providing a broadening experience. All placement sites are chosen by The McCain Institute.
Duration of Program: 1 year
How to Apply: You may apply via this link.
It is important to go through the FAQs for further information before applying.
Award Provider: McCain Institute

Finland: University of Tampere Masters Scholarships for International Students 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 13th  January, 2017
Eligible Countries: Non-EU/EEA citizens
To be taken at (country): Finland
About the Award: A substantial number of scholarships will be available for the most talented fee-paying students. The scheme consists of two scholarship categories.
  • The University of Tampere tuition fee scholarships cover either 100% or 50% of the tuition fees in a two-year Master’s degree programme.
  • The University of Tampere global student award for academic excellence scholarships cover 100% of the tuition fees and include a 7,000 € annual scholarship to cover the student’s living expenses during the two-year Master’s degree programme.
Type: Masters
Eligibility: To be eligible to apply for a Master’s programme at UTA, an applicant must
  • have a completed university level Bachelor’s degree or equivalent in the field of the desired programme or in a closely related subject.
  • English Language Requirement: University accepts the following tests as a proof of a good command of English
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Duration of Scholarship: 2 years
How to Apply: During the admissions process, the applicants have the possibility to indicate their wish to apply for the scholarships. The decision on the granted scholarship will be communicated to the applicant together with information on admission.
Award Provider: University of Tampere

Masters in Research and Innovation in Higher Education (MARIHE) Scholarships for International Students (Erasmus Mundus) 2017/2018

Application Deadline:  28th February 2017, 11:00 p.m., central European time
Offered annually? Yes
To be taken at (country): 
Field of Study: View all eligible programs via the Universities’ links in the webpage (link below)
Type: Masters
Eligibility: Applicants to the MARIHE programme must:
  • hold a first university degree
  • show a strong motivation and interest
  • have sufficient knowledge of English for academic purposes
Other acceptable ways of indicating English language proficiency are:
  • proof of a bachelor’s degree or a master’s degree delivered in English from a university in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, the United Kingdom or United States, excluding MBA degrees and online degrees, with the applicant having stayed in the respective country when studying for the degree.
  • proof of secondary education conducted in English language in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, United Kingdom or United States.
In addition to submitting proof of an adequate degree or secondary education as described, applicants may also be interviewed before being exempted.
Selection Criteria: All eligible applications to MARIHE will be reviewed by members of the MARIHE Consortium partners. The reviewers will assess:
  • the applicant’s academic quality, judged primarily from the results of prior university studies.
  • the applicant’s motivation and justification of the application in relation to prior studies, work experience (if applicable) and future career plans towards the aims of MARIHE, judged from the letter of motivation in combination with CV and the two letters of recommendation.
  • the applicant’s personal skills, judged from the results of prior studies and the letters of recommendation.
  • the applicant’s English language skills, judged from the certificate provided.
The scores from the review will form a ranked list of applications which will be used for student selection by the MARIHE Admission Board. In the event that two or more applications on this ranked list show the same score the Admission Board will decide on their ranking.
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: Fully-funded. The Erasmus Mundus scholarship covers tuition fees and allows to cover all expenses that non-EU students normally face during their studies.
Duration of Scholarship: Two years. September 2017 – August 2019
How to Apply: MARIHE only accepts electronic applications submitted through our MARIHE application Database.
It is important to go through the Application requirements and before applying.
Award Provider: MARIHE is supported by the Erasmus+ Programme of the European Union under the action of a Joint Master Degree.
Important Notes: MARIHE consortium will inform scholarship applicants in May 2017 on the assessment of their application and on their chances to receive an Erasmus+ scholarship for intake 2017.

Civic Tech Leadership Fellowship for Young African Leaders 2017

Application Deadline: 15th January 2017
First Batch: March 1, 2017
Eligible Countries: Countries in Africa
About the Award: The Civic Tech Leadership Program prepares the next generation of outstanding Civic Tech leaders by taking them through an intense training and mentorship program. The fellowship allows talented individuals to build their capacity to build out an organization that will pursue the greater socio-economic futures they want to see in Africa.
Civic Hub’s objective is to:
  • Empower young people, passionate about creating social change with the knowledge, resources and network necessary to achieve success.
  • Facilitate the development of new programs or products that increase transparency in Governance, increasing citizens’ participation in Governance.
  • Facilitate the development of programs and tech products that increase civic engagement and social justice.
Type: Training/Fellowship
Eligibility: To be eligible, applicants must:
  • Be not be older than 40years of age
  • Fluent in English
  • Be a citizen of an African country (This first call is for Nigerians only)
Selection Criteria: 
  • A simple idea but with extraordinary impact potential
  • Amazing Passion for social change
  • Sound conceptualization of problems, solutions & challenges
  • Thought process for sustainability
  • A potential for a future career dedicated to working on a social cause
  • Full-time commitment to a rigorous program, which is required of our fellows
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Program: 
  • A stipend to cover the cost of the applicant expenses for 1 year (an additional one year due to exceptional performance)
  • Travel allowance to events approved by the program
  • Access to global donor network/impact investors for further support
  • Access to international fellowships & leadership programs
  • Office space for the fellow
  • Stipends for two support staff for each team
  • Technical support for teams (development and design)
How to Apply: Apply via the Program Webpage link below
Award Provider: Civic Hub

Government of Hungary Stipendium Hungaricum Scholarship Program for International Students 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 5th March 2017 (23:59 Central European Time)
Eligible Countries: International. See list of countries below
To be taken at (country): Hungary
Field of Study: Applicants are encouraged to apply for study fields that are in the educational cooperation programmes between Hungary and the specific Sending Partner
About the Award: Thousands of students from all around the world apply for higher educational studies in Hungary each year. The number of Stipendium Hungaricum applicants is continuously increasing as well as the number of available scholarship places. In the academic year 2017/2018 approximately 4000 students can begin their studies in Hungary in the framework of the Stipendium Hungaricum Programme.
The programme is based on bilateral educational cooperation agreements signed between the Ministries responsible for education in the sending countries/territories and Hungary or between institutions. Currently more than 50 Sending Partners are engaged in the programme throughout 4 different continents.
Offered Since: 2013
Type: Stipendium Hungaricum scholarships are available for bachelormasterone-tier masterdoctoral and non-degree programmes (preparatory and specialisation courses).
In the Hungarian education system, one-tier master programmes cover both the bachelor and the master level of studies; therefore it is an undivided master programme that results in a master degree. These one-tier programmes are offered in specific study fields such as general medicine, pharmacy, dentistry, architecture, law, veterinary surgery, forestry engineering, etc.
Eligibility: Applications will not be considered in the following cases:
  • Hungarian citizens (including those with dual citizenships)
  • former Stipendium Hungaricum Scholarship Holders, who are re-applying for studies in the same cycle of education (non-degree studies, bachelor, master, doctoral level) including both full time and partial study programmes
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: 
  • Tuition-free education
    • exemption from the payment of tuition fee
  • Monthly stipend
    • non-degree, bachelor, master and one-tier master level: monthly amount of HUF 40 460 (cca EUR 130) contribution to the living expenses in Hungary, for 12 months a year, until the completion of studies
    • doctoral level: according to the current Hungarian legislation, the monthly amount of scholarship is HUF 140 000 (cca EUR 450) for the first phase of education (4 semesters) and HUF 180 000 (cca EUR 580) for the second phase (4 semesters) – for 12 months a year, until completion of studies.
  • Accommodation
    • dormitory place or a contribution of HUF 40 000 to accommodation costs for the whole duration of the scholarship period
  • Medical insurance
    • health care services according to the relevant Hungarian legislation (Act No. 80 of 1997, national health insurance card) and supplementary medical insurance for up to HUF 65 000 (cca EUR 205) a year/person
Duration of Scholarship: Duration of candidate’s chosen program:
  • Bachelor programmes: Fulltime: 2-4 years. Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Master programmes:  Fulltime: 1.5-2 years. Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • One-tier master programmes: Fulltime: 5-6 years Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Doctoral programmes:  Fulltime: 2+2 years Partial: 1 or 2 semesters
  • Non-degree programmes:
    • Preparatory course in Hungarian language: 1 year
    • Other preparatory and specialisation courses: up to 1 year
List of Eligible Countries: For full time programmes, students can apply from the following Sending Partners: Arab Republic of Egypt, Argentine Republic, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Federal Republic of Nigeria, Georgia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Islamic Republic of Pakistan, Japan, Kingdom of Cambodia, Kingdom of Morocco, Kurdistan Regional Government/Iraq, Kyrgyz Republic, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Lebanese Republic, Mongolia, Oriental Republic of Uruguay, Palestine, People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria, People’s Republic of China (including the Hudec scholarships), Republic of Albania, Republic of Angola, Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of Belarus, Republic of Colombia, Republic of Ecuador, Republic of Ghana, Republic of India, Republic of Indonesia, Republic of Iraq, Republic of Kazakhstan, Republic of Kenya, Republic of Korea, Republic of Kosovo, Republic of Macedonia (FYROM is used at OSCE, UN, CoE, EU and NATO fora), Republic of Moldova, Republic of Namibia, Republic of Paraguay, Republic of Serbia, Republic of South Africa, Republic of the Philippines, Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Republic of Turkey, Republic of Yemen, Russian Federation, Socialist Republic of Vietnam, State of Israel, Syrian Arab Republic, The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, Tunisian Republic, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, United Mexican States.
For partial study programmes, students can apply from the following Sending Partners: Georgia, Islamic Republic of Iran, Japan, Kingdom of Cambodia, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Lebanese Republic, Mongolia, People’s Republic of China (only Hudec applicants), Republic of Albania, Republic of Belarus, Republic of India, Republic of Korea, Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Republic of Turkey, Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Russian Federation, Syrian Arab Republic, United Mexican States.
How to Apply: All documents that cannot be obtained in the language of the selected study programme or in Hungarian have to be translated and the translations have to be submitted as well as the copy of the original document.
A guide for the online system will be available to download from the www.stipendiumhungaricum.hu website.
It is necessary to go through the Application Requirements thoroughly before applying for this scholarship
Award Provider: Hungary Government
Important Notes: Please note that the programme is implemented by direct cooperation with the responsible authorities of the Sending Partner. The application does not have any additional costs, therefore we suggest you to not to apply through any agencies.

The Dangers of Big Philanthropy

CHUCK COLLINS

It’s the season of giving.
When you hear about a billionaire “giving back” — like Nike founder Phil Knight’s $400 million gift to Stanford, or hedge funder John Paulsen’s $400 million donation to Harvard — do you feel a warm glow?
They could’ve kept their money and bought another house or private jet, you might think. But what if you heard that the tax write-offs billionaires claim for gifts like these force the rest of us to shell out more?
Suddenly that glow doesn’t feel so warm.
Compare that generosity to what you’ve probably seen in your own community. In every small town in America — at the local convenience store or diner — there’s “the jar,” a special collection for someone who needs an operation or has faced one of life’s misfortunes.
Everyone who can chips in. No one writes it off their taxes.
Keeping score that way would be as unseemly as asking for a tax break for coaching a neighborhood youth sports team, volunteering at a shelter, or making a casserole for someone coming home from the hospital.
(Photo: zimmytws / shutterstock)
The wealthy, on the other hand, use the tax deductions that come with mega-gifts to dramatically reduce, and sometimes eliminate, their tax obligations. They do it at the behest of “wealth defense advisers” — tax lawyers, accountants, and estate and trust planners — whose job is to maximize their clients’ wealth and minimize their taxes.
Those headline-making gifts you hear about may be motivated by a generous impulse, but they’re also another tool of tax avoidance — especially when it comes to donating appreciated stocks, artwork, and land, which help them avoid paying capital gains taxes.
The rest of us have a stake in these gifts. For every dollar donated to charity by a wealthy individual, everyone else effectively chips in 40 to 50 cents. When their tax bills go down, we pick up the slack to pay for public services such as infrastructure, research, and defense.
Unfortunately, this is the wave of the future. More and more, our country’s charitable giving is dominated and controlled by billionaire mega-donors, their foundations, and donor-advised funds, according to a report I coauthored for the Institute for Policy Studies.
Between 2003 and 2013, itemized contributions from people making $10 million or more increased by 104 percent. The number of private grant-making foundations, mostly established by wealthy individuals and their families, has doubled since 1993. Today there are over 80,000.
Meanwhile, charitable giving by low and middle-income donors has steadily declined, reflecting stagnant wages, declining homeownership, and growing economic insecurity by low- and middle-income families. From 2003 to 2013, itemized charitable deductions by donors making less than $100,000 declined by over a third.
This top-heavy philanthropy poses a danger to charities, too. It makes their funding less predictable and pressures them to focus on wooing a finite, relatively small number of mega-donors, rather than on doing the important work many of them do.
But the largest peril is for our democracy. Unchecked, private foundations can become blocks of concentrated, unaccountable power with considerable clout in shaping our laws and culture. They can become extensions of the power, privilege, and influence of a handful of rich families.
In this season of giving, we’ll hear plenty about billionaires “giving back” through donations to education, the arts, health, and medicine. But let’s not lose sight of the fact that you and I are subsidizing the charitable choices of the wealthy.
Maybe we’d all be better off if these billionaires just paid their fair share of taxes.

Steve Biko At 70

Binoy Kampmark


“They had to kill him to prolong the life of apartheid.” Nelson Mandela
Commemorating birthdays in the aftermath of a person’s death tends to be a false exercise. At best, it reminds us about an era that will have, almost certainly, vanished. This goes for whatever that era entailed – brutality, or peace; tranquillity or chaos. Then comes the issue of historical effectiveness: what would that person have actually achieved had he seen the world he fought change?
The martyr, to that end, bridges the world that needs changing to the change to come.  Many would regard Steve Biko as one such martyr in the anti-apartheid cause. But the pathway of the martyr after death tends to be the work of others, they who serve a posthumous name or worship at the altar of a legacy.
Biko’s contribution was primarily the notion of Black Consciousness, which he considered “an attitude of the mind and a way of life, the most positive call to emanate from the black world for a long time.”  Gradually, his activities earned the violent ire of authorities.  It began gradually.  The ban in February 1973 was meant to neuter his drive to organise, speak and publicise. It did the opposite.
In 1976, the savage bloodiness of the apartheid regime, in its remorseless effort to curb revolt, saw 170 people, many children, slain.  It had begun with protests by high school students in the township of Soweto to the southwest of Johannesburg.  Their beef with the instructors was simple: why should they be forced to undertake studies in Afrikaans?
Biko’s arrest followed on August 27, after which he was held for 101 days.  In September 1977, he was again arrested at a police roadblock and subjected to a dedicated, torturous thrashing, then taken, stripped and shackled, 750 miles to Pretoria prison hospital via land rover. He died a few hours on arriving.
The inquest in tho his death, publicised in the aftermath as a world historical event, could not repel the element of farce.  The police account was that the death was self-inflicted, occasioned by a hunger strike that enfeebled him.  This was assisted by the conspicuous absence of witness accounts.
Biko’s circle disputed the official version, while the magistrate responsible for steering the 15-day inquest found it impossible to identify a killer despite finding that the “cause or likely cause of Mr. Biko’s death was a head injury, followed by extensive brain injury and other complications including renal failure.”
Jimmy Kruger, the Justice Minister, preferred a crass analysis, claiming that there were “cases when I think to myself: Christ, I don’t know what to do now, I may as well give myself a bang.” Five members associated with Biko’s death were only identified after the fall of apartheid as part of the workings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
As always, auras of nobility tend to spring up among such figures. There are the ardent supporters in tow, sometimes more star struck than sober; and the keen civil rights supporters eager to point out the terrible flaws in mistreatment. Then come the modern, commercial appropriations of revolutionary ardour: Hollywood with its films; and Google with its commemorative Google Doodle on the occasion of Biko’s 70th birthday.
Former South African newspaper editor Donald Woods was certainly the main thrust behind Biko’s posthumous veneration, dragging another terrible fate at the hands of a repressive regime into a vast political limelight.  As Woods himself conceded, Biko, even at the time of his death, was not that known among the black masses in the townships, though his “black consciousness” notion found truck with activists.
Woods’ account of Biko, given vent through the Rand Daily Mail and was subsequently given the celluloid treatment by Richard Attenborough in Cry Freedom (1987).  Emotional proximity, and the subsequent work to promote Biko’s name led to the Writers’ Association of South Africa (Wasa) passing a resolution accusing Woods of being an “unscrupulous opportunist”. Such are the travails of publicising the fallen among supporters.
Biko’s fate has subsequently spawned a weighty literature focused on his bloody demise rather than his intellectual oeuvre.  The “Biko Case” has become a foundational study in medical ethics as how these suffer under an authoritarian government.  One academic has even gone so far as to identify a “torture aesthetic” at play in the use of Biko’s case in the publicising of human rights abuses.
Biko was certainly one of the figures who supplied the anti-apartheid movement with oxygen when it risked being asphyxiated by the security apparatus.  He had been a serial troublemaker during his years in education, expelled from high school, and active with the National Union of South African Students while attending the University of Natal Medical School.
The vehicle he chose to further his protest agenda was through the South African Students’ Organisation, which he co-founded in 1968. The Black Consciousness Movement soon became more than just the aspirations of a rebellious stripling, though it remained, till after his death, less grandly muscular than assumed.
Having died prematurely in incipient revolutionary harness, Biko did not live to see the demise of the hated ideology he fought for. He did not see the release, rehabilitation and even sanctification of Nelson Mandela, who became leader of the Rainbow Nation.
Nor did he see Mandela’s successor, Thabo Mbeki, take searing jabs against that nation, using his own brand of ideology to deny the ravages of HIV in South Africa, and antiretroviral drugs to sufferers.  The current near unaccountable President, Jacob Zuma, is even more demagogic.
Revolutions, just as those who launch and implement them, eventually die.  Posterity, however, often supplies a different picture, one where ideas can become canon balls, making the pen a truly dangerous weapon.  That point was not lost on the engineers of apartheid.

Indian police begin to impose Supreme Court order on national anthem

Wasantha Rupasinghe

Indian police have started enforcing the Supreme Court’s reactionary Nov. 30 order that cinemas must play the national anthem at the beginning of every feature-film screening and all present “must stand up” and show “respect.”
In recent days, police have arrested some 20 people in the south Indian states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu for allegedly “disrespecting the national anthem,” including eleven people attending an international film festival in Kerala’s capital, Thiruvananthapuram.
Most, if not all, the arrests have been instigated by supporters of India’s Hindu supremacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government. Earlier this week, Kamal C. Chavara, a Malayalam novelist and “theater activist,” was arrested after the BJP’s youth wing, the Yuva Morcha, complained to police that he had insulted the national anthem in a posting on his Facebook page. The police, going far beyond even the Supreme Court’s egregious antidemocratic ruling, have now charged Chavara with sedition.
The Supreme Court (SC) order that all cinemas must play, and moviegoers venerate, the Indian national anthem is a blatant attack on individual civil liberties. It is also the latest salvo in a ruling-class offensive to whip up and give state sanction to a bellicose Indian nationalism that buttresses the Indian bourgeoisie’s great-power ambitions and aggressive foreign policy and casts opposition to the actions of the state as disloyal and illegitimate.
Led by the arch-communalist and self-styled “Hindu strongman” Narendra Modi, the BJP government has spearheaded this drive. To cheers from the corporate media, the Modi government has celebrated the illegal and highly provocative military strikes it ordered the Indian army to carry out inside Pakistan in late September as proof of India’s new prowess.
The Supreme Court order underscores that support for the promotion of a foul political climate in which dissent and opposition are delegitimized and suppressed in the name of “national unity” and thwarting Pakistan and other “external enemies” goes far beyond the BJP and the Hindu right. It enjoys the backing of broad sections of the ruling class and its state apparatus, including the judiciary, police and military. Significantly, the Congress Party, the traditional governing party of the Indian bourgeoisie, has endorsed the SC order. “We support, in principle, everything that enhances the respect and dignity of this nation,” declared Congress spokesperson Abhishek Manu Singhvi. “Therefore, we support this in principle.”
In addition to being antidemocratic, the SC order is, as several Indian commentators have observed, patently unconstitutional. It was not issued to uphold or enforce any existing legislation or constitutional right. Rather, India’s highest court seized on a writ petition filed well over a decade ago by the now 78-year-old head of a rightwing Bhopal-based NGO, Narayan Chouksey, to reverse existing jurisprudence and give judicial backing and legal teeth to the ruling-class campaign to promote bellicose nationalism.
In his petition Chouksey had complained that moviegoers were not “showing requisite and necessary respect” at those cinemas where the national anthem was played. (Following India’s brief 1962 border war with China, the then Congress Party government urged cinemas to play the national anthem, but by the 1970s the practice was widely discontinued.)
In an obvious reference to the Modi government’s ongoing campaign of military and diplomatic pressure on Pakistan—a campaign which has brought South Asia’s rival nuclear-armed states to the brink of war—the SC declared in its order, “[T]ime has come, the citizens of the country must realize that they live in a nation and are duty bound to show respect to the National Anthem which is the symbol of the Constitutional Patriotism and inherent national quality.”
Expressing its hostility toward basic democratic rights, the SC then stated, “It (Indian law) does not allow any different notion or the perception of individual rights, that have individually thought of have no space.”
The English is garbled, but the court’s reactionary mindset is crystal clear: individual rights must be subordinated to the interests of the Indian state and specifically, in this instance, to what the court terms as instilling “a sense of committed patriotism and nationalism.”
The SC order effectively encourages rightwing nationalists to harass and even attack people who fail to ‘respect” the national anthem. Several such incidents have already been reported. Although the order includes an exemption for persons with physical disabilities, this has not stopped their being targeted in the past for not standing during the national anthem.
In the name of ensuring there is no “disrespect” for the national anthem, the SC has also instructed that cinema hall entrances and exits be closed while the anthem is played. In its zeal to promote Indian “patriotism,” the court has brazenly ignored safety concerns and apparently set aside its own previous order, issued after a fire killed 59 people at a Delhi cinema in 1997, that cinema doors must remain open and unimpeded at all times.
The SC order has been criticized by many of India’s leading newspapers as a case of “judicial overreach,” but little to nothing has been said about the political background to it.
Faced with mounting anger among India’s workers and toilers to its austerity and pro-investor measures, the BJP government increasingly relies on reactionary nationalist and outright communalist appeals.
The Modi government’s hardline stance against Pakistan is aimed at securing India’s claim to be the regional hegemon, so as to provide the Indian bourgeoisie with greater leverage within South Asia and on the world stage.
But the BJP and its allies, with the support of broad sections of the state apparatus and ruling elite, are also using the war crisis to promote national chauvinism and militarism, so as to strengthen their hand against the working class.
Since mid-September, when the BJP declared Pakistan responsible for the Kashmir separatist attack on the Indian military base at Uri, the speeches of Modi and other BJP leaders have been replete with bellicose threats and adulation of India’s “heroic” armed forces. As a recent opinion column in the Indian Express by retired political science professor Suhas Palshikar observed, “Every day, there is a new demand on our patriotism. If you complain of the queues at ATMs, (a reference to the chaos caused by the government’s demonetization of most of India’s currency) you are reminded of the soldier and told that standing in a queue is the measure of your loyalty to the nation.”
The SC national-anthem order was preceded by a successful campaign on the part of Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (SS) and the Shiv Sena, a BJP coalition partner, to force Bollywood, India’s Mumbai-based film industry, to stop hiring Pakistani actors, singers, dancers, and technicians.
While sections of India’s liberal media initially wrung their hands over Bollywood’s imposition of this chauvinist ban, they have quickly dropped the issue. Meanwhile, powerful ruling-class elements have come forward to support it. Mukesh Ambani, who is India’s wealthiest billionaire with an estimated fortune of US $23 billion, recently publicly backed the ban on Pakistani film artists, declaring “for me it is always country first.” Ambani, not incidentally, provided important initial support for Modi’s bid to become the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate in the 2014 elections.
While the opposition parties are now forced to bleat complaints that the Modi government is “politicizing” India’s military “surgical strikes” inside Pakistan, they have all provided grist for the BJP campaign to whip up rightwing nationalism. In the wake of the Uri attack, all the opposition parties rallied behind the government and its denunciations of Pakistan, and they all joined with the BJP in celebrating the September 28-29 cross-border raids on Pakistan.
This goes for the Stalinist Communist Party of India (Marxist) or CPM and its Left Front. CPM General Secretary Sitaram Yechury joined with other opposition leaders in backing the strikes at a government-convened all-party conference. Moreover, in Kerala, where the CPM leads the government, the state legislature, at the CPM’s initiative, passed a resolution hailing the strikes and the military. More recently, CPM Politburo member and Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan lauded the state police, while defending them for having summarily executed two Maoists in a fake encounter killing.