1 Feb 2017

Taiwan Government International Scholarship Programme 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 31st March 2017
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: The scholarship is open to all international students (excluding students from Mainland China, Hong Kong and Macau) from any country
To be taken at (country): Universities and Colleges in Taiwan
About the Award: The Government of Taiwan through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) has established the Taiwan Scholarship Program for foreign students in an effort to encourage outstanding international students to undertake degree studies in Taiwan so as to familiarize themselves with the academic environment in Taiwan and promote communication, understanding and friendship between Taiwan and countries around the world.
Offered Since: 2010
Eligibility: Candidate:
  • Is a high school graduate or above with an excellent academic record, of good moral character and has no criminal record.
  • Is not a national of the Republic of China (Taiwan).
  • Is not an overseas compatriot student.
  • Has never attended an educational institution in Taiwan at the same level of degree or LEP that he/she intends to apply for.
  • Is not an exchange student through any cooperation agreement between a foreign university/college and an educational institute in Taiwan while receiving the Scholarship.
  • Has not previously had a Scholarship revoked by an ROC  government agency or other relevant institution.
Number of Scholarships: A number of scholarships will be awarded
Benefits: Scholarship recipients will be given a monthly stipend of NT$25,000 for the LEP and NT$30,000 for degree programs. Recipients are responsible for all expenses during their stay in Taiwan. MOFA will not provide any other subsidies. MOFA will, however, provide recipients with one-way, economy-class plane tickets for direct flights to and from Taiwan.
Duration:
Non-degree LEP: one year.
2. Degree programs:
(1) Undergraduate program: four years maximum
(2) Master’s program: two years maximum
(3) Doctoralprogram: four years maximum
How to Apply: Applicants should send the following document within the period specified enclosed with their application to the nearest Taiwan Embassy or Representative Office in their country.
  • Taiwan Scholarship Application Form (available here)
  • A copy of the applicant’s passport or other nationality certificates.
  • A copy of the highest degree and academic transcripts. If issued by international educational institutions, these documents must be authenticated by an overseas Representative Office or be sealed and delivered by the awarding institutions. Documents in a language other than Chinese or English must be translated into Chinese or English and the translated documents must be authenticated.
  • A copy of admission application materials to universities/colleges in Taiwan (e.g., copies of application fee remittance, application form, receipt of application from universities/colleges, e-mails, ).
  • A copy of a language proficiency certificate:
    • 1.A copy of results or certificate for the “Test of Chinese as a Foreign Language” (TOCFL) Basic or above.
    • 2.For applications to all-English programs, a copy of TOEFL test scores or other recognized English language proficiency exams or degrees awarded in English must be submitted. English-speaking nationals are exempt from this rule.
    • Two letters of reference, signed and sealed in envelopes (i.e. from the principals, professors, or supervisors). Photo copies and email submissions of letters of recommendation will not be considered.
    • Additional documents as specified by the individual representative offices.
Sponsors: The Taiwan Scholarship Program is jointly established and funded by three government agencies of the Republic of China (Taiwan) — the Ministry of Education (MOE), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) and the National Science Council of the Executive Yuan (NSC)

Zawadi Africa Education Fund Undergraduate Scholarship for Women 2017

Application Deadline: 31st March 2017
Offered Annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Kenya, Uganda, Ghana and Mozambique
About the Award: Zawadi Africa Education Fund is a leadership development program that provides university scholarships and leadership development and life skills training to academically gifted but financially disadvantaged African girls, with the objective of developing a pipeline of young African women leaders.
Zawadi Africa was formed with the belief that together with a world class education and the right character development, these young African women will be able to return to their home countries empowered and equipped with the skills needed to make significant, positive impact in their communities in a continent where traditionally women have not had a voice in the development of their community.
Eligibility: To be eligible to apply for this scholarship, the following criteria must be met:
  • A girl who has completed her secondary school examination i.e. The Kenya Certificate of Secondary Examination (KCSE)
  • Has demonstrated academic excellence (A Plain or A Minus)
  • Has demonstrated leadership qualities e.g. in school as a prefect, in the community, church, leadership in peer related activities etc.)
  • Has overcome insurmountable odds such as serious financial challenges, oppressive social-cultural practices such as early marriages and Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) etc. in order to attain academic excellence.
  • Come from a financially disadvantaged background.
  • Has demonstrated clear financial need
Selection Criteria: includes excellent academics, extracurricular involvement, leadership potential and financial need.
Selection: The Admission decision is entirely dependent on the Universities’ Admission Boards. Shortlisted candidates will be called for an interview a month after the deadline of this application.
How to Apply: 
  1. If you meet the above criteria, ensure that you complete every part of this application form. Your application will only be considered if it completely filled.
  2. Attach a one page biography and a passport photo. The biography should be TYPED and highlight your family and educational background, your aspirations, financial status, as well as hobbies and activities that you have undertaken while in school and in your community.
  3. Attach a 500-650 word essay on ONLY ONE of three topics listed on page seven.
  4. Attach a copy of your high school leaving certificate and K.C.S.E result slip as well as copies of high school certificates that show your involvement in extracurricular activities and leadership related initiatives.
  5. Attach a signed recommendation letter from your class teacher or head teacher.
  6. Attach a copy of your birth certificate and your National Identity Card (if you have one).
  7. Attach a letter from your local chief confirming his knowledge of your family and yourself. The letter should preferably be written on a government letter headed document.
  8. Any false statements, omissions or forged documents will lead to automatic disqualification.
  9. 9. Submit a Hard Copy of this application form and the required supporting documents on or before the deadline (31st March, 2017) to the designated offices written in the application forms.

European Development Days Young Leaders Programme 2017 (Fully-funded to Brussels, Belgium)

Application Deadline: 9th March 2017 at 1pm CET (Central European Time).
Eligible Countries: All
To be taken at (country): Brussels, Belgium
About the Award: Youth are a driving force behind some of the most inspiring development projects. At EDD 2017, youth will have their voices heard in policy discussions that will shape our future. The 16 selected Young Leaders will share their views and experiences in the high-level debates of the forum, alongside world leaders and other change-makers in the development field.
The meaningful participation of children and youth is mandated by global and European policy commitments, including the right to express their views freely on all matters affecting them, for their opinion to be heard and taken seriously, and a role in decision-making. Youth inclusion leads to an innovative and more inclusive development. The empowerment of young people contributes to build responsible citizenship, which helps shaping democratic societies and good governance, which are high priorities for the EU. Motivating young people will ensure a long-term commitment to development, which can help increase ownership, accountability and innovation in their countries.
Type: Events and Conferences
Eligibility: 
  • Applicants must be between 21 and 26 at the time of the forum (7-8 June 2017).
  • Applications are open to young adults from all around the world, without restriction of nationality.
  • Applications must be submitted in one of the following official European Commission languages: English / French / Spanish. The candidate must be able to speak clearly and comprehensively in one of these languages, as well as have a mandatory intermediate level of English.
  • Applicants must be able to travel to and participate in EDD 2017 in Brussels (Belgium) from 31 May to 10 June 2017.
Selection Criteria: We will evaluate your application based on three criteria:
  • 40% Your knowledge of your chosen topic and the relevance of your active engagement. We encourage candidates to show how their activities have had an impact on the community.
  • 30% Your role as a representative of an organisation, other youth or community, and your leadership experience or potential.
  • 30% Your public speaking skills and ability to speak at a high-level panel.
Number of Awardees: 16
Value of Program: The 16 selected Young Leaders will be invited to Brussels, Belgium, and all expenses (Visa, travel, accommodation) will be covered by the European Commission.
During their visit to Brussels, Young Leaders get the chance to visit European institutions, participate in workshops, meet key policymakers and interact with other young people driving change around the world. They will speak at various sessions and enjoy full access to the whole conference. Travel and accommodation is covered by the European Commission.
Duration of Program: 7-8 JUNE 2017
How to Apply: You will find the application form and instructions for applying on the Program Webpage. Don’t forget that you should submit a completed form before Thursday 9 March 2017 at 1pm (Central European Time)!
You will be applying to speak at one of the EDD 2017 Auditorium sessions, according to the topic of the panel. To complete the form, you must select at least one EDD topic that you wish to speak about. You must feel comfortable and knowledgeable about the topics of your choice and they must relate closely to your interests and expertise.
Please explore the 16 EDD 2017 topics in the ‘About EDD 2017’ page of the website.
Award Provider: European Commission
Important Notes:  Note that you will be required to create a profile on the website before starting the application. Don’t forget to tick the box “I want to apply for the Young Leaders Programme” when you create your profile.

AIMS Postdoctoral Fellowship in Data Science for African Scholars 2017

Application Deadline: 15th February 2017
Eligible Countries: Preference will be given to applicants from SADC member states but candidates from all over Africa are encouraged to apply.
To be taken at (country): South Africa
About the Award: The very crucial new field of Data Science is evolving very rapidly and has the potential to affect many applications. For the Mathematical Science community, we see lots of challenging mathematical and computational underpinnings of Data Science with tons of interesting research questions to investigate. The Data Science research group that is being built around the German Research Chair in Mathematics with specialization in Data Science will undertake research on the mathematical and computational challenges of the field.
Field of Research: Research projects will be spread over the following thematic areas:
  • Mathematical methods for data science
  • Computational techniques (algorithms) for data science
  • Application of data science tools to problems from industry
  • HPC implementations and studies of arising scientific computing issues
Type: Research
Eligibility: 
  • A relevant doctorate of high standing
  • A developing research capability which will lead to good publications
  • Ability to tutor postgraduate students successfully
  • Ability to work as part of an interdisciplinary team
  • Good communication skills
  • Fluency in English

Value and Duration of Fellowship: Fellowships are tenable for one year, contingent on satisfactory progress, and could be extended for a second year. Fellowships are immediately available and the value of the award ranges between R200 – R240k per annum, tax-free, subject to qualification and experience. Other benefits included the provision of a laptop, coverage of all cost associated with the use of HPC resources, and a conference travel allowance of R 30,000 per annum.
How to Apply: 
  • A covering letter motivating the application
  • A comprehensive CV stating research plans in the above or related areas
  • Two reference letters from academics familiar with your work
  • Statement on citizenship and whether a South African work permit is currently being held
  • Other practical information such as earliest date of commencement
  • Please note the Fellowship cannot be held concurrently with any supplementary funding.
Send completed applications to joan@aims.ac.za
Award Provider: African Institute for Mathematical Sciences

Bannon’s Coup

Mel Gurtov

Stephen K. Bannon, Donald Trump’s chief strategist, has been elevated to the Principals Committee of the National Security Council, the top tier of national-security policymakers.*  It is the first time a political affairs official has been made a regular participant in the NSC’s work.  The appointment is the most important piece in an extraordinary and dangerous bureaucratic reorganization that Bannon himself may have engineered.
Anyone who thinks bureaucracy doesn’t count should think twice after witnessing what amounts to a coup.  Bannon may attend any session of the NSC and the Principals Committee while the intelligence community, represented by the Director of National Intelligence (Mike Pompeo) and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, may not.**  Officially, Bannon is now on par with Michael Flynn, the special assistant for national security; but in terms of real access to the president, Bannon’s only peer is Jared Kushner.  “It is a startling elevation of a political adviser,” the New York Times says.
Thus, the most important foreign and national security decisions, meaning those made during a crisis, are going to be most influenced by a far-right rabble-rouser and Trump’s son-in-law, neither of whom has anything remotely resembling international experience. (I don’t count Bannon’s time in the Navy, any more than I count Kushner’s donations to Israel.)  And in Bannon’s case, that influence is likely to bend the president toward aggressive, shoot-first-and-ask-questions-later actions with little or no consultation with experts.  What else should we expect from the man who guided Trump’s campaign and essentially wrote his inaugural address on the theme of “America First”?
In practical terms, what might Bannon’s coup mean?
First, it means that the policy-relevant government agencies can expect to be bypassed on important decisions.  Thus, for example, Trump’s executive order banning Muslim immigration reportedly was issued without reference to the Office of Legal Counsel in the Exec. Off. of the President, the Dept. of State, or the Dept. of Homeland Security.  Nor, evidently, were local-level officials at airports alerted.  The Washington Post reported on January 30 that a dissent letter on Trump’s immigration order was being circulated in the State Department. With mass resignations—or were they firings?—of the State Department’s entire management team, Rex Tillerson will be taking over a badly weakened agency largely devoid of experienced leaders and perhaps facing a morale crisis.
Second, despite administration denials, the professional military and intelligence viewpoints at NSC meetings will only be at the table “where issues pertaining to the responsibilities and expertise are to be discussed.”  Is that qualification intended to promote efficiency, as Trump’s people say, or to lay the basis for exclusion from the most important decisions?
Third, it means that Trump’s financial interests will remain secret and under his control, so that the inevitable conflicts with payments by foreign governments to Trump will go unpunished.
Fourth, it means that Bannon et al. will continue to work with and encourage right-wing leaders in Europe and elsewhere who are as determined as he to carry out a white nationalist agenda that is anti-immigrant, anti-Semitic, and anti-globalist.
Fifth, it means that Israel will get everything it wants, without a word of concern from Washington.  What a sad joke that Trump expects his son-in-law to craft an Israeli-Palestinian settlement while Netanyahu authorizes more settlements in occupied territory, and applauds Trump’s intention to move the US embassy to Jerusalem.
Sixth, it means that Trump’s version of a “reset” of policy toward Russia will avoid the key issues that led to the demise of Obama’s reset in the first place: NATO’s eastward movement, and Russia’s intervention in Ukraine and seizure of Crimea.  Those matters call for careful diplomacy.  Trump is likely to start dismantling sanctions and increasing US investments in Russia without a resolution of geopolitical issues.
Seventh, US policy toward China will be opposite of policy toward Russia.  China will be the hard edge of policy: naval buildup, deeper involvement in the South China Sea dispute, support of a Japanese military buildup in contravention of long-established policy, and erosion of the One China policy.
Eighth, nuclear rearmament will again come into vogue—a reversal of the downward trend of recent decades in numbers of weapons and means of delivery.
Ninth, traditional friends of the US will find that friendship doesn’t carry much weight anymore.  Mexico’s president and Britain’s prime minister have now discovered that.  Alliances therefore will not have the credibility they once had with an unpredictable partner such as the Trump administration.
Eliot Cohen, former counselor to Condoleezza Rice at the State Department and now at Johns Hopkins University, has this warning about the NSC reorganization for his conservative colleagues:
Trump’s disregard for either Secretary of Defense Mattis or Secretary-designate Tillerson in his disastrous policy salvos this week [on immigration and the Mexico wall], in favor of his White House advisers [Bannon, et al.], tells you all you need to know about who is really in charge. To be associated with these people is going to be, for all but the strongest characters, an exercise in moral self-destruction.
For the community of conservative thinkers and experts, and more importantly, conservative politicians, this is a testing time. Either you stand up for your principles and for what you know is decent behavior, or you go down, if not now, then years from now, as a coward or opportunist. Your reputation will never recover, nor should it.
Cohen concludes that Trump will fail because the people he attacks will not go away, will persevere, and will ultimately say “enough.” We must hold everyone, especially officeholders, to account, he writes. I have to hope his confidence is warranted.
Notes
*The NSC Principals Committee (PC) is the “Cabinet-level senior interagency forum for considering policy issues that affect the national security interests of the United States.” The PC can be convened and chaired by either the National Security Advisor or the Homeland Security Advisor. Its regular attendees will now include the following: Secretary of State; Secretary of the Treasury; Secretary of Defense; Attorney General; Secretary of Homeland Security; Assistant to the President and Chief of Staff; Assistant to the President and Chief Strategist; National Security Advisor; Homeland Security Advisor.  The Counsel to the President, Deputy Counsel for National Security Affairs, and the Director of the OMB are also permitted to attend all meetings.
**The Director of National Intelligence is not on either the NSC or the PC. The DNI and JCS Chairman are to attend “where issues pertaining to their responsibilities and expertise are to be discussed,” making their presence optional The Secretary of Commerce, the U.S. Trade Representative, and the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy will be regular attendees “when international economic issues” are on the agenda. The Director of the Office of Science and Technology, who under the Obama administration was to be present when “science and technology related issues” were on the agenda, will no longer attend.

Curtain Descending: Fascistization of America

Norman Pollack

When does a qualitative change occur in the course of a nation’s history, particularly when traces of the New appear steadily and throughout in the Old? Gradualism is deceptive. We conveniently think, e.g., of the Nazi Revolution, when in Germany, especially its Bismarckian side, exhibited an authoritarian bent that led to the cartelization of capitalism, from which internal hierarchy poisoned—from a democratic standpoint—social structure, ideology, political values, the people ground down into a uniform massive congealment of consciousness. The folk, its mystical antecedents in the distant past (Wagner’s creative energies did not arise in a vacuum), enveloped in fog, created a disposition to mythologize, under strong leadership, its mission in the world. Enter Hitler. If he didn’t exist, he would have had to be invented.
But he did, and the 20th century would never be the same. Weimar was part holding action, part churning out the social forces of the future (despite its astonishing gifts in literature, painting, architecture, etc.). Creativity is not a sure sign of democracy. Primordial structure and political economy roll again, perverting and taking hostage of whatever they touch, everything in their grasp. Germany could not escape its destiny, nor transcend its past.
Nor could America, a lineal pattern of development founded on capitalism (the relative absence of feudalism, but the presence of plantation slavery, made over however to ensure that itself was an adjunct of capitalism) which denied from the outset the equitable distribution of wealth and power, and thus foretold a future, not unlike that of Germany: homogenization of thought feeding into its own self-serving mythology of exceptionalism and national greatness. Both the US and Germany had vital labor movements—consensus, for America, quite meaningless until following World War II, political consciousness in Germany always facing a tough uphill battle.
Analogies abound where they are not expected, the appearance (only!) of freedom in America. its at best adulterated form in Germany. A convenient test of reality in this respect would be the prevalence of MILITARISM in the respective histories/political cultures, and here both pass with flying colors, America’s the more deceptive (though just as accentuated) because aligned with a “free world” (aka, entrepreneurial) mindset. Among the world’s most uncomplicated and intensive capitalistic formations—what I term its purist foundations—the US, one notes, provides the ideal social laboratory for testing the salience of capitalism, whether as alienation or the consolidation of industry and banking, or, a proclivity to military advancement.
One can perhaps only guess the reasons for the historical and societal alignment of capitalism and militarism, but if not divinely attributable it is possible to trace their close relationship to a demiurge of profit maximization, intracapitalist rivalry, and, since 1917, the fear of socialism. On these counts alone, even subtracting for cultural differences, America and Germany are not that far apart. But let’s leave Germany, and focus on America. (Japan, in its own way, would duplicate some of the features of the other two, particularly the genesis and mode of industrial organization.)
These preliminary observations are a way of saying, America today, under Trump, is not something new to its own internal history. We demonize Trump, when in reality he stands on the shoulders of American presidents, their parties, their policies, and their practices—in sum, government itself—going back in recognizable form to McKinley (Open Door), T. Roosevelt (battleship navy), and Wilson (liberal internationalism, i.e., antiradical global stabilization). To experience qualitative change, which I think Trump does bring on, because of its visibility and overtness, does not make light of the past, simply acknowledges the accretive details as making possible the turning of a corner long in the making. Trump is the face of capitalism approaching its undisguised capacity for inflicting harm. As a total social system we can expect more Trumps down the road, provided not interrupted by a nuclear holocaust.
The firing last night of the acting AG, the invitation to dissident State personnel to get lost, the obduracy on the immigration issue, the plutocratic underside of federal appointments, these are but straws in the wind. It can only get worse, and perhaps never better, as the Constitution becomes a freely interpreted document of political gangsterism and hatred for the “softness” of human rights. Capitalism has robbed Americans of compassion. The present crew will have it its own way, because the polity knows of no other way than showing deference to the sources of power, an elite structure combining capitalism and the state, the latter organized first and foremost to expanding the advantages of the former. Trump brings back the Social Darwinian features of the earlier capitalism (circa 1880s-90s) while projecting forward its totalitarian attributes looking to a dystopian future of further concentration, manipulation of the people, and war-provoking tendencies.
We’ve already seen these characteristics in more attenuated form (although Vietnam certified the cruelty and go-for-broke mental set energizing the momentum forward). Those looking back years from now may see in Trump the moderate or liberal fascist, so terrible what is yet, or maybe yet, to follow in his wake. All bets are now off. Let’s hear it for torture, for stripping the social safety net of significant protections, for a world of conflict (an ingrained doctrine of permanent war already on the table thanks to Obama, as a transitional figure), and for Fortress America solidified, thrown back on itself, when it becomes clear to the leadership in business and government that undisputed world dominance is no longer within reach. Plow on, Ship of State; take pride in the consistency of American capitalist development.

Fake News Inquiry: Old Wine in New Bottles

Binoy Kampmark

London.
Any inquiry into fake news is much like having a Royal Commission into the make up and motivation for Halal food. (The latter absurd proposition has been put forth by a few Australian politicians irritated by the Islamist bogeyman.)  Neither mission is particularly helpful, other than to illustrate a mounting ignorance about a phenomenon that always was.
In the United Kingdom, the Culture, Media and Sports Committee has made an announcement that it will investigate claims about the public being persuaded by untruths and the dazzling influence of propaganda.
Invited submissions are to consider, among others, such questions as to what fake news is and where “biased but legitimate commentary shade into propaganda and lies”; the impact of such news on “public understanding of the world, and also on the public response to traditional journalism”.
In the hyperbolic words of committee chairman Damian Collins MP, the rise of such fabrications constituted “a threat to democracy and undermines the confidence in the media in general”.  The point is almost prosaic, given that Britain has been labouring under such fabrications and propaganda for a good deal since the seedy reign of tycoon Rupert Murdoch commenced.
A society that actually reads The Sun for factual enlightenment is bound to be a victim of the now touted propaganda that is supposedly afflicting the public. It is astonishing that the only reason that “fake news” has renewed currency is because of recent flavourings emanating from the alt-right, or from the Kremlin. In truth, the condition is a pre-existing one in the fourth estate.
Fake news is standard: cereal, wheat and bran, the fibre of the information world.  It has been the foodstuff of media for decades, if not centuries. What matters now is the outrage felt by those in news outlets who believe that a tinge of objectivity still remains in the process of news production.  It ignores that news that is often not authentic has always been the mainstay of journalism, a case of unchecked sources, careless investigation or, in some cases, pure invention.
Much of journalism, for all its purported merits, supplies an illusion of objectivity. Government spin doctors have capitalised, and some, such as former Prime Minister Tony Blair’s terrier-like Alastair Campbell, were formerly of the press.  Campbell, as Director of Communications and Strategy, knew exactly how information might gestate and, in time, mutate into “news”.
If one was to be rude about it, calculated dissimulation would be far more appropriate.  Consider the way a person is interviewed on the arrival of a press crew.  The subject interviewed is placed in an artificial setting pretending to read papers he has never touched, nor is interested in.  The camera is trained in such a manner suggesting an open office space with light, when the office is essentially a closet space with a dying plant in the corner. The fake walk is staged, as is the fake reading with shuffling paper.
The Australian watch dog media program, Media Watch, over the course of its history regularly exposed instances of flagrant abuse of the supposed rule of authenticity. Journalists pretended to be in one city when they were evidently in another.  Scenes were staged, car chases manufactured.  Reports were filed from hotel rooms.
Similarly, Evelyn Waugh touches upon this very idea of exaggeration in Scoop (1938), the classic novel on Fleet Street journalism in its sensationalist form.  Truth is something otherwise left to others.  Instead, the herd instinct kicks in and clamours.
Imaginary bodies, tracks of devastation and mutilation, will be conjured up for good copy.  Fictional stories will stem from arranged liaisons, much in keeping with Clint Smoker in Martin Amis’ Yellow Dog (2003).  Again, the State will always volunteer its own version to be circulated to the unwitting press corps: in the Vietnam War, it was the infamous body count masking the US inability to win; in Iraq 2003, it was spectral Weapons of Mass Destruction.  Fakery all round; fakery through and through even from self-appointed defenders of Freedom’s Land.
The death of the credible investigative journalist in the wake of the teeming blogosphere, and the nature of how news is actually crafted, suggests that fake news had a crown well and truly made before it was brought out during the US election campaign in 2016.
Fake news is no longer the preserve of the ruthless press oligarch, disturbed tabloid journalist, or a communications official: it is the democratic preserve of the people.  It caters for those who wish to be deceived, since truth is not so much uncomfortable as mind splittingly painful.
Where, then, does the burden lie to combat such material?  Where it always did: at the end of the production process (for news is undeniably produced, as opposed to discovered). It is the consumer of news who remains judge, the reader, however well informed. All agents have responsibility to oversee it, to question it, but the ultimate point of reception should be the greatest questioner, checking, reading, painstakingly, between the lines. Unfortunately, much in the way of news is merely read to affirm a pre-existing position.
Such inquiries as those proposed by the UK parliament cannot mask a broader purpose, which is to rein in the influence and spread of alternative media. This will be achieved through imposing on social media outlets obligations to stop, in the words of Collins, “the spreading of fake news,” a point analogous to tech companies who “have accepted they have a social responsibility to combat piracy online and the illegal sharing of content”.  The firm, gagging hand of censorship is being readied.
One would have thought that views not connected to the conventional organs of the Mainstream Press add to, rather than spoil, the broth. Percolating through the media networks, some semblance of a picture can be attained.  Not so for mainstream stalwarts who believe that their profession is the mainstay of a bright, spoken truth.

Britain and the ‘Yemeni Threat’

Dan Glazebrook

Britain is backing a Saudi invasion of Yemen that has cost thousands of innocent lives. It is providing advanced weaponry to the Saudis, training their military, and has soldiers embedded with the Saudis helping with targeting; and there is suspicion that British soldiers may even be involved in flying sorties themselves.
This is true of today. But it also describes exactly what was happening in the 1960s, in a shameful episode which Britain has, like so much of its colonial past, effectively whitewashed out of history.
In 1962, following the death of Yemeni King Ahmad, Arab nationalist army officers led by Colonel Abdullah Al-Sallal seized power and declared a Republic. The Royalists launched an insurgency to reclaim power, backed by Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel and Britain, whilst Nasser’s Egypt sent troops to support the fledgling republican government.
In his book ‘Unpeople’, historian Mark Curtis pieces together Britain’s ‘dirty war’ in Yemen between 1962 and 1969 using declassified files which – despite their public availability and the incendiary nature of their revelations – have only ever been examined by one other British historian. British involvement spanned both Conservative and Labour governments, and implicated leading members of the British government in war crimes.
Just as today, the side under attack from Britain clearly had popular support – as British officials were well aware. Christopher Gandy – Britain’s top official in Yemen’s cultural capital, Taiz – noted that the previous regime was “unpopular with large elements and those in many ways the best”, describing it as “an arbitrary autocracy”. Another British official, in the Prime Minister’s office, wrote that Nasser had been “able to capture most of the dynamic and modern forces in the area whilst we have been left, by our own choice, backing the forces which are not merely reactionary (that would not matter so much) but shifty, unreliable and treacherous” Even Prime Minister Harold Macmillan admitted it was “repugnant to political equality and prudence alike that we should so often appear to be supporting out of date and despotic regimes and to be opposing the growth of modern and more democratic forms of government”. Thus, wrote Curtis, “Britain decided to engage in a covert campaign to promote those forces recognised [by Britain itself] as ‘shifty’, ‘treacherous’ and ‘despotic’ to undermine those recognised as ‘popular’ and ‘democratic'”.
At the request of Mossad, MI6 appointed Conservative MP Neil MacLean to run a guerrilla war against the new Republican government. At first Britain’s role was primarily to support and equip Jordan’s involvement in the war; just as today, it was British fighter jets carrying out airstrikes on Yemen, with British military advisors embedded with their allies at the most senior level. This involvement stepped up a gear in March 1963, however, when Britain began covertly supplying weapons to the Royalist forces themselves via their Gulf allies. The following month, says MI6 biographer Stephen Dorrill, millions of pounds worth of light weapons were shipped from an RAF station in Wilstshire to the insurgents, including 50,000 rifles. At the same time, a decision was taken by Britain’s foreign minister (shortly to become Prime Minister) Alec Douglas-Home, MI6 chief Dick White and SAS founder David Stirling to send a British force to work directly with the insurgents. But to avoid parliamentary scrutiny and public accountability, this force would be comprised of mercenaries, rather than serving soldiers. SAS soldiers and paratroopers were given temporary leave to join this new force on a salary of £10,000 per year, paid by the Saudi Prince Sultan. An MI6 task force was also set up, to facilitate weapons and personnel supplies, and authorisation was given for British mercenaries to lay mines. The same time as these decisions were taken, Douglas-Home told parliament “our policy in Yemen is one of non-intervention in the affairs of that country. It is not therefore our policy to supply arms to the Royalists in the Yemen”. Foreign minister Rab Butler was more uneasy with such barefaced lying, especially when evidence began circulating of exactly what Britain was up to; a memo he sent to the PM in 1964 complained that his job of rebuffing UN claims that Britain was supplying the Royalists was made slightly more difficult “since we know that this is in fact true”.
British officials also knew that their insurgency had no chance of winning. But this was not the point. As Prime Minister Macmillan told President Kennedy at the time, “I quite realise that the Loyalists will probably not win in Yemen in the end but it would not suit us too badly if the new Yemeni regime were occupied with their own internal affairs during the next few years”. What Britain wanted, he added, was “a weak government in Yemen not able to make trouble”. Nor was this only Macmillan’s personal opinion; his foreign policy advisor Philip de Zulueta wrote that “All departments appear to be agreed that the present stalemate in the Yemen, with the Republicans and Royalists fighting each other and therefore having no time or energy left over to make trouble for us in Aden, suits our own interests very well…our interest is surely to have the maximum confusion in the tribal areas on the Aden frontier” with Yemen.
Labour came to power in the autumn of 1964, but the policy stayed the same; indeed, direct (but covert) RAF bombing of Yemen began soon after. In addition, another private British military company Airwork Services, signed a $26million contract to provide personnel for training Saudi pilots and ground crew involved in the war. This agreement later evolved into British pilots actually carrying out bombing missions themselves, with a foreign office memo dated March 1967 noting that “we have raised no objection to their being employed in operations, though we made it clear to the Saudis that we could not publicly acquiesce in any such arrangements”. By the time the war ended – with its inevitable Republican victory – an estimated 200,000 people had been killed.
At the same time as Britain was running the insurgency in North Yemen, it was fighting a vicious counter-insurgency campaign in South Yemen – then a colonial protectorate known as the Federation of Southern Arabia. This federation comprised the port city of Aden, under the direct colonial rule of the UK, and a series of sheikhdoms in the pay of the UK in the neighbouring hinterland. Its inhabitants were desperately poor, with one British commander noting that “there is barely enough subsistence to support the population”. These were the conditions behind a major revolt against British rule that broke out in the district of Radfan in April 1964 and would not be quelled for 7 months. The methods used to do so were typically brutal, with the British High Commissioner of Aden, Sir Kennedy Trevaskis suggesting that soldiers be sent to “put the fear of death into the villages”. If this didn’t work, he said “it would be necessary to deliver some gun attacks on livestock or men outside the villages”, adding that “we might be able to claim that our aircraft were shooting back of [sic] men who had fired at us from the ground”. The British use of airstrikes against the risen peasants was massive: historian John Newsinger writes that in just 3 months in 1964, British jets fired 2508 rockets and 200,000 cannon rounds, whilst British bombers dropped 3504 20-pound bombs and 14 1000-pound bombs and fired 20,000 cannon rounds. The government took Trevaskis’ advice and targeted crops in what Newsinger correctly described as a “deliberate, calculated attempt to terrorise and starve them into surrender.” Although the Radfan rebellion was eventually crushed, the British lost control of the hinterland to the National Liberation forces less than three years later, swiftly followed by Aden itself.
The 1960s was not the first time Britain had aided and abetted a Saudi war against the Yemenis, however. In 1934, Ibn Saud invaded and annexed Asir – “a Yemeni province by all historical accounts” in the words of the academic and Yemen specialist Elham Manea – and forced Yemen to sign a treaty deferring their claims to the territory for 20 years. It has never been returned to Yemen and remains occupied by the Saudis to this day. Britain’s role in facilitating this carve up was significant. As Manea explains, “During this period, the real power was Great Britain. Its role was crucial in either exacerbating or containing regional conflicts….[and] in the Yemeni-Saudi war they intensified the conflict to the detriment of Yemen”. When Ibn Saud claimed sovereignty over Asir in 1930, the British, who had been neutral towards disputes between the Peninsula’s various rulers hitherto, “shifted their position, perceiving Asir as ‘part of Saudi Arabia’… This was a terrible setback for [Yemeni leader] Yihia and drove him into an agreement with the British in 1934 which ultimately sealed his total defeat.” The agreement forced Yihia to recognise British sovereignty of Aden – Yemen’s major port – for 40 years. Britain then provided military vehicles for the Saudi suppression of the Asiri revolt and subsequent occupation that followed.
So the current British-Saudi war against Yemen is in fact the third in a century. But why is Britain so seemingly determined to see the country dismembered and its development sabotaged? Strange as it may seem, the answer is that Britain is scared of Yemen. For Yemen is the sole country on the Arab peninsula with the potential power to challenge the colonial stitch-up reached between Britain and the Gulf monarchies it placed in power in the nineteenth century, and who continue to rule to this day. As Palestinian author Said Aburish has noted, the very “nature of the Yemen was a challenge to the Saudis: it was a populous country with more than half the population of the whole Arabian peninsula, had a solid urban history and was more advanced than its new neighbour. It also represented a thorn in the side of British colonialism, a possible springboard for action against their control of Saudi Arabia and all the makeshift tributary sheikhdoms and emirates of the Gulf. In particular, the Yemen represented a threat to the British colonisation of Aden, a territory which considered itself part of a greater Yemen which had been dismembered by colonialism”. The potential power of a united, peaceful, Yemen was also highlighted by Aden’s High Commissioner Kennedy Trevaskis, who noted that, if the Yemenis took Aden, “it would for the first time provide the Yemen with a large modern town and a port of international consequence” and “economically, it would offer the greatest advantages to so poor and ill developed a country”.  A peaceful, united Yemen – with over half the peninsula’s population – would threaten Saudi-British-US hegemony of the entire region. That is why Britain has, for over 80 years, sought to keep it divided and warring.

Fussing About The State Visit: Queen Elizabeth II And Trump Traumatic Disorder

Binoy Kampmark

London: Trump Traumatic Disorder has been making its away across the Atlantic, numbing British officials, activists and commentators on one vital point: Should President Donald J. Trump be able to see the Queen on an official state visit?
A good of deal of this was sparked by Trump’s executive order banning travel from seven Muslim majority states.  On a daily basis, academics feature on BBC Radio 4 speaking about how travelling to the United States, notably with a Muslim name, is now a disturbing improbability.  Internally they are wounded; externally, they are outraged.
The UK Home Secretary has also been full of advice for Trump, suggesting that his travel ban was a rich gift to the Islamic State, a “propaganda opportunity” born from wrongheaded and divisive thinking.
Before the Home Affairs Committee, Rudd claimed that the order did not, on the face of it, amount to a “Muslim ban” per se, but the Islamic State would “use any opportunity they can to make difficulties, to create the environment they want to radicalise people, to bring them over to their side. So it is a propaganda opportunity for them, potentially.”
To US Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly, Rudd was also unhappy, shooting off a message of disapproval at the ban, citing “difficulties and the response that was taking place in London and across the country.”
In a very British way, one often coated with a hypocritical varnish, a ban, or downgrade of Trump’s visit is being debated amongst a range of other possibilities.  Should it, for instance, be downgraded from dizzy formal state visit with state banquet to something less?  Previous US presidents have tended to visit usually within months of the inauguration, but the idea of a State visit is deemed a plush, serious affair.
In Britain’s glorious past and current present of courting blood hungry dictators, sadistic beasts and mindless buffoons, it should hardly register a comment. State interests, notably from those states with an imperial pedigree, have seen all manner of flexibility triumph over principle. Money, strategic interests and geopolitics all talk the most loudly at a state banquet.
But Trump’s ability to rile even in his absence, to shock even as a shadow of menace, is fast becoming the stuff of legend. He is generating an absurd premise: that he, as a politician, is singular and should, therefore, be treated accordingly.
This cult of perverse exceptionality should be discouraged.  A whirl through previous state visits in history should suffice to do this, starting with the post-colonial cast of characters Britain so enthusiastically backed as puppets for its waning cause.  In 1973, the murderous Mobutu Sese Seko, president of Zaire, received the state treatment. His resume was deemed suitable in one way: his halt of any possible Soviet influence during the Cold War.
Zimbabwe’s seemingly immoveable post-independence leader, Robert Mugabe, now deemed a maniacal, destructive pariah, was accepted as a royal guest in 1994.  It was also an occasion to award him a knighthood, one he was stripped of in 2008.  It was all so appropriate: a leader celebrated for being trained and nourished in the British tradition, and one who used it to throw grenades back at the scorned imperial mother.
Strategic interests have always mattered, though influence exerted during these vists could be exaggerated.  The visit by Indonesia’s President Suharto (1979), whose hands were caked in the blood of internal repression, was awkward at best. The visit by Japan’s Emperor Hirohito in 1971 was even frostier, marked by silent crowds and turned backs from former prisoners of war.
While generally being an overflowing font of nonsense, UK Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson at least had a point in saying that the record suggested that Trump could pass muster. If the Queen could host in all seriousness Robert Mugabe and Romania’s infamous, megalomaniacal Nicolai Ceauşescu, then the UK could “probably cope” with Trump.
Johnson’s refusal to attack Trump in the Commons conformed to a long held policy not to berate the United States, and certainly not its president.  Besides, he had received assurances from Trump’s inner circle that the travel ban would not affect British citizens.
This is the sort of event to be recognised for what it is: ceremonial concealment, false posturing, a ridiculous effort in the modern era for Britain to exert “soft power”.  It is also soft power that falls significantly flat at points, notably when it comes to visiting French Presidents. From Charles de Gaulle’s 1960 state visit onwards, the banquet has been a battle ground of gastronomic resentment and mistreatment.
What seems unusual was Prime Minister Theresa May’s moment of weakness, the lap dog’s enthusiasm for wanting to seem enthusiastic about an imperial master.  “Theresa the Appeaser,” chided Mike Gapes, Labour MP for Ilford South.  On her visit to Washington, the British leader seemed to ignore the tradition that Her Majesty’s Government usually waits before dolling out the full blooded invitation.  Caution and prudent assessment of the leader’s unfolding record should take place.
As Lord Ricketts, permanent secretary at the Foreign Office from 2006 to 2010 explained in a letter to The Times, “It would have been far wiser to wait to see what sort of president he would turn out to be before advising the Queen to invite him. Now the Queen is put in a very difficult position.” Far better, in other words, to have runs on the board, whether elected or as a dictator, before being given the royal Britannic treatment. The Queen will generally tolerate any old thing.
Besides, delighted Simon Tisdall in The Guardian, the two million signatories of the online petition calling for the invitation to be rescinded should also “take comfort from suggestions that state visits can carry the kiss of political, if not mortal, death.” Witness all those royals who are now nothing more than historical murmurs: the Shah of Iran in 1959, banished by the mullahs; or King Mohammed Zahir Shah of Afghanistan (1971), his family erased by history. Visit, suggested Tisdall in rather sinister tone, and be damned.

Recriminations in Australian Greens threaten split

Oscar Grenfell 

Ongoing tensions within the Greens erupted last week, with prominent representatives of rival groupings issuing bitter recriminations against one another. The conflict centres on how the Greens, an increasingly discredited party of the political establishment, can reverse its declining support amid mounting hostility toward the entire parliamentary set-up. This threatens to provoke a split.
On Friday, former party leader Bob Brown accused Lee Rhiannon, a federal senator from New South Wales (NSW), of destabilising the party. Brown stated: “When it comes to political white-anting, Lee is the Greens version of Tony Abbott.” He was referring to former Liberal-National Prime Minister Tony Abbott, who was ousted by Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull in a factional coup in 2015, and has since been accused of undermining the current government.
Brown also claimed: “NSW voters have often told me they won’t vote Green until Lee goes. That’s why Labor loves her.” Rhiannon responded by declaring that the Greens were at a “crossroads” and needed to make a populist appeal.
On Sunday, the Greens national council sent a letter to all members, warning that “the formation of formal factions is incompatible with our party structure and rules.” The edict follows the establishment of “Left Renewal,” a grouping within the Greens whose supporters include close associates of Rhiannon.
The public flare-up is the latest in a series of conflicts which have escalated since the federal election of July 2.
Amid a collapse in support for Labor and the Liberal-Nationals, the Greens’ national Senate vote was down almost 5 percent compared with 2010. Their highest votes were in the most affluent inner-city electorates of Sydney and Melbourne, underscoring that the party’s base is overwhelmingly among privileged sections of the upper middle-class.
Party leader Richard Di Natale, Brown and national officials blamed the poor result on Rhiannon and other figures in the NSW Greens, who were denounced by Labor MPs and the Murdoch press as “lunatic lefties” during the campaign.
In reality, the fall in support for the Greens was a result of its open integration into the political establishment, which has eroded illusions that the party represents an alternative to Labor and the Liberal-Nationals.
The Greens’ 2016 election campaign centred on assurances that it was a “responsible party” and overtures to Labor for the establishment of a coalition government committed to the austerity dictates of the corporate elite.
This followed the Greens’ participation in a de facto coalition with the former federal Labor government of Julia Gillard. While propped up by the Greens between 2010 and 2013, the minority Gillard government dramatically escalated the assault on healthcare, education and welfare, and aligned Australia with the US “pivot to Asia,” a massive military build-up in preparation for war against China.
The Greens at the state level have replicated this model. Most recently, from 2010 to 2014, the Tasmanian Greens played a leading role in a Labor-led coalition government that moved to close public schools and dramatically reduce public spending at the behest of the financial elite.
Since the 2016 election, Di Natale has elevated figures associated with the right-wing of the party to positions of greater prominence and demoted others with ties to Rhiannon. For instance, last September, former Wall Street banker Peter Whish-Wilson, who has advocated the abolition of weekend penalty rates, among other openly pro-business policies, was appointed the Greens’ treasury spokesperson.
The tensions within the Greens have escalated in response to polling indicating a further decline in the party’s support. According to the Sydney Morning Herald, internal figures show a drop from 11.2 percent at the beginning of 2016 to around 10 percent at the end of the year.
The Rhiannon wing, which has close ties to various trade unions, protest groups and the pseudo-left organisations, has responded by warning that the party risks being bypassed by a developing movement of workers and young people against the major establishment parties. Their concerns are entirely tactical. Like Di Natale, Rhiannon has been a leading figure in the Greens for decades, and has enthusiastically supported all its parliamentary manoeuvres, including its participation in the Gillard government.
In her comments last week, Rhiannon called on the Greens to adopt populist and anti-capitalist rhetoric and seek to reverse the party’s declining support by appealing to the broad hostility to social inequality, the assault on public spending and the destruction of jobs, wages and working conditions.
Rhiannon declared: “We need to be able to inspire people and demonstrate that the Greens can challenge ruling elites and end the obscene and growing inequality both at home and abroad. The Bernie Sanders experience in the US shows that people with radical and anti-establishment policies can win mass support. How the Greens inspire people to join with us and vote for us is our challenge in 2017.”
Bernie Sanders won some 13 million votes in last year’s US Democratic Party primaries by posturing as a socialist and opponent of the “billionaire class.” Proving that his rhetoric was aimed at shoring up the right-wing Democratic Party, he then endorsed Hillary Clinton and called on his supporters to vote for her—the favoured candidate of the banks and the military-intelligence apparatus. Since the election, Sanders has declared that he would be “delighted” to work with US President Donald Trump in implementing protectionist measures, such as tariffs on Chinese and Mexican goods and tearing up trade agreements.
In a significant comment last week, hinting at how she believes the Greens can win back support, Rhiannon declared: “The Greens are at a crossroads, with Labor appearing to move left on some issues and minor parties also pulling our votes away.”
What Rhiannon means by Labor moving “left” is in fact its adoption of demagogic “Australia First” rhetoric, which has only intensified in the wake of Trump’s election. Labor leader Bill Shorten has called for limits on overseas workers entering Australia on temporary “457” work visas, and for subsidies and other protectionist measures to shore up the market share and profits of Australian-based corporations. The “minor parties” to which Rhiannon referred include One Nation and other xenophobic organisations, which have won a degree of support by blaming immigration and “foreign competition” for the social distress affecting working class and regional communities.
Rhiannon is advocating that the Greens compete with the populist right-wing. The Greens’ senator has a long history of advocating economic nationalist measures. In late 2015, for instance, she denounced the US-led Trans Pacific Partnership, a trade bloc directed against China, on the grounds that it would “constrain our sovereignty over critically important issues.” She has prominently called for the protection of Australian steel companies by the introduction of procurement policies that mandate the use of Australian-produced steel in public construction. Rhiannon has also previously called for government subsidies to the car industry and other sections of manufacturing, on the pretext of defending “Australian jobs.”
Each of these campaigns has been carried out in alliance with the unions, which use protectionist rhetoric against “foreign competition” to divert attention from their collaboration with the major employers in the destruction of jobs, wages and conditions. At the same time, the unions and the Greens seek to divide Australian workers from their counterparts around the world, who face similar attacks on their living standards, working conditions and social rights, as a result of the ever-escalating race for "international competitiveness" on the part of the ruling elites of all countries.
Rhiannon’s orientation has been supported within “Left Renewal.” While the federal senator has stated she is not a member of the faction, its political line is indistinguishable from hers.
At a Left Renewal public meeting in Sydney last week, young representatives of the faction warned that the Greens would be “left in the dust” if the party did not change its approach. Like Rhiannon, speakers repeatedly invoked Sanders as the model to follow.
Representatives of the pseudo-left groups Solidarity and Socialist Alliance hailed the emergence of the new faction as a step forward for the “left.” In reality, the entire axis of the Left Renewal project within the Greens is aimed at confining political discontent and alienation in the working class and youth within the existing parliamentary set-up.