17 Feb 2017

The Great American Awakening

Robert Koehler

Old wounds break open. Deep, encrusted wrongs are suddenly visible. The streets flow with anger and solidarity. The past and the future meet.
The news is All Trump, All the Time, but what’s really happening is only minimally about Donald Trump, even though his outrageous actions and bizarre alliances are the trigger.
“As the nightmare reality of Donald Trump sinks in, we need to put our resistance in a larger perspective,” Bob Fitrakis and Harvey Wasserman wrote recently, describing Trump as “our imperial vulture come home to roost.”
The context in which most Trumpnews is delivered is miniscule: more or less beginning and ending with the man himself — his campaign, his businesses, his appointees, his ego, his endless scandals (“what did he know and when did he know it?”) — which maintains the news at the level of entertainment, and surrounds it with the fantasy context of a United States that used to be an open, fair and peace-loving democracy, respectful of all humanity. In other words, Trump is the problem, and if he goes away, we can get back to what we used to be.
In point of fact, however, the United States has always been an empire, a national entity certain of its enemies — both internal and external — and focused on conquest and exploitation. Yes, it’s been more than that as well. But the time has come to face the totality of who we are and reach for real change.
I believe this is what we are seeing in the streets right now. Americans — indeed, people across the planet — are ceasing to be spectators in the creation of the future. The protests we’re witnessing aren’t so much anti-Trump as pro-humanity and pro-Planet Earth.
As Fitrakis and Wasserman point out, Trump is “actually (so far) a moderate compared to scores of murderous dictators the U.S. has installed in other countries throughout the world. Especially since World War II, our imperial apparatus has constantly subverted legitimate attempts by good people to elect decent leaders.”
They present a partial list of “duly elected leaders the United States has had removed, disappeared and/or killed to make way for authoritarian pro-corporate regimes.” These leaders include: Patrice Lumumba of the Congo; Salvador Allende of Chile; Jean-Bertrand Aristide of Haiti; Mohammad Mossadegh of Iran; Jacobo Arbenz of Guatemala and many, many more. Their removals, and the installation of U.S.-friendly dictators, were accompanied by social chaos and mass killings.
Also included on the list were such names as Tecumseh, Sitting Bull, Chief Joseph — a few of the innumerable indigenous leaders who stood in the way of Europeans’ conquest of the Western Hemisphere, the mentioning of which opens a chasm of largely unexamined and whitewashed America history. Tens of millions of people died and numerous cultures were mocked and destroyed in his American holocaust spanning centuries.
This is part of our history and it can’t be diminished and written off any more than slavery can be written off. In our failure to face such history honestly, we remain trapped in collective unawareness — and thus trapped, we repeat history again and again and again.
As French anthropologist Rene Girard has said, in his book Things Hidden since the Foundation of the World, “. . . men kill in order to lie to others and to themselves on the subject of violence and death. They must kill and continue to kill, strange as it may seem, in order not to know that they are killing.”
This, so it seems to me, is the psychological and spiritual foundation of militarism and the military-industrial complex, which, among much else, has bequeathed Planet Earth with enough nuclear weapons to wipe out all existing life. Donald Trump, whose vision of American greatness is all about military triumph, commands some 4,000 of them. This is terrifying, but not simply because Trump is untrustworthy and impulsive. It’s terrifying that we’ve created a world in which anyone commands that kind of power and that alone is a reason why the time for profound, deeply structural social change, is now.
And I don’t believe change will come from elected or appointed leaders, who, as they settle into office, have to make their peace with the current situation, a.k.a., the deep state, with its unquestioned militarism. This is the status quo Trump both represents and lays grotesquely exposed for what it is, like no other president in memory.
In other words, I don’t think we’ll ever vote real change into place. The social infrastructure won’t be seriously altered by those who are empowered by it, as Barack Obama, who was elected to be the bringer of hope and change, demonstrated during his tenure in office, in which he continued the Bush-Cheney wars.
Serious change will only emerge from an external force able to stand up to the existing momentum of government and the special interests attached to it. The multifaceted resistance we see on the streets — the great American awakening — may be that force.
One recent example is the huge outpouring of support that emerged last week in Phoenix, when Guadalupe Garcia de Rayos, married, mother of two, was suddenly seized and deported by the Immigration and Customs Enforcement during her yearly check-in.
“I think we sugar-coat it by making it very procedural, but actually, that night she was kidnapped from her family,” community organizer Maria Castro said in a Truthout interview. She described the confrontation with the deportation authorities:
“Myself and about half a dozen people jumped in front and were being pushed. The van literally pushed me at least 30 feet, hyperextending my knees, hurting some of my friends, knocking some of my fellow organizers down to the ground. It wasn’t until we had one of the vehicles in front of the vans and then, another person started to hug the wheels and put his own life at risk, because this is just the beginning. This is the beginning of the militarized removal of our communities, of our families, and of our loved ones.”
With Trump as the official voice of the status quo, more people than ever before are becoming aware that “the way things are” can be challenged and changed. The moment is here. Social policy should not dehumanize anyone.

Canadians at Odds With Their Government on Israel

MURRAY DOBBIN

As the future of Israeli Jews and Palestinians spirals down into an inevitable and inexorable apartheid struggle, Canadians are being denied what is their fundamental right in a democracy. That is the right to an honest and frank debate about one of the most important issues faced by the international community – the on-going illegal occupation of Palestinian land and the brutal suppression of Palestinian human rights.
It is not that Canadians don’t care or don’t try to inform themselves. It is that both the media and federal governments are loathe to even talk about it. With these two institutions maintaining a steadfast silence there can be no genuine debate. And so we betray both Israelis and Palestinians by condemning them to a future of violence.
The governments in Ottawa for the past forty years have revealed an abject cowardice when it comes to any effective action to promote peace. While on the books Canada is committed to a “two state” solution our total failure to act means that that this solution is now hanging by a thread. The most recent madness coming out of the Netanyahu government is the “land grab” law – its popular name in Israel. It empowers the state to legalize the illegal settler outposts retroactively and could be used to annex the West Bank. It will, if ever used, have catastrophic results.
At least that is the opinion of most commentators in Israel, across Europe and amongst EU governments – even Germany. In Canada the best we could do was a buried 152 word Global Affairs news release five days after the fact saying our government is “deeply concerned” and calling the law “unhelpful.”  It is pathetic and irresponsible.
It is hardly new but we can now say with some certainty something we could not say until yesterday with the release of a new public opinion survey, conducted by Ekos and Associates, exploring Canadian attitudes towards Israel and Canadian government policy. The poll was commissioned by a coalition of organizations and individuals (including me).
The survey is critically important because the carte blanche, pro-Israeli government policy of federal governments (Conservative and Liberal) is built on a foundation of untested assumptions about Canadian attitudes. The conventional wisdom, conveniently promoted by the government, the Israeli lobby, and many in the media, is that Canadians are massively sympathetic to Israel.
Convenient but quite false. Canadians, rather than expressing an uncritically positive view of Israel demonstrate the opposite. Of those expressing a view 46 percent expressed a negative view while 28 percent expressed a positive view (26 percent had neither). As with all the survey questions, when results were broken down by party preference, Conservative Party supporters were radical outliers in favour of Israel with a 58 percent positive view. The average for supporters of the other four parties was 11 percent positive and 63 percent negative.
When asked whether or not they thought the government was biased towards Israel or Palestinians 61 percent said pro-Israel and 16 percent said pro-Palestinian (23 percent detected no bias). Again, remove the Conservative voter from the mix and 74 percent of other-party supporters see a pro-Israel bias and 9 percent pro-Palestinian.
With supporters of the Liberals, NDP, Bloc and Green Party all obviously open to a shift in government policy towards justice for Palestinians what are they afraid of? The answer is easy: Israel enjoys a plethora of well-funded and aggressive lobby groups in Canada ready to mount instant and personal campaigns against any criticism of Israel. B’nai Brith Canada, the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA),  the World Zionist Congress, Canadian Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Centre, and Jewish Federations across the country have huge influence over politicians, government officials, universities and the media.
Any politician or political party that dares raise any criticism of Israel can expect over-the-top denunciations that no matter how ridiculous force them to defend themselves – and inevitably leave some with doubts. One example was B’nai Brith’s attack on the Green Party’s former justice critic, Dimitri Lascaris (another sponsor of the Ekos poll) with this web site headline: “Green Party Justice Critic Advocates on Behalf of Terrorists.”   Lascaris was the main advocate for having the Green party support the BDS (Boycott, Divest, Sanction) campaign.
CIJA in particular has enormous resources – a staff of 50 spread across the country, and very deep pockets – with which it can monitor media, demonize critics, promote policies to politicians and their advisors, and offer free tours to Israel to opinion-leaders. These lobby organizations all create the same false narratives: that Israel is democratic, that the BDS campaign seeks to destroy Israel and perhaps most offensive and intimidating that any effective criticism of Israel is part of the “new anti-Semitism.”
One of the most encouraging revelations in the new survey is the fact that the vast majority of Canadians reject this notion. When asked “Is criticism of the Israeli Government necessarily anti-Semitic” 91 percent of respondents said no. Strip out the Conservative voters and the number is 98 percent. Though the sample of Jewish respondents was small a clear majority of religious (78 percent) and ethnic Jews (93 percent) rejected this idea.
CIJA’s credibility with politicians and the media is based on its completely unsupported claim that it speaks for Canadians Jews. This poll at least suggests just how shaky that claim is. It is not surprising that CIJA, with all its resources, has never conducted (or a least released) a poll on Canadian Jews’ attitudes towards the Israeli government or towards Canadian Middle east policy. What are they afraid of? Our survey suggests the answer. Any poll would reveal a deep divide in the Jewish community regarding Israel and that would undermine CIJA’s influence.
In the meantime the Liberals and the NDP should overcome their unfounded fear of CIJA, B’nai Brith, et al and listen to their supporters. The Green Party just released the results of its poll of members on the issue: 90 percent backed “Measures to pressure the government of Israel to preserve the two-state solution.” In other words, government sanctions. It’s a start. Now, will the NDP poll its members and change its policies?

A Whole New World?

Fariborz Saremi

The world’s traditional order is breaking down. Indeed, recent elements show a geopolitical shift, such as the unexpected election of President Donald Trump, the general social and economic crisis of both the US and EU, and the instability in the Middle East.
Recent events prove that the population and political stakeholders in Europe are no longer split between a traditional left and a right opposition . The divide is now between Internationalists vs. Nationalists, which are coming to power on both sides of the Atlantic.
Indeed, Brexit embodies the EU’s shift on the political spectrum from a strong European partnership to Nationalism and National Viability. Nationalist movements are strong and especially uninhibited in other European countries such as the Netherlands, Denmark, Hungary,Sweden, France and even Germany. The German nationalist AFD is becoming the third largest Party in Germany. Two major causes could explain this breakdown in Europe.
The financial and debt crisis in Southern countries and the largest immigration flow of the last half century sparked by the turmoil in Syria and to some extend Afghanistan. The immigration issue took on an important political dimension in the last two years. European nations have opposing views.
Nationalist movements observed in Europe and in the U.S. seduce Vladimir Putin. Moscow and the West have opposing and competing visions of the world and divergent strategic priorities. While NATO functions as a super-national organization ensuring a collective security particularly the security of EU and Germany believes in strengthening this organization, Putin and Trump believe in national security and state sovereignty as the base of their world conception.
NATO is obsolete. By saying this President Trump might be effectively telling Europe to rearm itself and thinking of its own security especially during a rising sense of insecurity due to a wave of terrorist attacks in France, Belgium and Germany.
President Trump and the right wing nationalist Parties in Europe believe in nationalism, protectionism and national viability. Chancellor Merckel and her CDU/CSU Party of Germany is the leader for the continuity of globalization, internationalism and transnational relations. Time and patience will show who will have the upper hand in the future.

Japan’s Abe, Trump & Illegal Leaks

Joyce Nelson

We’ll likely never know what Japan’s prime minister, Shinzo Abe, and Donald Trump really talked about during Abe’s recent extended visit at the so-called Winter White House last weekend. But it’s interesting to speculate, especially given the events of subsequent days.
Trump has been tweeting and complaining bitterly about “illegal” leaks to “fake news” media, and classified information “illegally given out by ‘intelligence’ like candy.”
Japan’s Abe has had his own battles with the press, and in December 2013 he took very decisive action. Under special legislation, public officials and private citizens who leak “special state secrets” face prison terms of up to
10 years, while journalists who obtain such classified information can get similar jail terms.
Even more draconian, the Japanese legislation is entirely vague about what constitutes a state secret. Critics say it gives officials “carte blanche to block the release of information on a vast range of subjects,” including the country’s nuclear reactors. 
The legislation was enacted in the years following the Fukushima nuclear meltdown of March 2011. Dr. Helen Caldicott recently wrote (Feb. 13, 2017), “Prime Minister Abe recently passed a law that any reporter who told the truth about the [Fukushima] situation could be gaoled for ten years. In addition, doctors who tell their patients their disease could be radiation related will not be paid, so there is an immense cover-up in Japan as well as the global media.” 
Further, under the Japanese legislation the prime minister “can decide by himself what constitutes a [state] secret,” while “police raids of newspapers suspected of breaking the law” had not been ruled out by Japan’s justice minister as of December 2013. When this “special state secrets law” was initially exposed, Reporters Without Borders accused Japan of “making investigative journalism illegal.”
The subsequent dearth of information about Japan’s “special” legislation is itself indicative of its power. Call it secrecy about a state secrets law protecting secrecy. Did Prime Minister Abe provide some helpful tips to Trump for dealing with leaks? Unless there’s a leak, we’ll never know.

The Absurd Consequences of a “Right to Privacy”

Thomas L. Knapp

British MP David Davis’s text messages poking fun at the appearance of a female colleague make him the latest whipping boy for those determined to root out sexism and misogyny in public life, the Daily Mail reports. Curiously, they also make him the latest poster boy for exponents of an expansive “right to privacy” like Brendan O’Neill of spiked magazine.
I’m not sure how Davis’s text messages — in which he denied attempting to kiss MP Diane Abbot because “I am not blind” — became public. The Daily Mail doesn’t say. Perhaps the recipients talked about them. Perhaps his phone was hacked.
If the latter, there are certainly moral and legal aspects of the matter which bear at least tangentially on privacy. But O’Neill takes those aspects far beyond the realm of the reasonable. He asserts a general ethical constraint along the lines of the legal “fruit of the poison tree” standard under which evidence illegally obtained cannot be used in trials, but on steroids.
“That Davis’s texts were leaked,” writes O’Neill, “doesn’t make it okay to haul him over the coals for them, to insist that he retract and repent, because this still amounts to shaming someone for a private conversation.”
Under O’Neill’s standard of personal behavior, you cannot allow something that you learn about me to affect your opinion of me or your behavior toward me in any way if I did not intend for you to be aware of it.
If I’m a Christian clergyman and a parishioner catches me praying in the Islamic manner, or engaged in sexual congress with a woman not my wife, when he barges into the parsonage uninvited, well, he should just keep his mouth shut about it — and even if he doesn’t the congregation certainly shouldn’t discharge me or ask their denomination to defrock me. After all, that would be a violation of my privacy!
That’s absurd.
A number of rights do, in effect, protect personal privacy. The rights of free speech and free press include the right to refrain from speaking or publishing if there’s something I don’t want to tell you. Property rights mean that I can bar you from my house and knowledge of what goes on there absent a warrant issued on probable cause to believe I’ve committed a crime. It’s proper that information gained in violation of those rights be excluded from criminal proceedings, if for no other reason than to discourage police from violating those rights.
But personal and public opinion aren’t court proceedings such as those referred to by Edward Coke when he said (as quoted by O’Neill) “no man, ecclesiastical or temporal, shall be examined upon the secret thoughts of his heart, or of his secret opinion.”
Nor is there a “right to privacy” — a right to forbid other people to know things — as such. Privacy is merely an effect — an imperfect intersection of penumbrae emanating from other rights.
Like the European Union’s “right to be forgotten,” O’Neill’s “requirement to forget” is illiberal and Orwellian.

The Black Radical Tradition in Canada

NORMAN RICHMOND

The Afro American Progressive Association (AAPA) was one of the first Black Power organizations in Canada. It was organized by Jose Garcia, Norman (Otis) Richmond and D. T. in Toronto in 1968. Their first public event was a commemoration of the assassination of Omowale El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz (Malcolm X). The meeting took place on Bathurst Street (Toronto’s Lenox Avenue) the Home Service. Guest speakers were Jan Carew, Guyanese-born scholar/activist who later would write:” Ghosts in Our Blood: With Malcolm X in Africa, England, and the Caribbean” and Ted Watkins. A year before ancestors like Austin Clarke, Howard Matthews and others started the ball rolling.
Watkins (1941-1968) was an African born in America who played Canadian football. Watkins played wide-receiver for the Hamilton Tiger-Cats and Ottawa Rough Riders. He won the Grey Cup with Hamilton in 1967. He previously played college football at the University of the Pacific in
Stockton, California. Watkins was killed in 1968 allegedly robbing a liquor store.
This is a direct quote from a Canadian daily: “STOCKTON, Calif. (AP) -Ted Watkins, Negro professional Canadian football player, and a leading Black Power advocate’ in Canada, was shot dead in an attempted liquor store holdup Sunday, police said.”
The Black Youth Organization (BYO), the Black Action Defense Committee (BADC), the Biko Rodney Malcolm Coalition (BRMC) and Black Live Matters spring from the AAPA. The AAPA’s newsletter was called Harambee (Swahili) for “Let’s pull together.” Harambee preceded “Contrast,” “Share,” “Pride” and the “Caribbean Camera.”
Chris Harris has been one of the few attempting to keep the untold history of the Black Radical Tradition and the AAPA alive. Harris’ article, “Canadian Black Power, Organic Intellectuals of Position in Toronto, 1967 – 1975” was published quietly. He is quoted extensively in David Austin’s 2014 Casa de las Americas Prize winning book on Caribbean Literature, in English or Creole, Fear of a Black Nation: Race, Sex, and Security in Sixties Montreal.
Glen Ford of Black Agenda Report talks about how a Black miss-leadership is high jacking the African liberation struggle in the United States. Ditto for Canada.
The untold story of the Radical Black Tradition in Canada is beginning to unfold. A new autobiography, Burnley “Rocky” Jones Revolutionary by Jones and James W. St. G. Walker gets the ball rolling in this work. Jones gives credit to the AAPA in this volume for keeping the radical Black tradition alive in the Great White North.
Jones discusses how tribalism ruled during the late sixties and early Seventies in Toronto’s history. Africans born in Canada organized as Jamaicans, Trinidadians, Barbadians or Black Canadians. He talks about a rally that took place at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education on Bloor Street in Toronto.
Says Jones: “The chair was José Garcia, of the Afro American Progressive Association, a Marxist, and Black Nationalist organization in Toronto. Although that organization was Canadian, its name reflected the interaction with the States; there was continual movement back and forth across the border with Detroit and Buffalo, with Panthers and CORE and various Black Nationalist associations. Many of these people were also at the conference, in particular a group known as the Detroit Revolutionary Union movement, DRUM, extremely militant and connected to the Panthers.”
Jones was incorrect on the name of DRUM; DRUM is an acronym for the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement. The Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement was an organization of Black workers formed in May 1968 in the Chrysler Corporation‘s Dodge Main assembly plant in Detroit. While I was a co-founder of the AAPA I was also a member of DRUM, which later would blossom into the League of Revolutionary Black Workers.
The term Afro-American had nothing to do with Black America. It was inspired by Malcolm X’s Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU). The group was a Pan-Africanist organization founded by (Omowale) Malik Shabazz in1964. The group was modeled on the Organization of African Unity, which had impressed Malik during his visit to Africa in April 1964. The purpose of the OAAU was to fight for the human rights of Africans in America and in the Western Hemisphere who speak English, French, Spanish, Dutch and Papiamento. One of the co-founders of the AAPA, Jose Garcia, could speak Papiamento, Dutch, Spanish, French and English better than me. We were internationalist from the get-go.
While we were moved by Malik, he was influenced by a person who if imperialism has anything to do with it will be written out of history – Carlos A. Cooks. Cooks was a Caribbean man who used the term African-American to unite Africans in the West. He was born in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. His parents were from the nearby island of St. Martin. Robert Acemendeces Harris, author of Carlos Cooks and Black Nationalism, pointed out: “It was Carlos Cooks who first defined the difference between the terms Black and/or African as opposed to “Negro” and fought to have the latter word abrogated as a racial classification. You can even ask Richard Moore, a foundation member of the African Blood Brotherhood (and author of The Word Negro And Its Evil Use) about this. Or you can read the documentation in Black Nationalism: a Search for Identity in America by Prof. E. U. Essien-Udom of the University of Ibadan, Nigeria.
I was blessed to have heard Richard B. Moore speak in Montreal in 1967 and met and work with Elombe Brath, a disciple of Cooks. Moore spoke at a Black community meeting that I attended during Expo 67. When I first went to Detroit and met General Gordon Baker Jr. I found a copy of Brath’s comic book “Color Them Colored” where he ridiculed everyone from Harry Belafonte to Malcolm X for not being “Black” enough. Baker explained to me how he had for a brief moment associated with Cooks African Nationalist Pioneer Movement.
There are aspects of Cooks philosophy I united 1000 percent behind. At their convention called in 1959 the ANPM called for the abrogation of the word Negro as the official racial classification of black people and to replace the term with “African” when speaking of land origin, heritage and national identity (irrespective of birthplace ) and the proud usage of “black” when dealing with color (in spite of complexion).
There are others aspects of his views that I totally disagree with. I have always united with Huey P. Newton’s statement, ”Blackness is necessary, but not sufficient.” I was never down with Cooks’ anti-communism. When Fidel Castro visited Harlem, Cooks refused to meet him. Malik took the opposite view.
Brath is quoted in Rosemari Mealy’s book, Fidel & Malcolm X: Memories of a Meeting. Says Brath, “While Malcolm as an individual was developing as an anti-imperialist champion, he boldly met with Premier Fidel Castro when the Cuban leader stayed at the Hotel Theresa in Harlem, arguing a class analysis in non-Marxist terms, that is, the field Negro versus the house Negro.
Cooks however, took a completely different position. U. Essien-Udom, a Nigerian who wrote Black Nationalism: A Search for an Identity in America, published in the early 1960s, discussed Cooks and Malik. Udom points out: “Nearly all of the present-day black nationalist groups are anti-communist. Recently, Mr. Carlos Cooks (African Nationalist Pioneering Movement) in a 4th of July speech in Harlem self-righteously explained how in the Thirties they (the nationalists) were having street fights with the communists and they do not welcome ‘the regime of Dr. Fidel Castro’s Cuba.’”
“Instead, Mr. Cooks expressed some admiration for ex-President Bastisa. He said that under Batista Negroes had a “fair deal” in Cuba and that Premier Castro’s regime was a returning to “white supremacy.” For a brief moment in my history I did have a problem with Cuba. This was because of the anti- communism propaganda we were taught from the womb to the tomb in the USA where I was born.
For a brief moment I supported Jonas Savimbi‘s The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). Founded in 1966, UNITA fought alongside the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in the Angolan War for Independence (1961 – 1975) and then against the MPLA in the ensuing civil war1975–2002). UNITA received military aid from the imperialist USA and apartheid South Africa while the MPLA received support from the Soviet Union and other members of the Socialist block at that time. We apologize to Africa for this error in judgment.
In the 21st Century Africa, Africans and the oppressed generally must be anti-imperialist, anti-racist, and anti-sexist and be for socialism — period. As Fred Hampton used to say, “If you are afraid of socialism you are afraid of yourself.”

What Else is Wrong with Globalization

Joan Roelofs

It isn’t just an issue of whether they have the jobs or we have the jobs. From a red-green, eco-socialist perspective we must ask: what are they producing, how does the product and process affect the health, happiness and self-esteem of the worker, how does it contribute to the health and happiness of the consumer, and what effect do product and process have on the environment and culture of the producing and receiving countries?
Globalization has benefits, undoubtedly. There are international human rights treaties that have enabled local activists to improve conditions for their fellow citizens; there are developments in medical treatments that are now widely available. But as the benefits of globalization are widely described, I will argue for the minority and indicate some of the serious problems that we don’t hear much about.
A red-green view advocates for a predominately local economy. What can be produced locally should be, even if imports are cheaper. Exceptions might be made for rare items that contribute substantially to the quality of life, when the production conditions can be ascertained.
How is it possible to provide for needs locally? Scientists, now employed mostly in weapons, pharma, and agricultural chemicals, can work with local residents to figure out how to provide for clothing, housing, food, fuel, medicine, and entertainment from local resources. Education might introduce children to all pacific and useful technology, and stimulate their creativity in providing for the needs of life (instead of the rocket building competitions featured in STEM recruitment, sponsored by weapons corporations).
Modern transportation would still be needed, but on a much smaller scale would produce far lower carbon and particulate emissions. Commuting could be greatly reduced, as well as the transportation of chocolate chip cookies from British Columbia to New Hampshire; I have encountered such an import. Vodka now shipped halfway across the earth turns out to be pure alcohol; given some grain and an old bathtub, a child could make it in her backyard (and would). Transportation of goods, even by sea, is a huge fuel consumer and environmental polluter.
An energy source that is hugely underutilized is human labor. If moderately extracted from all, it can provide great gains for health. Currently, many are idle, or engaged in pointless “workouts” or hazardous games. Food can be produced almost anywhere, with composting, raised beds, etc., and a diet based on legumes, vegetables, fruits, nuts, and small animals would provide appropriate exercise. No one needs 50 t-shirts; a small, durable, elegant supply of clothing can be fabricated even in the northern regions from wool, linen, and hemp. Given that millions of people have voluntary hobbies of gardening, macramé tying, and geegaw fabrication, this type of labor would not be unduly harsh or violate the human spirit.
Of course, if the enormous energy, resources, and brains now devoted to human destruction in the military-industrial complex were employed for human well-being, there would be a plenitude. Add to this all the resources used producing junk that earns profits for some, provides work and subsistence for others, and gives short term amusement to consumers.
What is wrong with a globalized economy and free trade based on cheapness? Adam Smith, Scottish philosopher of capitalism and free trade, said that each country should produce what it can best sell to the rest of the world, and trade with other countries for its other needs. At the time, 1776, Britain was the only industrialized country, so it naturally, or perhaps unnaturally, had a competitive advantage over countries exporting natural resources.
The early triumph of the British industrial revolution, cheap textiles made with cotton produced by slaves, put the skilled weavers out of business, hence the Luddites. T-shirts and curtain material were exported to India and Africa, destroying local textile production, creating fashions that were not needed by indigenous people, and in any case, were quite inferior to native fabrics.
One problem with the extreme specialization implied by Smith’s idea is that it reduces the range of occupations available to citizens of a country. In a similar way, high value crops: coffee, tea, chocolate, cocaine, ganja, flowers, tropical fruits, and exotic vegetables lead to monoculture. The lucrative luxuries draw all resources, labor, and capital away from basic food production.
Furthermore, mechanization, which cheapens products and makes them more exportable, results in massive unemployment. Today, as entire factories can easily be imported, comparative advantage lies with those places that have the lowest labor and environmental standards. As competition constantly leads to new lows, abandoned production sites and lost jobs are another cost to communities. Ghost towns were also a feature of early industrialization, as water power yielded first to coal and then to electricity as power sources.
Another problem is the nature of the products that really sell well: historically, and today, these have been guns and drugs (coffee, tea, sugar, tobacco as well as harder stuff), fossil fuels, lumber, and minerals. Information technology has costs as well as benefits; entertainment and news services can drown out local cultures and varied perspectives. Industrialized agriculture and farmed fish have environmental and health effects for both exporting and importing countries. Junk food floods the world with serious inroads on traditional diets, especially in poor countries where small incomes are diverted to snacks and sodas regarded as treats, even for babies.
Subsistence and mid-size farmers have a hard life, and must contend with erratic weather and harsh market conditions. They are under pressure to self-exploit and wear out the soil to produce the cheapest. It would be better if their hours were regulated and they were paid a living wage, rather than be dependent on the returns for their crop.
In France, the rules of free trade have been evaded by conservation subsidies to farmers, as the French do not want to abolish the countryside and eat only the cheaper imported food. In Mexico, farmers have been chased from the land by the more competitive industrialized agriculture. Some of them have migrated north; others have found jobs in the tourist industry, and often their diet comes from the only available source: processed food from convenience stores. Obesity is now a problem in poor as well as rich countries.
While we may be aware of the human and environmental costs of natural resource extraction, for example, oil and gas, mineral mining, and forestry, there is little that the ultimate consumer can do about it. In Australia, Canada, the US, throughout Africa, and elsewhere, uranium mining is a job for indigenous people; the wastes are also inflicted on their communities. Extraction of gold and other minerals has long poisoned the lands of Latin America and elsewhere. Now that the balanced economy of Mongolia has disintegrated, international mining companies are rapidly digging up the country.
As for the items that we purchase individually, it is difficult to research all the conditions of their production. Some organizations have done this for a few products, e.g., shoes, or fish, but even in these cases, the producers keep shifting locations and practices, so the information is quickly outdated.
Tourism is one of the largest items in international markets. Certainly it has educational benefits, but it is also energy intensive and polluting. It can provide a good living for artists, musicians, and cultural workers, but it requires armies of cab drivers, waiters, and janitors. It is a very competitive industry, and some countries find their comparative advantage in providing juvenile sex tourism. Another lure is gained by stripping forests and agricultural land to create golf courses. Caribbean losers of the“banana war,” have tried this, often on the advice of the World Bank.
Countries of the European Union, which now import most of their food, furniture, and clothing, are heavily dependent on tourism. They also import labor for service and factory work. However, an important contribution to “free trade” of the leading social democratic nations, e.g., France, Germany, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, are weapons export industries.
Many of the 200 or so nations of the world have very little to offer in the international market. Toxic waste sites are attractive to foreign corporations, but not so much for the communities and workers that will operate them. Another handy earner of foreign exchange is the harboring of off-shore corporate headquarters for tax evasion purposes. Even Bermuda has resorted to this, as its fine beaches and coral reefs do not have enough zing for younger tourists.
The “banana war” has contributed to a strange export: citizenship. The war began in 1996, when the head of Chiquita bananas complained to the World Trade Organization that the European Union preference, a very small quota, for bananas from former colonies violated the rules of free trade. For some islands in the Caribbean, for example,
Dominica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Trinidad, and Jamaica, bananas produced on small family farms were an important part of the economy. They could not compete in price with the Chiquita and Dole U.S. based corporations (which have no plantations inside the US). The WTO eventually ruled that the preferences had to stop, and similarly, preferences for the sugar exports of St. Kitts. There was some hope in exporting organic bananas, but that niche was dashed when the large corporations also went into that business. With island tourism a declining industry, St. Kitts, Antigua, St. Lucia, Dominica, and Grenada are now selling citizenship. In St. Kitts, the cost is $50,000 in processing fees and the purchase of a house worth at least $400,000. The wealthy buyers can obtain tax evasion benefits as well as visa free entry to many countries, especially those of the European Union.
The political costs of globalization are often unremarked. Democratic choice is more difficult to exercise when major decisions are made at higher levels, remote from ordinary citizens. For example, the US Metalclad corporation wished to develop and enlarge a leaking toxic waste plant in Mexico. The local community didn’t want it, and refused to issue a permit, but the rules of the North American Free Trade Agreement denied locals any choice in the matter. Mexico was required to pay a fine of $16 million. Even local and national laws may have to be jettisoned according to trade agreements. This has been notable in Canada’s experience with NAFTA; several of Canadian environmental laws have been ruled violations of “free trade.” Not only trade in goods, but investments, services, and ownership of land and natural resources must be open to all according to the rules of globalization’s institutions. There have been a few cases where citizen action has delayed or defeated trade agreements, but they require tremendous efforts.
The European Union imposes financial limitations on members, despite what might be best for their citizens. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization promotes militarization and participation in aggressive wars among its members—in this supposedly defensive alliance. In addition to members, “partners in peace” and other nations have been herded into a global army, devastating Afghanistan and wherever else it decides to punish. NATO’s bases (and those of the Empire’s other alliances) create local service economies but demand exemption from environmental and criminal laws. The United Nations, despite its great promise and outlawing of war, has not been able to end aggression in foreign policy or enforce nuclear disarmament treaties. International law is mocked, except where there is some commercial advantage to its enforcement.
Further erosion of democracy results from the very attractiveness of participation in international governmental organizations, their task forces, and the non-governmental organizations that shadow them. Local political parties and activities have declined and are neglected by the leading activists who would rather travel the world in the hopes of doing some good.
Not everything we need or strongly desire can be produced locally, but by limiting imports from abroad or even great distances within a nation, we can more feasibly be informed of their production conditions. As to the high costs of “localvore” items, we discover that it is what they really cost, given humane labor conditions and respect for the environment. Political decision-making at local levels can empower ordinary people and improve the prospects for democracy. Cultural and informational exchanges can create and enhance a cosmopolitan world, provided the people, their values, and their environments are respected.

U.S. Imperial War Personified

Ron Jacobs

Modern warfare is both extremely personal and robotically impersonal. The psychological and emotional intensity of a firefight in a jungle or urban war zone is contrasted with the carpet bombing of a city from bombers more than a half mile above the target or an armed drone piloted by a human at a computer a half world away. Of course, this is mostly the perspective of the invading or occupying military. The civilians in the jungle, city, town or village under attack know only the most personal aspect—the blood, the maiming, the loss of shelter and stability, and the death of loved ones. The guerrilla fighter against the invader experiences something akin to their civilian counterpart, but at the least displays some kind of hope by the fact of fighting back.
Meanwhile, those who profit from the warfare go about the business of developing ever more murderous weaponry often designed to create even more distance between the killer and the killed; the general and the soldier. The citizens of the nation to whom the invaders belong intentionally and naively go about their business as if their tax dollars had no connection to the mayhem and murder being carried out in their name.
It is this contrast I contemplated while reading two recently published books: Debriefing the President: The Interrogation of Saddam Hussein by John Nixon and The Drone Memos: Targeted Killing, Secrecy and the Law, edited by Jameel Jaffer. The former, by a retired CIA analyst who was the first US functionary to question Saddam Hussein in depth after he was captured, is both a revealing look at a very personal series of interactions between a civilian member of the US war on the world and a profile of the longtime president of Iraq. As the narrative unfolds, it becomes clear exactly how misinformed the Bush administration, the Pentagon, and the CIA were not only regarding the presence of WMDs in Iraq, but also about the psychology and personality of Saddam Hussein. Nixon comments that this was in large part due to the political influence of the neocons in the US government, but also related to George W. Bush’s personal distaste for Hussein and a possible need to prove his worth to his father and those around him.51lHqOPOcTL._SX329_BO1,204,203,200_
Perhaps the most humane aspect of this book is the author’s growing respect for Saddam Hussein the man. As Nixon’s reporting progresses, it becomes clear that his opinion of Hussein changes from one that considered him a murderous scoundrel to one that begrudgingly acknowledged Hussein’s patriotism and sense of honor to his tribe, his mentors and his country. In the process, listening to Hussein’s version of his nation’s history under Hussein’s rule causes Nixon to challenge the narrative of his agency and his government. In doing so, it is revealed how the similarities between the two governments (Bush’s and Hussein’s) were greater than that imagined by the warmakers and the supplicant US media.
Don’t get me wrong, John Nixon never questioned that Hussein was a war criminal and deserving of his fate. Nor did he question his role in the drive to war on Iraq. He describes the Clinton administration in less than laudatory terms, in large part because it did not seem to consider all-out war in the Middle East to be a reasonable foreign policy move. Nixon remains a defender of the imperial polices of the United States and has differences only with how that policy is carried out. In other words, he was a good soldier who believed in the CIA and what he did for the agency. His book describes a deeply personal aspect of war that is rarely revealed. In other words, by describing his conversations and desire to understand the subject of this interrogation (and a target of the invaders) the text humanizes both the interrogator/warrior and the president/dictator, reminding the reader of their common humanity and the reality of war, which renders that humanity irrelevant.
It is this irrelevance that is the essence of the targeted killing program of the United States. Although the practice originated in modern times more or less with the state of Israel, it is the United States during the reign of Barack Obama that has refined it. Thanks to technological advances in the development of airborne drones and the computer guidance systems designed to send armed drones to their targets, the impersonal nature of war has made it possible to leave intentional randomness of previous versions of aerial bombardment behind when desired. Furthermore, it has made the killing of certain individuals suspected of criminal acts possible without any personal interaction with the targeted individuals. In essence, these killings are illegal. However, in the tradition of attorneys who defended slavery or those that helped create the transportation and extermination plans to rid Nazi Germany of Jewish residents, the United States has found attorneys willing to twist the US constitution and international law to justify their murders.
This is the essence of the second book mentioned above, The Drone Memos. The book is a collection of documents (with the obligatory black redaction lines through some of the text) from the Obama White House, the US Department of State, the Department of Homeland Security, and various legal counselors in the US bureaucracy. The documents in this book are the definition of the legal banality of evil. Its saving grace is the excellent discussion of the documents’ content, and the process gone through to procure them by the American Civil Liberties Union. This introduction by former Deputy Director of the ACLU Jameel Jaffer, lays bare the abuse of power targeted killing requires and the consequent growth of executive power in the US government. Indeed, the book itself goes far in explaining how we arrived at our current situation of permanent war.
Together, these texts provide a chilling look at the pervasiveness of that war and its psychology. Neither the interrogator Nixon nor the authors of the drone memos seem to have any serious moral qualms about the nature of their enterprise. At times it seems they believe their sense of moral certainty as to the crimes they are involved in is absolution by itself. Because no one else will judge them, they judge themselves and find no crimes. When a climate of criminality such as this is the norm, then all of us are to blame unless and until we stop it.

The Dutch City That Offered Refugees A Permanent Home

Sarah van Gelder


It was an odd sight for residents of Zaandam, a quaint Dutch town 15 minutes by train from Amsterdam. A public park in a village known for 18th-century windmills and wooden clogs had suddenly filled with rows of white tents. Five hundred refugees, mainly from Syria and Iraq, mostly men, had arrived by bus in October 2015. Most left behind homes, families, livelihoods, and any semblance of a normal life.
This group was just a fraction of the millions of refugees who had risked their lives fleeing to Europe as part of the largest migration since World War II, and it triggered both acts of altruism toward the survivors of the dangerous crossings and a wave of xenophobia and fear. The victory of Brexit, recent right-wing candidacies in Europe, and the election of Donald Trump have all been attributed at least in part to the fear that accompanied this mass migration.
In Zaandam, residents who attended a town meeting with the mayor raised questions about the refugees. Who would pay for their upkeep? Would town residents be safe?
Still, a church across the street from the park opened its doors to the refugees every day for coffee, tea, Dutch lessons, or just talk.
Sonja Ortmans, a writer and former lawyer, lives with her husband and two children near the park in this town where she has lived most of her life. She worried about the new arrivals, but didn’t know how to help.
Then she read in the local newspaper about one of the Syrian men in the camp, Mahmoud, a lawyer, who wanted to learn about Dutch law and customs and to work in the legal field in the Netherlands. Ortmans decided to reach out to Mahmoud to see if she could help him find a way back to practicing his profession. They met and contacted other attorneys—among the refugees and the Dutch—and eventually formed a network of legal professionals. Together, they visited international courts in The Hague and attended lectures. This was the start of what became a deep friendship.
First, though, they had to see to some immediate needs. Ortmans involved parents at her children’s school in collecting clothes and other necessities, and some joined the volunteers at the church in offering Dutch lessons. More and more residents got involved.
Meanwhile, the newcomers were doing what they needed to do to get by. One who found a job as a dishwasher told Ortmans he felt mocked by the other restaurant staff who teased him for speaking Arabic. Ortmans pointed out that these coworkers knew little of his culture—and it dawned on her that she too had little knowledge of Iraq and Syria.
So she began studying Arabic. “When you open up to people, you find treasures that can’t be explained,” she told me when I visited her during a recent visit to Amsterdam.
“If you don’t do this, you will view another culture from a place of superiority,” she said. “We are proud of our wealth, but didn’t we in the Western world get much of our wealth from colonization and extraction?”
By the time the refugees could apply for residency status in Europe, the people of the town had bonded with them and didn’t want them to leave. They lobbied the city council, asking that the refugees be invited to make Zaandam their permanent home.
Many in the United States have resisted anti-immigrant rhetoric. Thousands showed up at airports to welcome immigrants following President Trump’s executive order banning immigrants from seven Muslim-majority countries. Faith leaders spoke out for the families they were prepared to host, who were prevented by the ban from traveling to the United States. Others turned their churches into sanctuaries to protect undocumented residents from deportation. In the nation’s sanctuary cities, many elected officials remain undeterred by pressure from the Trump administration to drop policies that protect undocumented residents.
Like the people of Zaandam, many American communities are extending a hand of friendship. Instead of believing that these newcomers threaten some outdated notions of European-American superiority, they celebrate the energy, entrepreneurial spirit, and cultural treasures immigrants bring, which deepen and enliven their communities.
“To me, the solution is a society where we can live together as equals,” Ortmans told me. “That means really opening to the other cultures, at the same time taking a very clear and honest look inside about our own past. From this place, a true connection can evolve and healing can occur.”

Australian housing among the world’s most unaffordable

John Harris 

A report last month by Demographia showed that Australian housing remains among the most unaffordable in the world, with millions of workers and young people priced out by soaring housing costs. Of the 51 Australian housing markets assessed in the international survey, 33 were deemed severely unaffordable.
The report examined some 400 housing markets across nine countries, using the Median Multiple (MM) formula, obtained by dividing the median house price by the median annual household income. The MM system classifies housing markets as affordable if they score under 3.0. Results of 3.1 to 4.0 are deemed unaffordable, 4.1 to 5.0 seriously unaffordable and over 5.0 severely unaffordable.
Nationally, the Australian housing market scored 5.5. Sydney, the country’s largest population centre, is the second most unaffordable major city in the world, with a MM of 12.2, the same result as 2016 and up from 9.8 in 2015. That means it would take 12.2 years, on a median income, to earn the money to buy a median-priced house.
Sydney placed behind Hong Kong (18.1) and ahead of Vancouver (11.8) and Auckland (10.0). Sydney house prices are far less affordable than global cities such as London, with an MM of 8.5, and New York, which scored 5.7.
The current median house price in Sydney is $1,077,000, compared with $1,032,000 in 2016 and just over half a million dollars a decade ago.
The figure for Melbourne, Australia’s second largest city, was 9.5, down slightly from last year, but up from 8.7 in 2015. Like Sydney, it was more unaffordable than Los Angeles, Honolulu and San Francisco. The median house price for Melbourne currently stands at $740,000.
The housing affordability crisis is not limited to Australia’s major cities. Wingecarribee, a predominantly affluent district about 110 kilometres southwest of Sydney, which contains popular small towns such as Bowral, Mittagong and Moss Vale, had an MM of 9.8.
According to another report by the Domain property group, covering the December quarter of 2016, the mainly working class city of Wollongong, about 80 kilometres south of Sydney, is the third most expensive city in Australia. House prices increased 16.7 percent last year, with a current median price of over $700,000.
A former steel city, Wollongong has been devastated by decades of job cuts at the Port Kembla steelworks and related industries, imposed by the major companies and the trade unions. Now, amid widespread youth unemployment and endemic poverty, property developers are billing the coastal city as a potential “Riviera,” leading to a spike in purchases by investors and those with no prospect of buying a home in Sydney. Similar developments are taking place in Newcastle, another former steel city, about 160 kilometres north of Sydney, and other working class regional centres.
Numbers of reports have underscored the mounting social hardship that has resulted from such soaring housing costs. Among young people, home ownership is becoming a thing of the past. According to figures released last year, ownership in the 25- to 34-year-old age bracket fell from 39 percent in 2002 to 29 percent in 2014.
Those who do purchase a house are saddled with mortgage repayments that often outstrip a single wage. Between 2010 and 2015, the length of time it took for a two-income household, on average full-time wages, to even save a deposit to buy a median-priced house rose from 5.8 to 7.9 years.
Rental costs have also continued to rise, with the median weekly rent for an apartment in Sydney standing at over $500, or about a third of the median household income. This means there is widespread rental stress, defined as more than 30 percent of gross household income spent on rent.
The poorest and most vulnerable layers of workers and youth have been hardest hit. In June 2016, 41.2 percent of households receiving welfare payments as well as a fortnightly $130 from a Commonwealth Rental Assistance (CRA) supplement, were experiencing rental stress. Over 1.3 million households received the payment last year. Another 68.2 percent of households who received welfare, but not the CRA, suffered rental stress.
Even with rent assistance, the proportion of young people on welfare allowances but suffering rental stress was 57.6 percent. In the major cities, the proportion of young renters in rental stress, but who have no government assistance was 81.1 percent.
More than 30 percent of households receiving the Disability Support Pension and rental assistance were experiencing rent stress. And so were 57 percent of households leased by people over the age of 75, who had no rent assistance.
report this month by Choice and the National Association of Tenant Organisations underscored the knife-edge existence that millions of renters face. It found that 83 percent of renters were on a lease with no fixed term, meaning they could be required to vacate with minimal notice, or a lease of less than 12 months.
In a glimpse into the conditions renters face, 27 percent said there was some form of insect infestation in their homes, while 24 percent said their rental premises had doors or windows that would not close properly, among numerous other defects and problems. The majority failed to contact their landlord when issues arose, with 42 percent concerned that such contact would result in a rent increase, and 23 percent citing fear of eviction.
Public housing has been gutted by consecutive Labor and Liberal-National governments in all states. According to a study released last June by the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, almost 200,000 people are languishing on social housing waiting lists.
Homelessness has also grown. According to a 2014 survey, approximately 2.5 million people (over 10 percent of the population) aged 15 years or over have experienced homelessness at some point in their lives. Of those, around 1.4 million experienced at least one episode in the previous 10 years. Homeless people are routinely vilified and harassed, and in Melbourne—Australia’s “most livable city,” the city council is moving to ban “rough sleepers” from the streets.
While the Demographia report concludes by appealing to governments to “take action” on housing affordability, the rise in house prices is the product of the rampant profiteering endemic to capitalism. This has been boosted by policies that have enriched property developers and financial speculators at the direct expense of millions of ordinary working people. Successive federal governments have insisted on retaining the policies of “negative gearing” and capital gains tax subsidies for property investors that have contributed to the housing crisis.
The housing crisis is just one expression of the dramatic growth of social inequality in Australia. The richest 10 percent of the population have now accumulated more than half the country’s total household wealth, while the poorest 40 percent own virtually nothing. And the bottom 20 percent have “negative wealth,” with their debts outstripping their assets.
This mounting household debt crisis, along with skyrocketing home prices, has prompted nervous warnings that Australia’s housing bubble may soon burst, leading to a new financial crisis and a disaster for millions of people saddled with exorbitant mortgages. Earlier this month, the International Monetary Fund called on Australian banks to boost their capital holdings, in order to “withstand a significant housing market correction.”