14 Apr 2017

BBC documentary exposes Bank of England’s role at centre of Libor-fixing scandal

Jean Shaoul 

BBC TV’s flagship Panorama programme broadcast tapes revealing how the Bank of England not only knew of, but repeatedly pressured commercial banks to reduce, the London Inter-bank Offered Rate (Libor) during the 2007-08 financial crisis.
Libor is the rate, set in London by the banks themselves, at which banks lend to each other. It then provides the benchmark for domestic mortgages, personal and commercial loans, municipal bonds and a wide range of financial derivatives worth $350 trillion.
In 2012, the US authorities fined leading banks including UBS, Barclays, RBS, Deutsche Bank, Citigroup, Bank of America and JPMorgan, for systematically rigging Libor—both to increase their profits on a regular basis and to conceal the extent of their financial problems during the global financial crisis.
The banks’ actions amounted to grand larceny. They collectively defrauded hundreds of millions of people who pay interest on mortgages, credit cards, student loans and car loans, institutional investors such as pension funds and state and local governments, and countless millions of retirees who rely for income on fixed investments. Many homeowners were bankrupted and their homes repossessed as a result of mortgages inflated by the bankers.
The amounts involved are colossal. To cite one example: The city of Baltimore and other US cities filed a class action lawsuit against the banks claiming that the systematic rigging had cost them at least $6 billion, in addition to $4 billion they had paid to unwind interest rate swaps.
Yet under sweetheart deals, the banks were required to pay modest fines that totalled less than Baltimore and the other cities’ losses in exchange for being let off without serious repercussions. No senior officials were charged and the banks did not have to plead guilty to any crime. The authorities chose not to pursue criminal charges against the banks for fear of “endangering their stability.” Instead, they sought to portray the settlements as a stinging rebuke to the banks, uttering sanctimonious statements about not tolerating misconduct on Wall Street.
These fines followed an article and study in the Wall Street Journal some four years earlier, in 2008, that some banks were understating their borrowing costs reported for Libor during the credit crunch. It has since been revealed that it was common knowledge that Libor had been rigged since the early 1990s.
The scandal revealed not only the criminality of the global financial system centred on London, but the massive web of corruption and complicity involving governments and financial regulators the world over, all of whom denied any market rigging by the banks.
While it was known that Bank of England Governor Mervyn King and his deputy, Paul Tucker, knew about the Libor-rigging operation in 2007-08, it was presented as though they had looked the other way and done nothing. The BBC’s revelations are the first publicly available evidence showing that Britain’s central bank actively encouraged the banks to fix the rate to disguise the extent of the crisis engulfing the system, limit the cost of the government’s near £1 trillion subventions and boost bank profits.
In July 2012, Tucker told a parliamentary committee investigating the scandal that until just weeks before, “We were not aware of allegations of dishonesty” in setting the Libor rate.
This was a barefaced lie.
Just a few months later, the Times and the BBC revealed leaked court documents showing that Bank officials had been at least aware of, if not complicit in Libor manipulation since 2007.
According to the Panorama tapes, a senior Barclays manager, Mark Dearlove, told a Libor submitter, Peter Johnson, to lower his Libor rates. He said, “The bottom line is you’re going to absolutely hate this... but we’ve had some very serious pressure from the UK government and the Bank of England about pushing our Libors lower.”
When Johnson objected, saying that this would mean breaking the rules for setting Libor, Dearlove replied, “The fact of the matter is we’ve got the Bank of England, all sorts of people involved in the whole thing... I am as reluctant as you are... these guys have just turned around and said just do it.”
That phone call took place the same day that Tucker, at that time an executive director of the Bank of England, phoned Barclays boss Bob Diamond and discussed Barclays’ Libor rate.
Diamond was forced to resign after Barclays received a £290 million fine for massive Libor-rigging, mainly from the US rather than the UK authorities. In response to a question from the BBC, he said, “I never misled parliament and… I stand by everything I have said previously.”
Tucker, deputy governor of the Bank of England at the time, subsequently left the Bank after failing to get the top job in November 2012 and was rewarded with a knighthood for “his services to central banking.” He did not respond to the BBC.
Last year, Johnson, the Barclays Libor submitter, was jailed after pleading guilty to accepting requests from two traders to manipulate Libor, Jay Merchant and Alex Pabon. The two traders and another submitter, Jonathan Mathew, were also jailed, while two others were acquitted last week after a retrial.
In 2015, Tom Mayes, a former UBS trader, was sentenced to a 15-year jail term, reduced to 11 years on appeal, while six other who were accused of aiding him were acquitted. This brings to an end all the Libor-related cases brought by the Serious Fraud Office.
It has also emerged that Sir Jeremy Heywood, the head of the civil service, who held senior positions under the last Labour government before taking a job in investment banking, attended meetings where Libor-setting was discussed, alongside, it is thought, then Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer, Alistair Darling.
Panorama had nothing to say about the broader implications of the Bank of England’s active involvement in criminality that had gone on for years, robbing millions of public institutions and ordinary people all around the world of hundreds of billions, if not trillions, of dollars. It merely pointed out that the involvement of senior people from the Bank of England and Barclays demonstrated that the “little people” were carrying the can for the people at the very top of the ladder, and called into question the jail sentences received by the traders. Indeed, it quoted Diamond supporting jail terms for the Barclays traders on the grounds that they had broken the rules!
The BBC noted that these tapes had only emerged as a result of a private suit brought by a small businessman, Paul Holgate, against Barclays, which had provided him with a loan conditional on an insurance policy, a financial product tied to Libor, which bankrupted him and cost him his home. Barclays agreed to pay him compensation in return for secrecy on the terms of the deal.
Thus, the exposure of criminality at the very top of Britain’s banking and regulatory establishment was the result of a private claim against the bank, and not the actions of the Serious Fraud Office or Financial Conduct Authority. Again, the BBC had nothing to say about the “financial watchdogs”, whose real role is to support and protect the financial institutions.
The financial aristocracy can defraud, steal and plunder with impunity, knowing it will be protected by the thoroughly corrupt political system it controls and uses as its marketing agent around the world. The rampant criminality is not the result of “bad apples.” Illegality and corruption are intrinsic to the system and start from the very top.

Trump administration orders federal agencies to begin cutting jobs and programs

Zaida Green

The Trump administration issued a memorandum Tuesday ordering federal agencies to begin drafting plans to restructure and downsize. The memorandum, written by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), calls for elimination to be considered for “non-essential” programs and “ineffective” agencies.
The creation of the OMB memo was ordered by the Trump administration via executive order on March 13. The memo marks the end of the federal hiring freeze imposed by the Trump in the first days of his presidency, ordering agencies to begin ¨taking immediate actions” to cut jobs and reduce costs to comply with the federal budget for 2018.
The memo does not give estimates of the number of jobs that would be cut from federal agencies. However, the preliminary budget outlined by the Trump administration proposes the elimination of 19 government agencies, cuts billions of dollars from domestic social programs, and would lead to the destruction of as many as 200,000 jobs.
Public employee jobs are already near historic lows, accounting for 1.5 percent of all jobs in the US, compared to 3 to 4 percent in the 1960s.
Federal agencies have until June 30 to submit restructuring plans for fiscal years 2018–2022 in compliance with both the federal budget for 2018 and not-yet-released 2019 budget submission guidelines. The heads of the affected federal agencies would then meet with the federal Chief Financial Officers Council to begin finalizing the plans in July. The memo advises federal agencies to eliminate vacant posts immediately.
Trump’s Director of the OMB, Mick Mulvaney, during a press conference announcing the memo on Tuesday, callously shrugged off the destruction of the livelihoods of hundreds of thousands of public employees. “[Downsizing] is the same thing that every one of you has been through in the last couple of years. You all are the last remaining people who actually work in journalism, right? So your entities have gone through this. It shouldn’t be anything new… It’s part of what working in a free economy entails.”
The memo openly advocates the privatization of entire agencies. “Consideration should be given… where there is another entity that may more appropriately fulfill part or all of the role,” and to services that could be “better performed” by private companies.
“We met this morning with CEOs from all across the nation,”Mulvaney explained at the press conference, “and said, look… we’re trying to rebuild the executive branch of government, give us some ideas. By the way, they did.”
The White House is soliciting “suggestions” from the “general public”—that is, industry interests—on both restructuring plans, and the not-yet-implemented Obama-era federal regulations that have been frozen by Trump’s initial executive orders. “If you’ve always had an idea why NASA should be in the Department of Agriculture, now is your time to speak up,” encouraged Mulvaney.
The memo calls for programs and agencies to be slashed, merged, or eliminated outright “[if] the long-term savings from shutting down… are greater than expected costs” to maintain them.
Mulvaney said that this ravaging of social programs in the service of inflating funding for the military was “how you drain the swamp,” referring to Trump’s demagogic pledge to reduce corruption.
If one takes the Trump budget as a guide, one would conclude that the largest sources of filth and grime in the federal government would include the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of Education, the Department of Health and Human Services and NASA; and that the task of fostering culture and welfare is largely carried out by the Department of Defense.
The Democrats, posturing as opponents to most of the Trump administration’s proposed cuts, have spearheaded the privatization or destruction of education, welfare and unemployment assistance, and other basic infrastructure over the last several decades. Mulvaney expects bipartisan support from both Republicans and Democrats for the new OMB guidelines.
“Wasting money—giving money to people who don’t deserve it, is something that Republicans and Democrats alike don’t care for and want to fix.”

Canada joins Washington in charging Russia with complicity in “war crimes”

Roger Jordan

Canada’s Liberal government, having given its “full support” to last week’s illegal US missile strikes on Syria, is now providing strong backing to the Trump administration’s moves to escalate military conflict in the Middle East and pursue confrontation with Russia—a course that could rapidly lead to a clash between the world’s two biggest nuclear powers.
Since Monday, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland have joined Trump officials in insisting that there can be no end to the war in Syria until President Bashar al-Assad’s regime is replaced by one more pliant to Western interests and have called for new measures targeting Russia unless it abandons its longstanding Syrian ally.
Speaking Monday, Trudeau called for the Assad regime to be “held to account” for the April 4 chemical weapons attack in the village of Khan Cheikhoun. Just hours before US cruise missiles struck the Syrian air base at Shayrat Syrain, Trudeau was insisting that the events in Khan Cheikhoun required international investigation. But since the US staged its illegal attack, Trudeau has joined Trump and other Western leaders in proclaiming Damascus guilty of a “war crime” without providing a shred of evidence, and all the while suppressing the fact that Syrian opposition groups, including the al-Qaida-affiliated al-Nusra Front, possess and have used chemical weapons.
In his Monday remarks, Trudeau also lashed out against Russia. “I think Russia needs to be aware, made aware of its responsibility in the bloody actions last week by the Assad regime,” said Canada’s prime minister. He then went on to echo calls from Britain’s Conservative government and the Trump administration for Russia to be punished for its support for Assad, saying that Canada was “open to working” with its “friends, allies, and partners’ allies to send clear messages through sanctions and other means to Russia.”
Foreign Minister Freeland has been no less belligerent. She urged the G7 foreign ministers who met in Lucca, Italy, this Monday and Tuesday to back US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson in delivering Moscow an ultimatum, saying that “Russia needs to know that he arrives” in Moscow with the G7’s “support.”
“Russia needs to decide,” declared Freeland Tuesday, “whether it wants to double down on its support for this murderous regime that is committing war crimes or whether it wants to say: ‘We do not want to be associated with this’.”
Freeland has a well-deserved reputation as an anti-Russia hawk. Her appointment as Foreign Minister last January—even as the Trudeau government was otherwise going to great lengths to demonstrate its eagerness to work closely with the Trump administration—underscored the Liberals’ strong support for the push-back from the US military-intelligence apparatus and the Democratic Party to Trump’s plans to seek a temporary accommodation with Moscow, so as to focus on confrontation with China.
For months, the US media, the Democratic Party, and a section of the Republicans led by Senator John McCain have supported this push-back through a neo-McCarthyite campaign, revolving around utterly unsubstantiated claims that Trump is a sap of Russian President Vladimir Putin and that Russia intervened in the US election to torpedo Hillary Clinton’s campaign.
The Canadian media and political establishment have been fully on board with this campaign, which has now subsided because its primary objective, pressing Trump to continue and intensify the US military-strategic offensive against Russia, appears to have succeeded.
Canada has been at the forefront of US-led provocations against Russia since the Western-orchestrated coup in Ukraine in February 2014, which brought a pro-Western, far-right government to power in Kiev. The Conservative government sent 200 Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) troops to Ukraine to train the country’s army and national guard, and deployed fighter jets, ships and soldiers to eastern Europe and the Baltic states as part of NATO’s aggressive military encirclement of Russia.
This policy has been continued under Trudeau and his Liberals. Canadian troops will soon deploy to Latvia, where they will lead one of NATO’s four new “forward” battalions deployed on Russia’s borders in Poland and the Baltic states. Last month, Defence Minster Harjit Sajjan announced a two-year extension of the CAF’s Ukraine mission, which, according to Trudeau, is training Ukrainian forces to “liberate” eastern Ukraine from pro-Russian separatists.
The Canadian ruling elite is firmly opposed to any accommodation with Russia, which it views as a major economic and geopolitical rival. Canada’s energy sector has long hoped to challenge Russian dominance of the European oil and gas markets. The military-intelligence establishment, meanwhile, is stridently opposed to any strengthening of Moscow’s presence in the Arctic, where Ottawa and Moscow have competing territorial claims, or in the oil-rich Middle East.
In 2016, the Liberal government expanded Ottawa’s involvement in the Mideast war in Iraq. Canadian Special Forces, which initially were training Kurdish militia, are now active providing frontline advice and assistance to these forces as they join in the battle for Mosul, a brutal onslaught that has claimed thousands of civilian lives. The Liberals extended the Iraq mission at the end of March for a further three months and pledged to present a long-term plan for the presence of Canadian forces in Iraq—and now possibly Syria—by June.
The implications of Trudeau’s embrace of the Trump administration’s war drive were made even clearer by the fact that he issued his attack on supposed Russian complicity in war-crimes during a trip to France to commemorate the centenary of the Battle of Vimy Ridge. In April 1917, more than 10,000 Canadian soldiers were killed or wounded in the process of capturing a strategically insignificant position from the Germans on the Western Front. Nonetheless, the battle has been mythologized by the nationalist right as the moment Canada emerged as an “independent nation.” Over the last two decades in particular, right-wing Conservatives like former Prime Minister Stephen Harper have used Vimy to rebrand Canada as a “warrior nation” committed to aggressive military interventions, putting paid to the myth—which they viewed as an encumbrance—that the CAF has a “peacekeeping” vocation.
In his remarks at a commemoration ceremony Sunday, Trudeau essentially adopted this right-wing, militarist narrative, declaring that those who fought at Vimy “made their country in its beginnings” and helped to shape Canada as a “democratic” nation committed to “peace.”
He also took up a theme addressed by Harper in a 2014 speech marking the centenary of the outbreak of World War One by noting that Canadian war “sacrifices”—including the slaughter of teenage soldiers—had ensured its emergence as an imperialist power. Trudeau stated that the fighting at Vimy and on the Western Front ensured that Canada had an independent seat at the negotiations of the Treaty of Versailles—i.e., a place at the table where the imperialist victors divvied up the spoils of war.
Like last week’s US military strikes, the Liberal government’s provocative anti-Syrian and anti-Russian statements have been almost universally supported by the media and political establishment, although the Conservatives continue to criticize the Liberals for being “weak.”
The NDP, Canada’s social democrats, failed to condemn the unilateral and illegal US air strike on the al-Shayrat air base, claiming that it was unclear where this act of war would lead. Predictably, it has fully accepted the US claims that the chemical weapons attack was mounted by Assad, declaring in an April 7 statement that he “must be held accountable for these crimes.” Needless to say, the NDP statement made no mention of the ruinous, illegal wars that the US, with Canada’s support, has waged across the Middle East during the past quarter-century.

What would a US-European-Russian war look like?

Barry Grey

Tensions between the United States and the major European imperialist powers and Russia are at their highest point since the Cold War. The danger of a military conflict between the two largest nuclear powers has never been greater.
Since the April 6 missile strike, the Trump administration has issued new threats against Syria and new ultimatums to Russia to end its support for the regime of Bashar al-Assad. On Wednesday, President Trump defended the unprovoked strike and called Assad a “butcher.”
The G7 powers over the weekend lined up behind the US strike and its pretext—the totally unproven claim that the Syrian government carried out a chemical weapons attack on a rebel-held town. They endorsed Washington’s renewed drive to topple Assad, Moscow’s only Arab ally in the Middle East.
Russia has responded by stepping up its military support for Assad. Last Friday, it discontinued its coordination with the US aimed at avoiding encounters between US and Russian jets and announced that it would upgrade Syrian missile air defenses, which already include advanced S-400 and S-300 radar/missile batteries. It diverted a frigate with cruise missiles to the Eastern Mediterranean. And it issued a joint statement with the Iranian military warning that it would respond with force to any new act of aggression against Syria.
The recklessness of US policy was highlighted by Defense Secretary and retired general James Mattis, who told reporters on Tuesday that Syria would pay “a very, very stiff price” in the event of another chemical attack, which is undoubtedly already being prepared by the CIA and its Al Qaeda-linked proxies in Syria. Mattis offered assurances that the situation would not “spiral out of control,” based on the assumption that Russia would “act in their best interests,” i.e., back down.
What is most astonishing is the virtual absence of any discussion in the US and European media of the danger of a war between the US and Russia and the consequences of such a turn of events. What happens if a US jet is shot down by a Russian anti-aircraft installation or Russian jet? One can only imagine the frenzied demands for retaliation that will spew out of the press and politicians of both countries.
How many millions will die in the opening minutes of a nuclear exchange between Russia and the US? Neither the New York Times, nor the Washington PostWall Street JournalTimes of LondonLe MondeFrankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung or Sydney Morning Herald is even raising these questions.
There have, however, been revealing commentaries in certain more specialized publications. The Conversation published an article on April 7 (“Why US air strike on Syria deeply threatens military clash with Russia”) making the point that the danger of a clash between the US and Russia is much greater than in 2013 because Russia has in the interim firmly established a military presence in Syria.
“So, if the new aim of the Trump administration is the removal of Assad from power,” the article states, “this could only happen through a major confrontation with Russia.”
Russia Beyond the Headlines published an article on April 7 outlining three possible scenarios following the US attack on Syria. The first, and presumably most likely, is “Armed conflict between Russia and the US.” Sooner or later, the article notes, the “logic of confrontation will force Russia to respond with force.” It quotes a Russian international security expert who warns that “we cannot fully exclude the use of nuclear weapons.”
An April 7 article on the Defense One web site explains that a US assault on Syria would for the first time in the “decades-old counter-terrorism fight” pit the United States against a “real, modern and well-armed military,” resulting in a war “of exponentially greater scale.”
Steven Starr, a senior scientist at Physicians for Social Responsibility and associate with the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, who is a noted expert on the life-destroying environmental consequences of “nuclear winter,” explains that once a nuclear exchange between Washington and Moscow gets underway, the death toll will be in the high tens of millions within the first hour, and that will be only the horrific beginning.
The two countries have between them 3,500 deployed and operational strategic nuclear weapons that they can detonate within an hour. They have another 4,600 nuclear weapons in reserve and ready for use. Given these vast numbers of mega-weapons, there is a strong chance that most large cities in both countries will be hit. Starr estimates that 30 percent of the US and Russian populations will be killed in the first hour. A few weeks later, radioactive fallout will kill another 50 percent or more.
Nuclear winter, a new Ice Age caused by the environmental impact of nuclear war, will “probably cause most people on the planet to die of starvation within a couple of years.”
Then there is the possibility of a high-altitude detonation triggering an electromagnetic pulse (EMP) that destroys electronic circuits over an area of tens of thousands of square miles. “A single detonation over the US East Coast would destroy the grid and cause every nuclear power plant affected by EMP to melt down. Imagine 60 Fukushimas happening at the same time in the US.”
This is the end-of-world scenario being prepared behind the backs of the American and world population by the power- and profit-mad criminals in the Pentagon and the CIA, with the full support of both parties and the political and media establishment. People living in cities from New York to Boston to Philadelphia to Detroit, Chicago and all the way to Los Angeles and San Francisco will likely be obliterated within minutes of the beginning of such a war.
What preparations are being made? What is the survival plan? There are none. The silence of the media and politicians is not an oversight. They know that should this prospect become a subject of public discussion, the shock will produce uncontrollable social convulsions.
The astonishing recklessness of the ruling elite has an objective source. It is the global crisis of the capitalist system, which finds its sharpest expression in the long-term economic decline of the United States. Even during the Cold War there remained within the dominant sections of the ruling class a certain caution. Now, the relentlessly aggressive tone of the media and constant demonizing of Russian President Putin almost seem calculated to provoke a military clash. There is, in fact, a significant faction within the ruling elite and the state that is prepared to do just that.
This horrifying prospect cannot be averted through appeals to the powers-that-be. The entire history of the 20th century, with its catastrophic wars, shows that the only way to prevent war is through a mass movement of the working class. Workers and youth must confront the urgency of the situation by organizing mass protests directed toward the building of an international anti-war movement based on the working class to put an end to imperialism and capitalism.

Trump Vs Obama: US Policy Towards Adversarial States

Kimberley Anne Nazareth


During the Obama presidency, US policy towards Syria, Iran and North Korea rested on a ‘carrot and stick’ approach with greater emphasis on the carrots. The Trump administration, while following a similar approach, appears to be willing to use more sticks. The recent air strikes on Syria’s Al Shayrat airbase sanctioned by President Trump in response to the chemical attacks by the Assad regime, have demonstrated a clear shift in strategy since the Obama administration. There are also indications of the possibility of US military strikes against North Korea; for instance the deployment of the Carl Vonson carrier, and against Iran in future. The question is: to what extent, and in what forms, will the Trump administration bring with it continuity or change in its dealings with adversarial states, in this case, Syria, Iran and North Korea?

Syria
Obama seemed hesitant of military intervention in Syria. US strategy hinged on a couple of factors, which included the objective of avoiding another Libya, the unorganised anti-Assad rebels, and Russian involvement, to name a few. In spite of the use of chemical weapons by the Assad regime in 2013, which crossed Obama's ‘redline’, the then US administration refrained from using force. Obama’s policy towards Syria has been considered a failure as Assad is still in power, the civil war continues, and the peace process has become redundant.

On the other hand, the Trump administration seems more decisive in terms of policy. Trump’s rhetoric in comparison to the past has undergone a shift, from avoiding involvement to getting involved. US policy for the moment seems more in tune with action than inaction. This was evident with the recent US strike. The Trump administration responded decisively by ordering 59 Tomahawk missile strikes on the Syrian airfield. The administration has also signalled further action against Syria but has been unclear on the nature of potential action. Having said this, current US policy towards Syria has its own set of problems. Notwithstanding the obstacles, the larger question is, how far is Trump willing to go and what lengths is he willing to cross in his policy towards Syria?

Iran
Obama’s policy towards Iran hinged on ‘engagement’, but more accurately it separated the nuclear deal/Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) from the Iranian ballistic missile programme. That is, the Obama administration found it prudent to impose sanctions on Iran’s ballistic missiles programme while simultaneously lifting sanctions when it came to the JCPOA.

This policy has so far been continued by the current administration. Trump has carried forward the sanctions imposed by Obama on the ballistic missiles programme, which were authorised by UN Resolutions  2231.  In fact, the Trump administration has also imposed sanctions as per the lists drawn up by the previous administration. This strategy makes it clear that both the US and Iran indirectly agree that all the issues that fall outside the JCPOA are fair game. Thus, in considering US policy towards Iran, there seems to be greater continuity.

North Korea
Obama’s carrot and stick policy to rein in the North Korean nuclear as well as ballistic missile programmes was unsuccessful. His policy of ‘strategic patience’, which was successful with Iran was unsuccessful in the case of North Korea.

During the US election campaign, candidate Trump dabbled with the idea of a ‘face-to-face’ meeting with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un. Recently, there have been back and forth provocations between the two, from the testing of ballistic missiles by North Korea, to the US deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Air Defense (THAAD) system in South Korea, which provoked Pyongyang’s ‘nuclear threat’, in turn propelling the US to put the military option on the table. More recently, the aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson and its escorts were diverted to the Korean Peninsula. These appear to be stronger measures against North Korea, and are signs of decisive action by the US to assure its regional allies. Irrespective of campaign rhetoric, the Trump administration seems more willing to not only maintain the status quo but enforce it with greater vigour, thus strengthening the idea of ‘support any friend.’ Although the current US strategy seems to be more decisive than before, is it is a wise choice in terms of future implications?
Conclusion
A comparison of Obama's approach and the Trump administration's still evolving policy towards adversarial states reveals marked changes in US strategy towards Syria and North Korea. Trump seems willing to use more sticks in his strategy towards adversaries. However, in the case of Iran, there seems to be greater continuity in US policy, which could be to avoid getting in the way of the JCPOA.
The down side to this strategy could be in terms of a regional fallout. Given the mounting regional challenges, the question is whether Trump’s strong actions towards Syria and North Korea are a good idea for all the stakeholders involved. The Trump administration will have to tread ahead with caution and carefully evaluate the marked difference in the behaviour of all three countries and the interests of the other stakeholders involved.

Why India’s Economic Reforms are Climate Unfriendly

Niharika Tagotra


The economic and fiscal policies of a government are the prime indicators of its priorities. In this regard, the Union Budget 2017 and the recently introduced Goods and Services Tax (GST) bill, hailed as a part of the larger economic reforms undertaken by the government, have little to show for in terms of India’s climate change commitments. That the economic policies and tax reforms appear to be inconsistent with the country’s climate change obligations highlights how policy makers in India are yet to give any serious thought to the issue. 

Budget 2017: Provisions for the Renewable Energy (RE) sector
Budget 2017, in a major push towards achieving greater energy security, introduced policies for the conventional energy sector. These included setting up of two new strategic crude oil reserves in Odisha and Rajasthan; and a significant cut in the import duty on Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) from 5 per cent to 2.5 per cent. Additionally, the budget announced 20 GW of solar capacity addition and feeding 7,000 railway stations with solar power along with a cut in import duty on solar tempered glass from 5 per cent to 0 per cent. However, these incentives for solar energy systems are far too little to provide momentum to the clean energy transition in India. 
 
Moreover, the Budget 2017 was silent on the most pressing issues concerning the renewable energy sector, including the extension of the Generation Based Incentive (GBI) scheme for the wind energy sector that expired on 31 March, 2017. This scheme, which has incentivised investments in the sector, was not extended further by the union government, and this is bound to affect the viability of the sector. 
The budget also failed to provide incentives for the rooftop solar project that could contribute approximately 15 GW of energy by 2022. The rooftop solar project could have been easily integrated with the larger housing schemes announced by the government, including the PM Gramin Aawas Yojana. While this would have helped normalise the domestic production of solar energy in the country, the lack of any creative integration of housing and clean energy under the larger umbrella of sustainable infrastructure is reflective of the union government’s little regard for the issue. 
 
Additionally, the budget was silent on the issue of strengthening the Renewable Purchase Obligations (RPO) market for the RE sector, the sluggishness of which has contributed to the low demand and lower investments in the sector.
 
GST: Impact on the RE Sector
While the budget gave little space to the clean energy sector, the recently passed GST bill is expected to further dent the RE market in India. As power (particularly electricity duty) is expected to be kept out of the purview of the GST, the prices of electricity are expected to escalate by 6-18 per cent. This is because while the companies will have to pay GST for their inputs, their taxes will not be refunded as the output (electricity) is exempted from the GST, and will continue to be subjected to state specific electricity duties. For the RE sector, inputs such as solar panels and wind turbines will be taxed at 18 per cent under the new tax regime, up from the current 12 per cent, with no benefit of input tax credit. This will most likely result in a major cascading effect for the sector, thus pushing up prices. On the contrary, the GST is expected to bring down prices for coal as many state cesses that were previously charged on the dry fuel are expected to be subsumed under the GST.
 
Meanwhile, tax exemptions previously provided for the sector are expected to be done away with. The Interstate GST (IGST) fixed at 20 per cent for interstate procurements could further push up the prices of goods that are procured by states through interstate commerce for the generation or distribution of electricity. Earlier, these items were provided with a concessional rate of Central Sales Tax of 2 per cent. 
 
However, in comparison, environment unfriendly items including petrol and diesel are proposed to be kept out of the purview of the GST in order to avoid the “inflationary pressures” that could affect the pricing of these commodities. This will, in turn, have an adverse impact on the bio-fuel industry that currently depends on the Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs) for the production, assimilation and distribution of bio-fuels. While the prices of conventional fuels are expected to remain the same, the prices of bio-fuels are expected to go up by 11-14 per cent under the new GST regime. The OMCs, which at present use a 5 per cent bio-diesel and 10 per cent ethanol mixed with petrol, are expected to bear the increase in the cost of these fuels, a move that could further disincentivise their use. 
 
Looking Ahead
The broader economic reforms undertaken by India appear to be out of sync with the pressing concerns about climate change mitigation. As a part of its voluntary commitments under the 2015 Paris climate deal, India had agreed to cut down on the emission intensity of its GDP by 20-25 per cent. This was to be accomplished by using fiscal instruments like promoting the RPO market, increasing taxes on petrol and diesel as well as strengthening the institutional arrangement for RE power. Instead, however, the government policies have essentially sought to disincetivise investments in the renewable energy sector.
 
In order to channelise its commitments towards the global climate change mitigation, India will need to harmonise its social, economic and environmental policies. That climate change is fast growing into a national security issue should make the government more pro-active and less reactive in its outlook.

Asia-Pacific: Is Middle Power Multilateralism Possible?

Chandrali Sarkar


In light of President Trump’s abandonment of the original ‘Pivot to Asia’ policy, a recent article in The Indian Express, titled ‘Delhi, Tokyo Canberra’, by C Raja Mohan and Rory Medcalf, has explored possible approaches to counter China’s rise. In the wake of US President Donald Trump’s decision to exit from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the uncertainty that is lurking with President Trump’s intentions in the Asia-Pacific region, the article proposes constructing a middle power coalition among India, Japan and Australia to counterbalance China. 

This commentary argues that the feasibility and efficacy of such a proposal seems unlikely at the moment for two reasons: - First, there is the question of whether or not India would want to portray itself as a middle power in this region; and second, the effectiveness of such a coalition vis-à-vis China’s rise is doubtful. 

India as a Middle Power
The US’ exit from TPP does not necessarily mean the US’s exit from the Asia-Pacific entirely; however it means greater scope for China to assert itself in the region. Thus the proposal of collaboration among Delhi, Tokyo, and Canberra to restore the balance of power vis-à-vis China automatically raises questions about how India would want to project itself. 
 
Japan and Australia express a clear stand against China. Despite their strong economic ties with China, they condemn the rising threat of China’s aggrandisement in the South China Sea (SCS). Japan's 2016 Defence White Paper elaborates on this stance. India, unlike the above countries, follows a tricky two-sided diplomacy with respect to China. On one hand India is trying to militarily counterbalance China through its overtures to Japan and Vietnam such as building stronger defense ties, with Japan through the Civil Nuclear Agreement; acknowledging Japan's permanency in the Malabar joint navel exercise in the Bay of Bengal in 2015; and providing the surface-to-air missile system to Vietnam. On the other hand, India and China share strong bilateral economic relations.
 
New Delhi and Beijing have strong differences on border issues, relations with Pakistan, and China’s expansionist policy in the Asia- Pacific Region. However, India refrains from using a stern stance against China that Japan and Australia do. India maintains a diplomatic ambiguity towards China.
 
India may not possess the capabilities of counterbalancing China single-handedly; but like the US, India sees itself as a potential balancer to China’s policies. Thus, it is for India to assess its capabilities and to decide how it wants to project itself; or whether it wants to keep its position ambiguous, if that ambiguity is to its advantage. 
 
Prospective Multilateralism
The second challenge concerns the efficacy of the prospective coalition. This prompts an analysis on the geopolitics of the Asia-Pacific region that plays a significant role in determining the profitability of the middle power coalition. Here, the nations are scattered and most are incapable of unilaterally exerting influence in world politics. Therefore, multilateralism, i.e. a coalition seems, to be the effective solution to ideally balance the scale of power in this region. The authors of ‘Delhi, Tokyo Canberra’ suggest that the trilateral coalition would not do much beyond sending a strong message against China’s rise. This raises questions of how the utility of such a coalition can be improved.  
 
If a middle power coalition is to be attempted, then such an alliance needs the support of other smaller regional powers such a Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam - countries that traditionally condemned China for its expansionist policies. This could enable the trilateral configuration to transform into a stronger and more effective multilateral one to fill a power vacuum potentially left by the US in case it chooses to follow a less assertive foreign policy. 
 
At present, the possibility of such an alliance seems very bleak, owing to Indonesia's and the Philippines’ positions. The Philippines has altered its approximately seven decade old foreign policy stance and is trying to improve its relationship with China by seeking to resolve their SCS dispute. Despite its dispute regarding Natuna Island in the SCS, Indonesia’s strong economic ties with China could deter it from directly posing a strong opposition.
 
Vietnam and Singapore have demonstrated stronger resistance towards China’s assertions. This is evident in their individual disputes with China in the SCS region and public condemnation of the same. These countries, along with Australia and Japan, could be part of a pragmatic alliance against China; but would this core group be able to effectively balance China without India and the US’ support?  And would they be able to rise beyond their economic dependency on China and make a collective move against it? These are some vital questions that need to be examined before coming to conclusions about the effectiveness of a middle power coalition in the Asia-Pacific.
 
Conclusion
In analysing the plausibility of multilateralism among these middle powers, it can be said that the geopolitical configuration of this region makes group effort an ideal approach. However, such a group effort is not possible owing to these countries' respective self interests that guide their foreign policies. Under such circumstances, the possibility of a middle power coalition becomes dim.

12 Apr 2017

Arturo Falaschi ICGEB Postdoctoral Fellowships for Scientists in Developing Countries 2017/2018

Application Deadline: 31st March 2017 and 30th September 2017
Eligible Countries: Developing Countries
To be taken at (country): Trieste, New Delhi or Cape Town.
About the Award: The Arturo Falaschi ICGEB Fellowships programme offers long and short-term fellowships for scientists who are nationals of ICGEB Member States. ICGEB offers competitive Postdoctoral Fellowships in the Life Sciences to highly motivated scientists wishing to pursue postdoctoral research in a world-class scientific environment.

Type: Fellowship
Eligibility: 
  • Applicants must be nationals of an ICGEB Member State and may not apply for fellowships to be undertaken in their country of origin, unless they have been working abroad for, at least, the last 3 years and at the time of application.
  • Degree requirements: applicants should hold a recent PhD in Life Sciences or have at least 3 years research experience.
  • Preference is given to candidates below the age of 35.
Selection Criteria: The ICGEB Fellowships Selection Committee will evaluate complete and endorsed applications received by the closing date. The main criteria for selection include scientific excellence of the project, the qualities of the candidate’s CV and potential benefit for the home country.
Selection: All submitted applications will be transmitted to the respective ICGEB Liaison Officer in the country of which you are a national for endorsement. Endorsement is a fundamental requirement for the Fellowship to be awarded
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Fellowship: The Fellowships consist of a very competitive package including stipend, health insurance and additional benefits. The most successful fellows will also be eligible, upon completion, to apply for ICGEB Early Career Research Grants to support their own research programmes as young PIs upon return to an ICGEB Member State.
Duration of Fellowship: 2 years with the possibility of a 1-year extension.
How to Apply: To apply, Applicants should contact the ICGEB Group Leader/PI of their choice with a motivation letter, to determine availability of laboratory space and to define the research project proposal that will form an integral part of the application.
Award Provider: Arturo Falaschi
Important Notes: ICGEB makes no financial provision, nor can it provide administrative support for family members of participants in the programme.

Mozilla Fellowships for Research in Open Science and Data Sharing 2017

Application Deadline: 14th May, 2017 at 11:59PM EDT.
Eligible Countries: All. As long as interested candidate is legally allowed to work in the country they currently reside in.
About the Award: We’re looking for researchers with a passion for open source and data sharing, already working to shift research practice to be more collaborative, iterative and open. Fellows will spend 10 months starting September 2017 as community catalysts at their institutions, mentoring the next generation of open data practitioners and researchers and building lasting change in the global open science community.
Throughout their fellowship term, chosen fellows will receive training and support from Mozilla to hone their skills around open source, data sharing, open science policy and licensing. They will also craft code, curriculum and other learning resources that help their local communities learn open data practices, and teach their institutional peers.
Type: Fellowship
Eligibility: Fellows must be:
  • be currently employed at a research institution
  • have the ability to accept outside funds for this fellowship directly (i.e., not distributed through the institution)
  • be an early-career researcher (i.e., graduate students, post-docs, research scientists, lecturers)
  • specialize in scientific research: physical, life, social, library, or natural sciences
  • be able to travel
  • obtain support from their advisors. As fellows will be based at their home institutions, please note that a letter of support from their advisor is mandatory for consideration
  • have experience participating in open communities
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Fellowship: Fellows will receive:
  • a stipend of $60,000 USD, paid in 10 monthly installments
  • a one-time health insurance supplement for Fellows and their families, ranging from $3,500 for single Fellows to $7,000 for a couple with two or more children
  • a one-time childcare allotment of up to $6,000 for families with children
  • an allowance of up to $3,000 towards the purchase of laptop computer, digital cameras, recorders and computer software; fees for continuing studies or other courses, research fees or payments, to the extent such purchases and fees are related to the fellowship
  • coverage in full for all approved fellowship trips – domestic and international
Duration of Fellowship: 10
How to Apply: Apply here
Award Provider: Mozilla
Important Notes: Fellows are encouraged to continue their personal research for up to 20% of their time during the course of their fellowship (i.e., one day a week). Fellowship applicants must have buy-in from their supervisors in advance, and include Advisors’ contact information on the application. Advisors will be interviewed separately should applicants move on to the second round, and their support will be a critical consideration for acceptance of fellows.

Total E&P Postgraduate Scholarships for Nigerian Students 2017/2018

Application Timeline:
  • Deadline: 14th July 2017
  • Aptitude Test: July 26, 2017.
  • Oral interview: August 23, 2017 at IPS Park
To be taken at (country): Nigeria
About the Award: The aim of this operations-oriented Post Graduate Diploma in Petroleum Technology programme, sponsored by TOTAL E&P NIGERIA LIMITED, is to improve the technical competence and skills of graduates from the communities in which they operate to make them effective and competitive for recruitment in the petroleum industry.
On completion of this programme, the graduates will among other skills, be able to:
  • Effectively use Petroleum Engineering Softwares
  • Supervise drilling operations, develop wells and carry out drilling optimization programmes
  • Supervise, and evaluate well completion, Workover and well stimulation programmes
  • Operate onshore and offshore oil and gas production facilities
  • Carry out well performance enhancement programmes
Type: Postgraduate 
Eligibility: Candidates must possess a  minimum  of  Second Class  Honours  (Lower Division), Bachelor’s Degree in any branch of Engineering and the Physical/Chemical Sciences and should have completed their NYSC. There shall be written test and oral screening to further determine suitability of candidates.
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: 
  • Award of Diploma: Successful students, at the end of the programme, shall receive a Diploma of the University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria.
  • Professional Certification: Students may be exposed to programmes and presented with Associate Environment Practitioners (AEP) Certification (NREP, USA).
How to Apply:  A non-refundable application fee of Fifteen Thousand Naira (#15, 000) in certified bank draft shall be made payable to the Institute of Petroleum Studies, University of Port Harcourt. Applicants should include a pre-paid FedEx envelope with the draft and collect the form in person. Forms can be filled online from IPS website and also make payment online.
  • Names of short-listed candidates will be displayed on IPS website: www.ipsng.org
  • Short-listed candidates will also be contacted by e-mail
Award Provider: Total E&P Nigeria Limited
Important Notes: Note that sponsorship of candidate(s) by any of the  participating companies does not guarantee recruitment of such candidate(s) into their Employment at the end of the programme)

World Trade Organisation (WTO) Young Professionals Program 2018

Application Deadline: 10th May 2017 (CET)
Offered annually?
Eligible Countries: Afghanistan, Albania, Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Armenia, Bahrain, Kingdom of Belize, Bolivia, Plurinational State of Brunei Darussalam, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Cambodia, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Cuba, Djibouti, Dominica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Fiji, Gabon, Georgia, Grenada, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hong Kong, China, Indonesia, Israel, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, the State of, Kyrgyz Republic, Lao People’s Democratic Republic , Lesotho, Liberia, Macao, China Madagascar, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania,Moldova, Republic of, Mongolia, Montenegro,Mozambique,Myanmar, Namibia, Nicaragua, Niger, Oman, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Qatar,Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Kingdom of, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Swaziland, Chinese Taipei, Tajikistan, Thailand, The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,Togo, Tonga,United Arab Emirates, Vanuatu, Yemen
About the Award: The WTO Young Professionals Programme (YPP) is a unique opportunity for qualified young professionals up to the age of 32 years as at 1 January 2018, from eligible developing and least-developed country (LDC) WTO Members, to enhance their knowledge and skills on WTO and international trade issues. The Programme aims to widen the pool of professionals from these countries who can later be more competitive with respect to recruitment in the WTO and/or other regional and international organizations.
This is a limited programme that offers selected young professionals with the opportunity to gain work experience in the WTO. There is no guarantee of an extension of the programme or of a job offer after the one-year programme.
Fields of Work: The areas of work may include, inter alia, Accessions, Agriculture, Dispute Settlement, Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs), Government Procurement, Market Access (tariffs and non-tariff barriers), Rules, Trade and Development, Trade Facilitation, Economic research, Trade Policy Analysis, Trade in Services and Investment, Council and Trade Negotiations, Trade and Environment, Technical Barriers to Trade, Sanitary and Phytosanitary measures, Trade-Related Technical assistance.
Type: Temporary appointment
Eligibility: Applicants must be 32 years old or younger, as at 1 January 2018. A cover letter (letter of motivation) MUST accompany the application – the letter should also note UP TO THREE areas of work that applicants would be interested in, in order of preference. Applications with no accompanying letter will not be considered.
Qualifications:
Education:
Advanced university degree in law economics, or other international trade-related subjects relevant to WTO work
Knowledge and skills:
Relevant expertise or continued academic study in a field of interest to the work of the WTO.
Ability to think strategically; work independently and in a team.
Demonstrated strong interest in international trade.
Commitment and passion for trade or WTO-related work
Work Experience:
Minimum two (2) years of relevant experience
Languages:
Fluency in English. A good working knowledge of one other official WTO language, French or Spanish, would be an advantage
Value of Program: CHF 3,500 monthly salary (approximate)
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Duration of Program: One year without possibility of extension
How to Apply: All candidates must complete an online application form on the Program Webpage
Award Provider: World Trade Organisation (WTO)