7 Sept 2017

Obama Foundation Fellowship for Civic Innovators Worldwide 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 6th October 2017

Eligible Countries: International
To Be Taken At (Country): USA
About the Award: The Obama Foundation Fellows will be a diverse set of community-minded rising stars – organizers, inventors, artists, entrepreneurs, journalists, and more – who are altering the civic engagement landscape. By engaging their fellow citizens to work together in new and meaningful ways, Obama Foundation Fellows will model how any individual can become an active citizen in their community.
The inaugural class of 20 Fellows will be integral to shaping the program and the community of Fellows for future years. For this first class, we’re seeking participants who are especially excited about helping us design, test, and refine the Fellowship.
Type: Fellowship 
Eligibility: 
  • Civic innovators: We’re looking for individuals who are working to solve important public problems in creative and powerful ways. We are inspired by a broad vision of what it means to be “civic,” one that includes leaders tackling a range of issues, in both traditional and unconventional ways.
  • Discipline diverse: We need people working from all angles and with different perspectives to strengthen our communities and civic life. This fellowship is for organizers, inventors, artists, entrepreneurs, journalists, and more. It is for those working within systems like governments or businesses, as well as those working outside of formal institutions.
  • At a tipping point in their work: Successful applicants have already demonstrated meaningful impact in their communities, gaining recognition among their peers for their contributions. Now, they stand at a breakthrough moment in their careers. They’re poised to use the Fellowship to significantly advance their work, perhaps by launching new platforms, expanding to broader audiences, or taking their work to a national or global stage. If you’ve already gained global recognition for your work or if your civic innovation work has just begun, you may not be the ideal candidate for this program.
  • Talented, but not connected: We are committed to expanding the circle of opportunity to include new and varied voices. Thus we have a strong preference for civic innovators who are not currently connected to the networks and resources they need to advance their work. If you’re not sure whether you fit this description, feel free to apply — and make sure to articulate how the resources of the Fellowship would uniquely impact your work.
  • Good humans: We are building an authentic community. A strong moral character is essential for the strength of this community, the integrity of the program, and the longevity of its value. We’re seeking inspirational individuals who demonstrate humility and work collaboratively with others towards shared goals.
Number of Awards: Not specified
Value of Award: The Foundation will cover transportation and accommodation for the in-person convenings. While the Foundation can provide support in procuring visas, Fellows will be responsible for covering any visa costs.
  • The two-year, non-residential Fellowship will offer hands-on training, resources, and leadership development.
  • Fellows will also participate in four multi-day gatherings where they will collaborate with each other, connect with potential partners, and collectively push their work forward.
  • Throughout the program, each Fellow will pursue a personalized plan to leverage Fellowship resources to take their work to the next level.
Duration of Program: 2 years
How to Apply: APPLY
Award Providers: Obama Foundation

What Country is This?

John W. Whitehead


“The Fourth Amendment was designed to stand between us and arbitrary governmental authority. For all practical purposes, that shield has been shattered, leaving our liberty and personal integrity subject to the whim of every cop on the beat, trooper on the highway and jail official.”
—Herman Schwartz, The Nation
Our freedoms—especially the Fourth Amendment—are being choked out by a prevailing view among government bureaucrats that they have the right to search, seize, strip, scan, shoot, spy on, probe, pat down, taser, and arrest any individual at any time and for the slightest provocation.
Forced cavity searches, forced colonoscopies, forced blood draws, forced breath-alcohol tests, forced DNA extractions, forced eye scans, forced inclusion in biometric databases: these are just a few ways in which Americans are being forced to accept that we have no control over our bodies, our lives and our property, especially when it comes to interactions with the government.
Worse, on a daily basis, Americans are being made to relinquish the most intimate details of who we are—our biological makeup, our genetic blueprints, and our biometrics (facial characteristics and structure, fingerprints, iris scans, etc.)—in order to clear the nearly insurmountable hurdle that increasingly defines life in the United States: we are now guilty until proven innocent.
Such is life in America today that individuals are being threatened with arrest and carted off to jail for the least hint of noncompliance, homes are being raided by police under the slightest pretext, property is being seized on the slightest hint of suspicious activity, and roadside police stops have devolved into government-sanctioned exercises in humiliation and degradation with a complete disregard for privacy and human dignity.
Consider, for example, what happened to Utah nurse Alex Wubbels after a police detective demanded to take blood from a badly injured, unconscious patient without a warrant.
Wubbels refused, citing hospital policy that requires police to either have a warrant or permission from the patient in order to draw blood. The detective had neither. Irate, the detective threatened to have Wubbels arrested if she didn’t comply. Backed up by her supervisors, Wubbels respectfully stood her ground only to be roughly grabbed, shoved out of the hospital, handcuffed and forced into an unmarked car while hospital police looked on and failed to intervene (take a look at the police body camera footage, which has gone viral, and see for yourself).
Michael Chorosky didn’t have an advocate like Wubbels to stand guard over his Fourth Amendment rights. Chorosky was surrounded by police, strapped to a gurney and then had his blood forcibly drawn after refusing to submit to a breathalyzer test. “What country is this? What country is this?” cried Chorosky during the forced blood draw.
What country is this indeed?
Unfortunately, forced blood draws are just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to the indignities and abuses being heaped on Americans in the so-called name of “national security.”
Forced cavity searches, forced colonoscopies and forced roadside strip searches are also becoming par for the course in an age in which police are taught to have no respect for the citizenry’s bodily integrity whether or not a person has done anything wrong.
For example, 21-year-old Charnesia Corley was allegedly being pulled over by Texas police in 2015 for “rolling” through a stop sign. Claiming they smelled marijuana, police handcuffed Corley, placed her in the back of the police cruiser, and then searched her car for almost an hour. No drugs were found in the car.
As the Houston Chronicle reported:
Returning to his car where Corley was held, the deputy again said he smelled marijuana and called in a female deputy to conduct a cavity search. When the female deputy arrived, she told Corley to pull her pants down, but Corley protested because she was cuffed and had no underwear on. The deputy ordered Corley to bend over, pulled down her pants and began to search her. Then…Corley stood up and protested, so the deputy threw her to the ground and restrained her while another female was called in to assist. When backup arrived, each deputy held one of Corley’s legs apart to conduct the probe.
The cavity search lasted 11 minutes. This practice is referred to as “rape by cop.”
Although Corley was charged with resisting arrest and with possession of 0.2 grams of marijuana, those charges were subsequently dropped.
David Eckert was forced to undergo an anal cavity search, three enemas, and a colonoscopy after allegedly failing to yield to a stop sign at a Wal-Mart parking lot. Cops justified the searches on the grounds that they suspected Eckert was carrying drugs because his “posture [was] erect” and “he kept his legs together.” No drugs were found.
During a routine traffic stop, Leila Tarantino was subjected to two roadside strip searches in plain view of passing traffic, while her two children—ages 1 and 4—waited inside her car. During the second strip search, presumably in an effort to ferret out drugs, a female officer “forcibly removed” a tampon from Tarantino. No contraband or anything illegal was found.
Thirty-eight-year-old Angel Dobbs and her 24-year-old niece, Ashley, were pulled over by a Texas state trooper on July 13, 2012, allegedly for flicking cigarette butts out of the car window. Insisting that he smelled marijuana, the trooper proceeded to interrogate them and search the car. Despite the fact that both women denied smoking or possessing any marijuana, the police officer then called in a female trooper, who carried out a roadside cavity search, sticking her fingers into the older woman’s anus and vagina, then performing the same procedure on the younger woman, wearing the same pair of gloves. No marijuana was found.
Sixty-nine-year-old Gerald Dickson was handcuffed and taken into custody (although not arrested or charged with any crime) after giving a ride to a neighbor’s son, whom police suspected of being a drug dealer. Despite Dickson’s insistence that the bulge under his shirt was the result of a botched hernia surgery, police ordered Dickson to “strip off his clothes, bend over and expose all of his private parts. No drugs or contraband were found.”
Meanwhile, four Milwaukee police officers were charged with carrying out rectal searches of suspects on the street and in police district stations over the course of several years. One of the officers was accused of conducting searches of men’s anal and scrotal areas, often inserting his fingers into their rectums and leaving some of his victims with bleeding rectums.
It’s gotten so bad that you don’t even have to be suspected of possessing drugs to be subjected to a strip search.
A North Carolina public school allegedly strip-searched a 10-year-old boy in search of a $20 bill lost by another student, despite the fact that the boy, J.C., twice told school officials he did not have the missing money. The assistant principal reportedly ordered the fifth grader to disrobe down to his underwear and subjected him to an aggressive strip-search that included rimming the edge of his underwear. The missing money was later found in the school cafeteria.
Suspecting that Georgia Tech alum Mary Clayton might have been attempting to smuggle a Chick-Fil-A sandwich into the football stadium, a Georgia Tech police officer allegedly subjected the season ticket-holder to a strip search that included a close examination of her underwear and bra. No contraband chicken was found.
What these incidents show is that while forced searches may span a broad spectrum of methods and scenarios, the common denominator remains the same: a complete disregard for the rights of the citizenry.
In fact, in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Florence v. Burlison, any person who is arrested and processed at a jail house, regardless of the severity of his or her offense (i.e., they can be guilty of nothing more than a minor traffic offense), can be subjected to a strip search by police or jail officials without reasonable suspicion that the arrestee is carrying a weapon or contraband.
Examples of minor infractions which have resulted in strip searches include: individuals arrested for driving with a noisy muffler, driving with an inoperable headlight, failing to use a turn signal, riding a bicycle without an audible bell, making an improper left turn, and engaging in an antiwar demonstration (the individual searched was a nun, a Sister of Divine Providence for 50 years).
Police have also carried out strip searches for passing a bad check, dog leash violations, filing a false police report, failing to produce a driver’s license after making an illegal left turn, having outstanding parking tickets, and public intoxication. A failure to pay child support can also result in a strip search.
As technology advances, these searches are becoming more invasive on a cellular level, as well.
For instance, close to 600 motorists leaving Penn State University one Friday night were stopped by police and, without their knowledge or consent, subjected to a breathalyzer test using flashlights that can detect the presence of alcohol on a person’s breath. These passive alcohol sensors are being hailed as a new weapon in the fight against DUIs. (Those who refuse to knowingly submit to a breathalyzer test are being subjected to forced blood draws. Thirty states presently allow police to do forced blood draws on drivers as part of a nationwide “No Refusal” initiative funded by the federal government. Not even court rulings declaring such practices to be unconstitutional in the absence of a warrant have slowed down the process. Now police simply keep a magistrate on call to rubber stamp the procedure over the phone.)
The National Highway Safety Administration, the same government agency that funds the “No Refusal” DUI checkpoints and forcible blood draws, is also funding nationwide roadblocks aimed at getting drivers to “voluntarily” provide police with DNA derived from saliva and blood samples, reportedly to study inebriation patterns. In at least 28 states, there’s nothing voluntary about having one’s DNA collected by police in instances where you’ve been arrested, whether or not you’re actually convicted of a crime. All of this DNA data is being fed to the federal government.
Airline passengers, already subjected to virtual strip searches, are now being scrutinized even more closely, with the Customs and Border Protection agency tasking airport officials with monitoring the bowel movements of passengers suspected of ingesting drugs. They even have a special hi-tech toilet designed to filter through a person’s fecal waste.
Iris scans, an essential part of the U.S. military’s boots-on-the-ground approach to keeping track of civilians in Iraq and Afghanistan, are becoming a de facto method of building the government’s already mammoth biometrics database. Funded by the Dept. of Justice, along with other federal agencies, the iris scan technology is being incorporated into police precincts, jails, immigration checkpoints, airports and even schools. School officials—from elementary to college—have begun using iris scans in place of traditional ID cards. In some parts of the country, parents wanting to pick their kids up from school have to first submit to an iris scan.
As for those endless pictures everyone so cheerfully uploads to Facebook (which has the largest facial recognition database in the world) or anywhere else on the internet, they’re all being accessed by the police, filtered with facial recognition software, uploaded into the government’s mammoth biometrics database and cross-checked against its criminal files. With good reason, civil libertarians fear these databases could “someday be used for monitoring political rallies, sporting events or even busy downtown areas.”
While the Fourth Amendment was created to prevent government officials from searching an individual’s person or property without a warrant and probable cause—evidence that some kind of criminal activity was afoot—the founders could scarcely have imagined a world in which we needed protection against widespread government breaches of our privacy, including on a cellular level.
Yet that’s exactly what we are lacking and what we so desperately need.
Unfortunately, the indignities being heaped upon us by the architects and agents of the American police state—whether or not we’ve done anything wrong—are just a foretaste of what is to come.
As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: the War on the American People, the government doesn’t need to tie you to a gurney and forcibly take your blood or strip you naked by the side of the road in order to render you helpless. It has other methods—less subtle perhaps but equally humiliating, devastating and mind-altering—of stripping you of your independence, robbing you of your dignity, and undermining your rights.
With every court ruling that allows the government to operate above the rule of law, every piece of legislation that limits our freedoms, and every act of government wrongdoing that goes unpunished, we’re slowly being conditioned to a society in which we have little real control over our bodies or our lives.

Intensified Forest Fires: The New Western Travesty

JOSHUA FRANK

The West is engulfed in flames.
A 14-square-mile fire in Glacier National Park has destroyed a historic backcountry lodge and towns from Boise, Idaho to Missoula, Montana are covered in smoke from nearby fires. Residents are cautioned to stay indoors due to unhealthy air quality.
Down in Yosemite, a 15-square-mile wildfire is burning around a grove of 2,700 year old sequoias.
Up in Washington a fire is blazing near Mount Rainier National Park, which grew to more than 29-square-miles over the weekend. Ash is falling in Seattle for the first time since the eruption of Mount St. Helens in 1980.
A man-made fire in Oregon, allegedly caused by fireworks, is burning out of control through the Columbia River Gorge, which had reached 10,000 acres as of this writing and is devastating Eagle Creek, one of the most scenic and revered hiking areas in Mount Hood National Forest. The flames in the Gorge are now threatening the Multnomah Falls Lodge, a popular destination for tourists.
Many more fires are spreading fast from California to New Mexico to Colorado, with little reprieve in sight.
Like the intensified hurricanes in the Atlantic, forest fires in the Western U.S. are getting worse every summer because our climate is in peril. Below is a piece I wrote in 2013 on this destructive and deadly new norm. – JF
Montana, 2013
As my wife Chelsea and I drove through Arizona on our annual pilgrimage from California to Montana, orange smoke billowed along the darkened horizon, signals of hearts shattered and landscapes scorched. Days earlier nineteen hot shot firefighters died together as they battled the intense blazes near the mountain town of Yarnell. It was the most lethal wildfire America had witnessed in 80 years.
The Yarnell flames were so erratic and intense the team became suddenly trapped, and despite each of the men deploying their individual fire shelters, all fighting the flames that day perished. The lone survivor was out fetching a truck for his crew, only to return to the gruesome scene to find his buddies were gone. It was the single deadliest incident for firefighters since the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center.
Fires like the one that charred the small Yarnell community are only growing in size and ferocity in the West. According to the National Interagency Fire Center, the number of wildfires every year in the U.S. has remained relatively steady, but their size has increased dramatically. In 1987, a little over 2.4 million acres burned across the country whereas 2012 saw over 9.3 million acres go up in flames. That’s more than the size of Rhode Island and Maryland combined and it’s a trend many see as only increasing as more droughts plague Western states and climate change continues to rear its ugly head.
“Today, western forests are experiencing longer wildfire seasons and more acres burned compared to several decades ago,” says Todd Sanford, a climate scientist at the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS). “The greatest increase has occurred in mid-elevation Northern Rockies forests, which are having higher spring and summer temperatures and earlier snowmelt. These conditions are linked to climate change.”
Seven of the largest fires since 1960 have occurred over the last twelve years. As these fires get larger, more homes, particularly those built in fire zones, are being lost. For example, this year’s Black Forest Fire in Colorado consumed over 500 homes, while last year’s Waldo Canyon Fire, only a few miles away, burned almost 350 houses. Even the U.S. Forest Service is beginning to hone in on the real culprit behind the intensified flames.
“We’re seeing more acres burned and more burned in large fires,” says Dave Cleaves, climate-change adviser for the U.S. Forest Service. “The changing climate is not only accelerating the intensity of these disturbances, but linking them more closely together.”
Rising summer temperatures are exacerbating drought conditions and increasing pests like mountain pine beetles, which are ravaging Western forests and killing trees that in turn provide fuel for wildfires. Drought conditions in Arizona have been so bad over the past twenty years that trees like evergreens, manzanitas, oak and mahogany are drying up, becoming increasingly susceptible to fire.
Predictably, the Forest Service argues that fires could be mitigated with increased fuel reductions, ie “logging”. But the fact is, under extreme fire weather conditions virtually all fuel reductions fail, and what we are seeing today is certainly extreme.
“Even a degree or so warmer, day in day out, evaporates water faster and that desiccates the system more,” says University of Montana fire ecologist Steve Running.
Professor Running knows his numbers. Over the past 10 years temperatures have risen 1.6 degrees Fahrenheit across the continental United States, with certain states out west seeing an even larger jump. Arizona’s average annual temperature, for instance, has risen 2.3 degrees. Yet, even as it gets warmer and fires burn hotter, people are continuing to build homes in fire-prone areas. And no real entity is putting a stop to it. Banks are not evaluating loans based on the potential for wildfire and homeowners are having little trouble insuring their properties despite being built in the path of potential flames.
As climate change increases fire activity, it is also contributing to the Forest Service’s efforts to battle fires. In the last ten years firefighting staff at the agency doubled. Currently 40% of the Forest Service’s annual budget is allocated toward battling wildfires at over $2 billion a year. The agency’s staff has a lot of ground to cover, about 231 million acres of public forest land alone has a moderate to high fire risk. Of course, most of the focus is on protecting areas where homes are vulnerable. According to the Forest Service chief Thomas Tidwell, the number of houses built within half a mile of national forests exploded from 484,000 in 1940 to 1.8 million in 2000. That’s a lot of property to protect at taxpayer’s expense.
According to the Fannie Mae Foundation, which is not exactly a foe to development, Denver ranked fourth in the country for urban sprawl in 2000, trailing only Atlanta, Miami and Detroit. Fannie Mae cited these cities as spreading outside their urban centers at a dangerous rate. Strip malls line the Denver suburbs, where the housing developments are reminiscent of the endless tract homes of Orange County, California. Much of this vast expansion has pushed communities into fire prone habitat that is affected by pine beetle infestations.
Winter temperatures aren’t as cold as they used to be in the Rocky Mountains or in the Pacific Northwest, glaciers are melting and snow packs are decreasing faster than normal. As such, insects like the native pine beetle are surviving the winter months and thriving once spring rolls around, which is becoming earlier every season. The Forest Service estimates that areas in Colorado affected by pine beetles is around 3.4 million acres, which almost matches the combined 3.7 million that presently impact Wyoming and South Dakota. The Forest Service notes that the pace has slowed somewhat, but that’s only because mature trees in the outbreak hotspots have already been killed off.
Having grown up in and around Western forests, the epidemic is apparent at first glance. Discolored trees pepper forest landscapes with brown and orange hues. It’s a spooky climate change omen. It’s as if these coniferous pines have somehow turned deciduous.
Colorado’s ritzy Beaver Creek Resort, 100 miles west of Denver, is one of the many places where the pine beetle has left its deadly mark. “We can’t stem the tide,” Tony O’Rourke, executive director of Beaver Creek’s Home Owners Association told Newsweek in 2008.
The solution to protect Beaver Creek’s multi-million dollar homes O’Rourke represents? Clear-cutting. No trees means no fires. Of course, allowing fires to burn would be a healthier way to manage the problem, but O’Rourke and others aren’t about to risk losing their mountain mansions.
According to a study by CoreLogic, Colorado is number three of 13 Western states for the most high-risk homes insured, trailing only California and Texas. The study indicated there are over 121,000 homes in Colorado that were built in or near forest land. A whopping 2,000 structures have been burned in these so-called “red zones” since 2002. However, this hasn’t staunched development. From 2000 to 2010 almost 100,000 new homes were built in wildfire prone areas of Colorado, bringing the total number to 556,000.
***
After traversing state highways out of Colorado and north through Wyoming’s coal-country, stopping off in South Dakota’s Custer State Park, Chelsea and I head on up to my hometown of Billings, Montana. A dozen hours on these lonely highways and it is easy to see that the coal barons, developers and their allies are the West’s biggest menace. No longer is the air fresh, Wyoming’s unfettered gas drilling has made parts of the state’s air quality worse than Los Angeles’ on its worst days. Endless streams of coal trains roll past, piled to the brim with black rock bound for incinerators abroad. Wyoming’s Black Thunder mining pit, operated by Arch Coal, is the first mine to ship out 1 billion tons of coal. It’s a disgusting sight to see. This coal, of course, is one of the greatest contributors to global warming which is causing wildfires to worsen.
Author William Kittredge calls my home state of Montana the “Last Best Place,” but I often wonder how long his phrase will remain apt. The majestic ice formations of Glacier National Park, for instance, have been in retreat for years, victims of climate change. Massive fires are bound to follow. Some of the very glaciers I enjoyed in my youth, less than twenty years ago, are no longer around. Fish too may soon be casualties.
On the Madison River, where I cast my first fly, the number of days where the water temperature is dangerous for trout species (around 70 degrees) increased from six days a year in the 1980s to 15 over the past decade. It’s a sad reality for those that make their living entertaining wealthy Hollywood producers and Wall Street brokers on weeklong fishing expeditions along Montana’s mighty rivers: if trout numbers decline so will tourist dollars.
Pine beetles, as in most other Western states, are also destroying trees in Montana along with a staple food source for threatened grizzly bears. As CounterPunch author Doug Peacock has written, “During 2008, the bears suffered a double disaster: grizzlies died in record numbers and global warming dealt what could be a death blow to the bear’s most important food source. Some 54 grizzly bears were known to have died in 2008, the highest mortality ever recorded … Related to the high mortality of 2008 was the massive die off of whitebark pine trees, whose nuts are the bear’s principal fall food. Mountain pine beetles killed the trees; the warm winters of the past decade allowed the insects to move up the mountains into the higher whitebark pine forests.”
Wildfires in Montana have also increased over the past several decades. Over 2 million acres of forest land burned in 2007 and nearly 2 million more in 2012, a significant increase from the worst years of the 1980s and ’90s.
As humans continue to spew more carbon dioxide and methane into the atmosphere the world’s climate will continue to be altered. In fact, as many scientists believe, there may already be no turning back. Warmer winters, hotter summers, drought and burning forests (and the homes built in them) will soon be the new reality for the Western United States. The signs are already all around us. If you don’t believe me just take a little road trip through the Rocky Mountains to see the travesty for yourself.
Just remember to bring your camera so you can capture it before it goes up in smoke.

End Games: the Apocalyptic Trope That Swallowed the World

Chris Floyd 

Everywhere you look these days, you see the trope: the “end of the world” is nigh from a nuclear war. You see it in somber headlines, in weighty punditry, even in throwaway jokes in the middle of, say, a TV review: “Looks like the BBC finally has a comedy hit — just as the world is about to blow up!” Ha ha. The current situation with North Korea is being portrayed as if it’s a reboot of the Cuban Missile Crisis, with two massively armed superpowers on the brink of all-out global conflagration.
But putting aside the entirely context-less hype and fear-mongering of our media and political elites, even if there were some kind of war between the US and North Korea, it would not remotely lead to anything like the “end of the world.” The US has thousands of immediately launchable nuclear weapons; North Korea has, er, none. And even if you believe Pyongyang’s propaganda (and if you swallow it about their nuclear weapons program, why not believe their BS about the happy workers’ paradise they have there?), you’re still left with the fact that North Korea might be able to put a weapon on a missile at some point in the future. OK, then they could possibly lob this missile (or heck, two or three of them, maybe) in the direction of the United States – which, we assume, would just stand back and watch this happen, despite having North Korea absolutely blanketed with surveillance and having the ability to destroy any launcher the instant it reared skyward. And then North Korea would be obliterated by a US retaliation.
So even if this actually impossible worst-case scenario happened, where is the global nuclear conflagration that would destroy the entire world? Is Russia – the only other country actually capable of destroying a good bit of the world – going to launch a suicidal nuclear attack on the US because North Korea launched a sneak attack on the US and the US responded? Would China launch its handful of nukes at the US, knowing it would face instant annihilation? Gormless goobers like Donald Trump and John McCain might think so. But Russia and China have already said they themselves would punish North Korea if it launched an unprovoked attack on the US (or anyone else).
Thus, even if, God forbid, there was a nuclear exchange between the US and North Korea, the world would not end, human civilization would not collapse, etc, etc. Where would the other missiles, the ones that would destroy the whole world, come from? Are people assuming that if North Korea launched one of the nuclear-armed missiles it doesn’t have at the US, the US would then launch its entire nuclear arsenal all over the world in a paroxysm of destruction? This fear-mongering trope makes no actual sense. But is certainly very useful in keeping people cringing and anxious – and looking to their “leaders” to save them from the weirdo insane crazy animal in North Korea who is somehow going to blow up the entire world all by himself! Oh, Mr. President, we forgive all that Nazi-coddling stuff; just save us from the monster!
And what about the aforementioned context of the current crisis? The latest racheting up began, we’re told, when North Korea fired a missile over a Japanese island: an act of “unprovoked aggression,” it was said. But what else was going on at the same time? Well, a vast “war game” being carried out by the United States, Japan and South Korea right on North Korea’s doorstep (and on the Japanese island overflown by the missile). As Mike Whitney points out, these “provocative war games [were] designed to simulate an invasion of North Korea and a “decapitation” operation to remove (i.e., kill) the regime.” North Korea had asked the US not to begin the “decapitation” games, or else it would have to respond. Thus the launch of the unarmed missile. Then, as Whitney notes, a few days later US B-1 bombers conducted a “dummy” nuclear bombing run near Seoul. This was followed by North Korea’s claim of a successful H-bomb test, and the claim it could mount a nuke on a missile.
Now, North Korea is a loathsome, tyrannical regime. It is might even be somewhat worse than Saudi Arabia, the extremely close ally of the US and the UK. (Although women can drive in North Korea, and even hold office.) But you don’t have to defend the regime to see that the current crisis is not happening in a vacuum; it is not simply some mystical motiveless malignancy bubbling up from a cauldron of pure, senseless evil.
I’m so old I can remember — way back in the 1990s — when a landmark agreement was reached with North Korea. In exchange for giving up its nuclear program, the US and its allies would provide help with peaceful nuclear power, food, development — and would, finally, begin negotiations for a peace treaty that would at last bring the Korean War to an official end. This would allow something more like normal relations to go forward.
But in the time-honored Washington fashion (just ask the Native Americans), the US began almost immediately to undermine the agreement. Promised equipment, food and aid was not delivered. North Korea too was being cagey, and every hesitation or unseemly remark on its part was used as an excuse to further “delay” the agreement’s implementation. Needless to say, the peace talks — which were and still are the chief aim of North Korea — never took place. When George W. Bush took office, he expressed his personal contempt for the grubby little North Koreans and essentially said he wasn’t going to deal with such riff-raff anymore. So the agreement died — and North Korea re-started its nuclear weapons program.
Now here we are. The tiny bankrupt, isolated nation of North Korea, with, perhaps, a handful of nuclear bomb which, perhaps, one day, might possibly be mounted on missiles which, perhaps, one day, could be launched —that is, if they weren’t first destroyed on the launching pad, which they would be (and which could be done without the use of nuclear weapons, by the way) — is facing the most powerful nation in the history of the world and its vast, hydra-headed nuclear arsenal. North Korea cannot “destroy” America, much less the world; at most, it could try to jab a pin-prick at the US — at the cost of its own immediate and total destruction. (Actually, as noted, it couldn’t even do that, but let’s play the scaremongering game for now.)
So again, the question arises: what is the basis of all this media jabber about “the end of the world”? Forget our noble leaders, who spend most of their time trying to scare us into unquestioning obedience while they pick our pockets; we know what they’re up to. But why this sudden and apparently universal adoption of a baseless, empty, dangerous notion by the media? Well, fear sells, of course; you wouldn’t get too many clicks with a headline saying “Korean Situation Calls for a Nuanced and Historically Informed Approach Leading to Fruitful and Realistic Negotiations.” But it’s odd to see the trope picked up and propagated not just by the media bosses but by writers and talkers across the board, even in non-political areas.
Who knows where the current crisis will end? Certainly, the bipartisan foreign policy establishment — which, yes, includes the Trump Administration, as well as the “liberal” media and vast chunks of the “Resistance” — seems keen on bloodshed in some form or other. Or if —particularly in the liberal quadrants — they blanche at that, they surely want to see North Korea crushed and humiliated into begging for mercy from the global hegemon.
My hunch is that we will see neither — no US attack on North Korea (and certainly not a nuclear one) and no capitulation by Pyongyang. Trump has no interest in peace, of course, nor in nuance or history, or anything else aside from his own aggrandizement. But he and his family do have lucrative business interests in China, which would be threatened by any overreaction against the thoroughly containable “threat” from North Korea. And at the moment, it seems that the military junta to which he’s given power over foreign policy also seems reluctant to start shooting — although naturally they are happy to keep goosing the fear of attack and the threat of war so the grease and graft will continue to flow into the militarist swamp.
But hell is murky, as that noted political strategist Lady Macbeth once said. And in the hell we’ve made with our — why not? — empire burlesque, the outcome of the current imbroglio remains unclear … except for one key point: it will not end, it cannot end, with the end of the world.

Rohingyas: a Humanitarian Crisis in Search of a Political Solution

ROBERT K. TAN

Media reports and images of 25,000 Rohingyas fleeing persecution by boat are reminiscent of Vietnamese boat people from the late 1970s to 1990s. Their similarity ends there.
Rohingya refugees are dwarfed by the Vietnamese boat people in number. Over a million Vietnamese, mostly of Hoa or Chinese ethnicity, risked pirate attacks, monsoon storms on South China Sea, and starvation to escape the government’s purge and persecution at home. Between 200,000 and 400,000 were reported to have perished at sea. Those fortunate enough to survive the perilous sea journey found themselves unwelcome when they made landfall in SE Asian countries. More than 800,000 of them languished in UNHCR refugee camps for years before they were resettled in Europe and the US.
Rohingya boat people have better luck than the Chinese Vietnamese boat people. Malaysia agreed to resettle thousands of their Muslim brethren, whereas it had refused to take in a single Vietnamese boat people previously. Malaysian officials and media condemned the Myanmar government on the Rohingya refugee crisis, setting off a minor diplomatic row, when not a pip was heard from the Malaysians on the Vietnamese boat people. Such selective moral outrage is particularly vehement in SE Asian Muslim nations.
Rohingyas are a humanitarian problem in need and in search of a political solution. Like other minority groups in Myanmar, Rohingyas are the victims of the longest civil war in modern history. Their plight is real, but not on the scale or proportion of ethnic cleansing or genocide a la Jews in Nazi Germany in WW2.
Myanmar or Burma is a country of great contrasts and contradictions.  In the Land of Buddhist Pagodas, and the birthplace of U Thant who was the first Asian to serve as UN Secretary General (1961to 1971), a civil war has raged on far longer than any other country in modern history: 69 years and counting.
These contradictions are caused by the refusal of the ethnic majority Bamars to share power of the central government with the minorities, and Bamars’ reneging on an agreement to grant them autonomy at the regional level. The disharmony is exacerbated by historical hostility and distrust between Bamars and the more than 100 ethic minority groups, about 5 million of whom are Christians and Muslims. Those are a small fraction of the predominantly Buddhist population in excess of 40 million.
The violence besetting the Rakhine state in recent years isn’t the first, and it won’t be the last, internal conflict with racial and religious undertones. Since the first post-independence government in 1948 tore up the Panglong Agreement, the government has been embroiled in a civil war with the country’s minority groups.
The civil war in Myanmar is characterized by the military attacking different and shifting blocks of ethnic armed groups at various times. Ceasefires, often more like temporary truces,  were fragile and unreliable. They have been used by the military to prevent a united resistance front among the various minority groups.
There are 4 distinct stages in the civil war. The first was shortly after independence in 1948, when the government reneged on the Panglong Agreement. Karen, Kareni, Pa’O, Arakanese, Mon and others turned to armed resistance. The second phase was after army general Ne Win staged a coup to overthrow the U Nu civilian rule. The military junta adopted the Four Cuts policy to deprive the armed minority groups of  food, funds, intelligence and recruits. Villagers were relocated by force to government-controlled areas, hundreds of villages were razed to the ground , and civilians suspected of aiding the armed minority groups were tortured or killed.
The third stage was from 1988 to 1992, after the uprising by Bamar civilians on August 8, 1988 as a result of Ne Win demonetising currency notes of certain denominations. This period witnessed the most intense fighting since independence. Ceasefires were offered to selective minority groups, while 80,000 troops were deployed to fight against Karen, Kareni, Mon and Kachin militants. During this period, 200,000 Arakan Muslims or Rohingyas fled violence across the border into Bangladesh.
The fourth or current stage started in 2011 when the military breached a 17-year ceasefire with the Kachin group. Fighting spread later to Shan, Karen, Rahkine and Kokang.
A human rights group issued this report :”Since the 2010 elections, sources from various ethnic groups have reported incidents of killings, torture, abductions, and forced labour of civilians; the use of civilians as human shields and mine sweepers; and rape as a war tactic in Shan, Kachin, and Karen States.”
A  Harvard study in 2005 found that “during a military campaign known as “the Offensive,” Myanmar’s army had been attacking civilian areas, destroying food stores, laying land mines in civilian locations, and shooting fleeing civilians. The Myanmar army has also been accused of sexual violence, forced labor, and the use of child soldiers in their campaigns.”
A 2010 BBC documentary stated this: “After interviewing Chin refugees in neighbouring India, [we] concluded that the Chins are subjected to forced labour, torture, rape, arbitrary arrest and extra-judicial killings as part of a Burmese government policy to suppress the Chin people and their ethnic identity.”
All those reports and findings of atrocities committed by the military against Karen, Shan, Kachin and Chin minorities were almost identical to recent reports of human rights violations by the military against Rohingyas since 2012. The two differences are a new law in 1982 which effectively denies citizenship to most Rakhine Muslims or Rohingyas, and an extremist Buddhist Rakhine group led by a radical monk Ashin Wirathu that burned down houses and killed up to 100 Muslims in Rakhine in the communal violence in 2012.
The civil war since 1948 has caused between 100,000 and 200,000 deaths of minority combatants and civilians. Almost one million minorities have been internally displaced, with another one and a half million fleeing to refugee camps along the Thai-Burma border over the period. The most affected is the Karen group, with many fleeing the war from Kayin State and Myanmar altogether.
Enmity between Bamars and minority groups went back centuries, when  Bamars, Mon-Khmer, and Arakanese kingdoms fought each other. The hostility was aggravated with those minorities regarding the British as their  liberators in the Anglo-Burmese Wars. The British exploited the ethnic tension by establishing two separate administrative regions after Burma became a British colony: one for the Bamars, another for the Frontier Areas inhabited by the minorities.  The colonial master also recruited the Karens for two separate army battalions. During WW2, the minorities including the Rohingyas fought alongside the British against the Japanese. The Bamars fought alongside the Japanese against the British, with a view to getting rid of the century-old colonial rule.
Like other minorities, Rohingyas were armed by the British to fight against the Japanese in WW2. The British recruited Rohingyas to form V Force, an intelligence unit when they retreated to India in 1942. In the Arakan massacre that year, armed Rohingyas killed 50,000 Buddhist Arakanese for collaborating with the Japanese. About 40,000 Rohingyas were said to have been killed in retaliation.
The British “divide and rule” perpetuated and worsened ethnic tension and strife. America turned a blind eye to the atrocities committed by the military junta against the minorities. Silence of  the global  media on such human rights violations was deafening until the uprising by Bamars in Rangoon in 1988.
An essay in Dissent Magazine stated this:
“The problem was that the West—namely the United States and Britain—was covertly supportive of Ne Win’s military counterinsurgency program. According to recently declassified CIA documents, members of the U.S. State Department were reassured by Ne Win’s coup. They had feared that U Nu was “losing his grip on the affairs of the nation.” The United States reasoned (as it likely does now) that a Burma divided by ethnic interests would be more apt to fall under China’s influence. If Burma were to be pulled into the “communist orbit”,  all of Southeast Asia could do the same, followed by the Middle East, if not Japan and Europe. What was preferable was a country held tightly together in the dictatorial fist of a man who declared himself to be nonaligned in the Cold War. “
The Myanmar military is an empire unto itself. Even before the coup in 1962, it exercised major influence. Over half a century from 1962 to 2011 when civilian rule was restored under Thein Sein, the military junta controlled every aspect of the government, from the economy it nationalised to stepped up war against the minorities. Atrocities were committed wantonly against many minorities, including Karen, Chin, Kareni, Mon and Rohingya groups. Except for the Rohingyas in recent years, there’s no press coverage of wide-ranging human rights violations against other minorities.
Though the party of Aung San Suu Kyi won majority seats in the legislature, the military or Tatmadaw still controls the key defence, home affairs and border affairs, in addition to one quarter of parliamentary seats which confer on the military veto power over the Constitution. ASSK has limited power to stop the civil war. The remaining minority armed groups which have yet to enter into ceasefire, have responded to ASSK’s call for peace talk. But it remains for the military to honour the ceasefire agreement when it’s reached. And that’s highly uncertain, given the military’s chequered past record. Only when ceasefire holds, can the next stage of negotiations on giving autonomy to the minorities proceed.
It’s pointless and unproductive to blame ASSK for not speaking out against  the atrocities committed by the military. She is powerless to stop it; and she is a politician, not Mother Teresa. It’s political suicide for her to speak out on the atrocities against the minorities, especially during the election campaign last year.
International pressure should be brought to bear on the military. Surgical sanctions can be imposed on the military leaders for a start, from declaring them persona non grata to freezing their foreign bank accounts. Hit them where it hurts most.

US Fed confronts dilemmas over monetary policy

Nick Beams

A speech by Lael Brainard, a member of the US Federal Reserve board of governors, to the Economic Club of New York on Tuesday pointed to the conundrums facing the central bank as it considers the next steps to take in “normalizing” monetary policy.
The Fed has two major decisions to consider at its meeting later this month: whether to continue to lift its base interest rate, and when to begin to reduce its assets holdings of $4.5 trillion. These assets have accumulated as a result of corporate and treasury bond purchases under the quantitative easing program initiated after the 2008 financial crisis.
Despite the massive injections of money into global financial markets by the Fed and other central banks, almost a decade on there is no sign of the US and global economy returning to anything resembling pre-crisis conditions and relationships.
The Fed is confronted by two contradictory sets of data. On the one hand, the fall in the official unemployment rate in the US to below 5 percent would indicate further rises in the base interest rate if historical precedents are to be followed.
However, the persistence of low levels of inflation, well below the Fed’s target rate of 2 percent, and evidence that prices are falling, points to deciding to keep the base rate at its present historically low level.
The combination of low official unemployment levels coupled with low, and even falling inflation, contradicts the predictions of the so-called Philipps curve, on which the Fed has based its policies in the past. According to this model, as unemployment falls, the inflation rate should start to rise as workers seek and obtain higher wages. But this is not taking place.
Brainard began her speech by repeating the official line that the US economy “remains on solid footing” with the strongest growth in the global economy seen in “many years” and a labour market continuing to bring “more Americans off the sidelines and into productive employment.”
“Nonetheless,” she continued, “there is a notable disconnect between signs that the economy is in the neighbourhood of full employment and a string of lower-than-projected inflation readings, especially since inflation has come in stubbornly below target for five years.”
Brainard emphasised the importance of raising inflation so the Fed can lift its base rate and thus have room to manoeuvre on the downside when the next recession hits the US economy.
A number of economic commentators and analysts have pointed out that with the US economy in its third longest period of expansion—99 months since the last low point in June 2009—another recession is likely sooner rather than later.
The recession warnings are also based on indications that US corporations are on the edge of a profit downturn. In an interview with Bloomberg last month, Oxford Economics macro strategist Gaurav Saroliya said the gross value-added of non-financial corporations—a measure of the value of goods after adjusting for the costs of production—was now negative on a year-on-year basis.
“The cycle of real corporate profits has turned enough to be a potential source of concern for the next four quarters,” he said in an interview. “That, along with the most expensive equity valuations among major markets, should worry investors in US stocks.”
The official line on the low inflation rate, advanced by Fed chairwoman Janet Yellen, is that it is caused by “temporary” factors—the latest being a reduction in cell phone plan costs.
According to Brainard, however, “what is troubling is five straight years in which inflation fell short of our target despite a sharp improvement in resource utilization.”
She contrasted the present situation with that which prevailed before the financial crisis. In the three years ending in early 2007, the unemployment rate was around 5 percent but inflation averaged 2.2 percent. This was in marked contrast to the past three years, when it has averaged just 1.5 percent, with a continued downward trend.
Brainard said some may conclude that monetary policy tightening was appropriate because inflation would accelerate as the labour market tightened in accordance with the Phillips curve.
“However, in today’s economy, there are reasons to worry that the Phillips curve will not prove very reliable in boosting inflation as resource utilization tightens.”
The curve was flatter than previously and this was also apparent in a number of other advanced economies, “where declines in their unemployment rates to relatively low levels have failed to generate significant upward pressures on inflation.”
The Fed had fallen short of its inflation objective not only in the past year but over a longer period as well and “my own view is that we should be cautious about tightening policy further until we are confident inflation is on track to achieve our objective.”
Brainard canvassed various reasons for the breakdown in the previous relationships, including lower inflation expectations. But she was careful to avoid the most fundamental reason.
The crisis of 2008 was not only financial. It was followed by a major restructuring of class relations in the US and other advanced economies. This has two major components. One is the imposition of an austerity agenda, through cuts in social services and government spending, to make the working class pay for the crisis of the financial system. The other is the systematic destruction of previous wage levels and working conditions.
While the official unemployment level in the US and Europe has fallen, this statistic bears little resemblance to previous data because of labour market “restructuring”—above all through the replacement of full-time positions with casual and part-time jobs.
In the US, for example, an estimated 90 percent of the jobs “created” since the crisis have either been part-time or casual positions. Together with the spread of zero-hours contracts, there are much lower starting wages for full-time positions, especially in the auto industry.
Apart from deciding whether to increase rates, the next Fed meeting will be confronted with the issue of when to start to reduce its assets holdings. There is a fear that too rapid a divestment of bonds could lower their price and thereby cause a spike in interest rates (the two move in an inverse relationship). This could create turbulence in equity and bond markets where there are concerns that asset prices, inflated by low interest rates, are already significantly over-valued.
The concerns of finance capital were articulated by Berkshire Hathaway chief Warren Buffet, one of the richest men in the world, in a recent interview with Bloomberg. He warned that the Fed must be “pretty careful” about reducing its asset holdings.
Asked about the overall effectiveness of quantitative easing, which had boosted asset prices but failed to bring about an economic recovery, Buffet acknowledged that any gains had gone disproportionately to the super-rich. This was a result of the workings of “the market.”
The Fed had overwhelmingly done the “right thing,” Buffet concluded, and quantitative easing “did wonders for us.” But now, he asserted, the Fed was faced with the task of putting some $3 trillion worth of its asset holdings back into the market and “they have never played this game.”