3 Oct 2017

EU hands Spain blank check for stepped-up police repression in Catalonia

Alex Lantier & Alejandro López

The day after images of the savage repression of the Catalan independence referendum by Spanish police shocked people around the world, Spain's Congress announced yesterday that it did not have time to invite Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy to discuss the Catalan issue until October 10.
With 16,000 Guardia Civil still in Catalonia, this was a declaration of confidence in Rajoy's crackdown. It is also a warning that, after Catalan officials claimed a victory in the referendum and announced plans to secede on Sunday night, Madrid is preparing new, even bloodier attacks.
On Sunday, the world received an unforgettable lesson on the anti-democratic methods of a major, supposedly “democratic” capitalist state in Western Europe. Faced with a Catalan independence referendum it opposed, Rajoy's minority Popular Party (PP) government sent in tens of thousands of police in a failed attempt to smash the referendum by terrorizing the population. Guardia Civil units broke into and smashed polling places including schools and sports arenas, stole ballot boxes and beat up peaceful, defenseless voters.
Horrific videos flooded the Internet—of an elderly woman speaking, covered in blood, after Guardia Civil picked her up and threw her face-first onto the pavement; of police beating Catalan firefighters; of Guardia Civil grabbing young women peacefully sitting on the ground in polling stations by their hair and throwing them down flights of stairs. One video in Girona showed a police unit surrounded by a large mass of voters that suddenly ceased beating them when the voters raised their hands and chanted, “Assassins, assassins.”
French Economy Minister Bruno Le Maire spoke for the entire European ruling class when he made clear that the bloody images of mass police repression in Catalonia did not trouble him.
“All these decisions are matters of Spanish sovereignty,” Le Maire told RTL radio. “What would we say if the Spanish government started giving opinions on the situation in France, on the ways we handle our issues of public order? All these decisions belong to the Spanish government, and they are its exclusive responsibility.”
The European Commission echoed Le Maire, handing Rajoy a blank check for new onslaughts against the Catalan population, signed by the entire European Union. In a statement published online yesterday placing its seal of approval on Madrid's repression, it declared: “We trust the leadership of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy to manage this difficult process in full respect of the Spanish Constitution and of the fundamental rights of citizens enshrined therein.”
Reaching new lows of hypocrisy even for the EU bureaucracy in Brussels, the Commission added, “Violence can never be an instrument in politics.”
With this support, the Spanish press is whipping up nationalist, law-and-order hysteria and promoting far-right protests of hundreds and in some cases several thousands of people being held across Spain. While the press invariably describes them euphemistically as protests “for the unity of Spain,” it also blandly reports that protesters are singing songs of the 1939-1978 Spanish fascist regime of Generalissimo Francisco Franco, such as the Hymn of the Legion or Cara al Sol.
In a noticeable echo of the Francoite regime's traditional denunciations of regional separatists and communists, the right-wing La Razón blamed Sunday's violence on the Catalan population. It declared, “Civil guards and police officers acted with their accustomed and proportionate professionalism to the violence exercised by the radicals.”
The daily El País, while long associated with the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE), took a line virtually indistinguishable from the nationalist right. It hailed police actions in Catalonia it said were “of course, taken within the framework of the law, as is correct in a state where the rule of law is in force.”
El País also denounced Catalan police for not attacking the population violently enough. It wrote that had they acted "as ordered, stopped the polling stations from being opened and seized the ballot papers, the Spanish National Police and the Civil Guard would not have had to do this job later; and we would have been spared many of yesterday’s deplorable scenes that were broadcast around the world.”
The Catalan independence referendum has exposed the enormous shift to the right taking place across Europe. After a quarter-century of escalating imperialist wars in Africa and the Middle East and EU austerity at home, since the Stalinist dissolution of the Soviet Union and particularly since the 2008 Wall Street crash, economic inequality and social tensions are reaching explosive levels. For several years since the 2008 crash, Spanish unemployment has hovered at or near 20 percent.
The political settlement orchestrated in the 1978 Transition in Spain from fascist rule to parliamentary democracy is disintegrating. The PSOE, the Spanish bourgeoisie's main party of government in the post-Franco period, has been discredited by decades of policies of austerity and war and fallen to barely 20 percent in the polls. Moreover, the truce between Madrid and regional ruling elites in Catalonia and the Basque country has now collapsed.
The ruthless crackdown in Catalonia is a warning to the European and international working class. While Franco has been dead for over 40 years, the class forces that sustained his regime are still in place, and the democratic forms of rule that existed over this period are rapidly eroding. Anytime the ruling class meets serious opposition, it resorts to dictatorial methods—unhesitatingly mobilizing police, military police and even the army as it suppresses opposition.
If Le Maire can effortlessly endorse Rajoy, it is because the entire European ruling elite is moving in the same direction. Indeed, shortly after Le Maire's comment, French President Emmanuel Macron, a close ally of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, drove this point home by placing a phone call to Rajoy to endorse his policies. Macron reportedly stressed that in Spain he “has only one partner, and that is Mr Rajoy.”
As Macron imposes his labor decrees shredding workers' basic legal rights despite mass opposition in the French working class, and Berlin prepares new social attacks to be carried out by whatever government emerges from the September 24 German elections, these remarks are a warning. The European ruling class as a whole is preparing for the type of repression now seen in Catalonia.
The critical question is the political mobilization of the entire Spanish and European working class in struggle against the rehabilitation of fascism and the turn to police-military rule. In particular, there must be determined opposition to any attempt by Madrid to crush the Catalan population and the Catalan nationalist parties' plans for secession through the mobilization of the army.
As the International Committee of the Fourth International explained in its statement, “Oppose the state crackdown on the Catalan independence referendum!,” this can be accomplished only by the revolutionary unification and mobilization of the working class across Europe in struggle against war and capitalism, and for socialism.
This underlines the essential bankruptcy of the Catalan nationalists' opposition to Madrid. Having led right-wing, pro-austerity administrations in Catalonia, they are both incapable of and hostile to making an appeal for support against Rajoy to the European working class.
The appeals of regional premier Carles Puigdemont and of the Podemos-backed mayor of Barcelona, Ada Colau, to the EU to adjudicate the crisis are impotent. They are being studiously ignored by the EU governments, which are preparing for their own confrontations with the working class and endorsing Rajoy's assault on Catalonia. Similarly, they are planning the one-day general strike being held today by Catalan nationalist parties, trade unions and business groups as a harmless, symbolic action that will do nothing against the threat of military rule.

The social pathology of the Las Vegas Massacre

Patrick Martin

In yet another eruption of savage impersonal violence, at least 59 people were killed and 527 people wounded as an outdoor music festival on the Las Vegas Strip, attended by more than 20,000, was suddenly converted into a war zone.
The alleged gunman, Stephen Paddock, used multiple semi-automatic weapons that had been converted to fully automatic use, through an attachment known as a bump-stock device—available for a mere $40 per weapon—as he opened fire on the helpless crowd from his vantage point on the 32nd floor of the Mandalay Bay hotel and casino. He took his own life after the rampage.
Paddock could lay down a field of fire on a military scale, nearly 100 rounds per minute. He was found in possession of about 20 weapons, many of them high-powered semi-automatics, along with additional ammunition. The first minutes of gunfire triggered a smoke alarm that allowed police to locate Paddock far more quickly than through a search of the huge 3,300-room hotel, a fact that suggests that the toll of death and injury could have been much higher.
The gunman’s motives are unknown, and his identity sheds little light on what drove him on this murderous course. Paddock was 64 years old, shared a comfortable home with his female companion, and was, according to some reports, financially well-off. One of his brothers described Paddock as a real estate multi-millionaire. He had a pilot’s license and owned two small planes. He had no known associations with any political or religious group.
There is a family history of mental illness—Paddock’s father, Richard Hoskins Paddock, was a bank robber and diagnosed as a psychopath. He was on the FBI’s 10 Most Wanted List for nearly a decade. But Stephen Paddock had no contact with his father after he was seven years old, and there are no reports that he exhibited mental illness or received any treatment for it.
As in virtually all such shootings, the gunman knew none of the wounded and killed. They did not exist for him as individuals. Paddock saw the concert-goers packed below him in a parking lot not as fellow human beings, but as objects to be destroyed. The victims were the random targets of the uncontrolled and impersonal hatred of a gunman indifferent to their fate and the lifelong suffering that awaits their surviving family and friends.
Clearly, this was not the act of a normal person. Some form of mental illness, even if not previously diagnosed, must be involved in Paddock’s crime. But there is certainly a socially induced element in this terrible event. The frequency of these occurrences cannot be explained in purely individual and personal terms. The Las Vegas massacre is a peculiarly American crime, arising out of the social pathology of a deeply troubled society.
What is the social context of this latest episode of domestic mass killing? The United States has been at war more or less continuously for the past 27 years. The US government has treated tens of millions of people in the Middle East, Afghanistan, and Africa as targets for extermination through bombs, bullets, and drone-fired missiles. These wars have penetrated deeply into American culture, celebrated endlessly in film, television, music and even sport.
Social relations within the United States, characterized by the growth of economic inequality on a scale that exceeds any previous era in American history, fuel a culture of indifference, and even outright contempt for human life.
One telling detail: on the day that the media was filled with reports about the worst mass shooting in American history, the stock market continued its relentless march upwards, with new records for the Dow-Jones Industrial Average and other indexes. Wall Street is celebrating in anticipation of the Trump administration pushing through the biggest tax cut for corporate America and the super-rich in history.
The damage inflicted on American society by constant war and deepening social inequality has found expression in an endless series of events like the mass shooting in Las Vegas. With only 5 percent of the world’s population, the US accounts for 30 percent of the mass shootings. And the scale of such horrors is increasing: the four worst mass shootings, in terms of casualty toll, and six of the seven worst, have taken place since 2007.
Corporate media pundits and government officials are incapable of more than perfunctory expressions of shock and dismay over such atrocities, which recur with appalling frequency in the United States. Even uttering such rote statements seems to be too much to ask of President Trump, whose remarks Monday morning were both banal and palpably insincere. How can anyone take seriously a foul-mouthed misogynist and pathological liar as he begins a sentence with the words, “Scripture teaches us”?
As for his moronic statement that the killings in Las Vegas were “pure evil,” such a characterization explains nothing. It doesn’t even explain Trump himself, who gave a speech two weeks ago at the United Nations where he threatened to use nuclear weapons to incinerate the 27 million inhabitants of North Korea. Yet CNN, ever the sycophant, described his televised remarks on Las Vegas as “pitch perfect.”
Trump is to visit Las Vegas Wednesday, one day after an equally stage-managed and bogus display of compassion set for Puerto Rico. There he will view the devastation inflicted by Hurricane Maria, while pursuing his Twitter feud with local government officials who have dared to criticize the poorly executed federal response to the catastrophe.
During the 16 years since the 9/11 attacks, during which the US government has been supposedly engaged in a “war on terror,” an average of one American per year has been killed by a foreign terrorist. During the same period, at least 10,000 Americans have been killed every year by other Americans. Mass shootings like Virginia Tech, Newtown, Orlando and now Las Vegas have killed six times as many Americans as all the terrorist attacks in that period.
Further investigation into the circumstances of the Las Vegas tragedy is vital. But one conclusion can surely be drawn: what happened late Sunday night outside the Mandalay Bay hotel was a manifestation of a deep sickness in American society.

2 Oct 2017

Google Andela Learning Community (ALC) 2.0 for Kenyan and Nigerian Students 2018

Application Deadline: 21st October 2017
Eligible Countries: Kenya, Nigeria
To Be Taken At (Country): Online
About the Award: Andela Learning Community (ALC) 2.0 powered by Google is a program that connects people who are interested in learning software development with beginner or intermediate courses in Android/web development or product design. Powered by Andela and Google, and featuring course curriculum from Udacity, it is designed to spark a generation of tech talent across Africa
ALC 2.0 is split into two ‘tracks’ based on level of experience.
  • The beginner track is for candidates with no prior programming experience. It starts from the absolute beginning and provides candidates the option to learn how to develop apps, build websites, and/or build technology products.
  • The intermediate track is for candidates who have 1-2 years prior programming experience on Android, web development, or product design.
Type: Training
Eligibility: 
  • Anyone in Kenya or Nigeria over the age of 13.
  • An ability to commit 10+ hours per week from mid-November to March 2018.
  • Have or have reliable access to a laptop.
  • Be located in Kenya or Nigeria.
  • Have a strong passion for technology
  • Prior programming experience is not required.
Number of Awards: Not specified
Duration of Program: The program begins mid-November and continues until March 2018.
How to Apply: Apply here
Award Providers: Google, Andela

TU Delft Fully-funded Excellence Scholarships for International Masters Students 2018/2019

Application Deadline: 1st December 2017
Offered Annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: International
To Be Taken At (Country): TU Delft, The Netherlands
About the Award: Justus & Louise Van Effen Excellence Scholarships are financed by the legacy of Justus and Louise van Effen. Mr. van Effen studied at TU Delft in the 1940’s and strongly believed technological developments will contribute to solving societal issues.
The Foundation Justus & Louise van Effen was established with the aim of stimulating excellent international MSc students and financially supporting them in their wish to study at TU Delft.
Type: Masters
Eligibility: Candidate must be an excellent international applicant admitted to one of TU Delft’s MSc programmes, with a cumulative grade point average (GPA) of 80 percent or higher of the scale maximum in their bachelor’s degree from an internationally renowned university.
Number of Awards: 3 per faculty
Value of Award:
  • Full fee waiver for a TUDelft MSc programme and living expenses
  • Membership to the Scholarship club giving access to personal development, workshops, seminars, etc..
Duration of Program: for 2 years.
How to Apply: 
  • To be considered for these scholarships, your complete application for an MSc programme must be uploaded before 1 December 2017.
  • In addition to all the regular documents for a MSc programme application, you must also upload a Scholarship Application Form(available per 1 October 2017) in which you make clear why you are applying for the scholarship. 
  • It is necessary to visit the official website (link found below) to access the application form and for detailed information on how to apply for this scholarship.
Award Providers:
  • Only students who have been granted a scholarship will be informed by TU Delft via email by begin-March 2018.
  • Please note that Non EU students must include their English test with their application. EU students can submit this in a later stage according to the Admission instructions.
  • Only students meeting this deadline who have been (conditionally) admitted to one of the MSc programmes of TU Delft could be considered for these scholarships.

Alexander von Humboldt Foundation International Climate Protection Fellowships for Developing Countries 2018 – Germany

Application Timeline: 1st March 2018
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Countries: Citizenship of a non-European threshold or developing country (see list of countries in the Program Webpage Link below) which is also the fellow’s habitual abode and place of work;
To be taken at (country): Germany
Subject Areas: Climate Protection
About the Award: The International Climate Protection Fellowships enable prospective leaders to conduct a research-related project of their own choice during a one-year stay in Germany. Submit an application if you are a prospective leader from a non-European threshold or developing country working in the field of climate protection and resource conservation in academia, business or administration in your country.
Type: Fellowship
Selection Criteria
  • First academic degree (Bachelor’s or equivalent), completed less than 12 years prior to the start of the fellowship
  • Extensive professional experience in a leadership role (at least 48 months at the time of application) in the field of climate protection and resource conservation or a further academic or professional qualification;
  • Initial practical experience (at least 12 months at the time of application) through involvement in projects related to climate protection and resource conservation (possibly already during studies);
  • Leadership potential demonstrated by initial experience in leadership positions and/or appropriate references (see no. 8);
  • A detailed statement by a host in Germany, including a confirmation of support; details of the proposed project must be discussed with the prospective host prior to application;
  • Very good knowledge of English and/or German, documented by appropriate language certificates;
  • Two to three expert references by individuals qualified to comment on the candidate’s professional, personal and, if applicable, academic eligibility and his / her leadership potential.
Benefits
  • Fellowship amount according to qualifications between €2,150 and €2,650 per month
  • Two-month intensive language course in Germany
  • Lump sum for travel expenses
  • Allowances for visits by family members lasting at least three months
  • Allowance of €800 per month for the host in Germany for projects in the natural and engineering sciences, and €500 per month for projects in the humanities and social sciences
Number of Awards: 20
Duration: One year
How to Apply
Visit the Scholarship Webpage for Details
Sponsors: Alexander von Humboldt Foundation
Important Notes: Potential applicants who have spent more than six months in Germany or more than 12 months in a country that is not on the list of countries at the time of or shortly before application should contact the Humboldt Foundation (info@avh.de) before submitting an application as they may be ineligible on formal grounds.

HFG Foundation Young African Scholars Program 2018

Application Deadline: 15th December, 2017
Eligible Countries: African countries
Eligible Fields: Applicants’ projects are expected to highlight the issues of violence and aggression.
About the Award: Harry Guggenheim established this foundation to support research on violence, aggression, and dominance because he was convinced that solid, thoughtful, scholarly and scientific research, experimentation, and analysis would in the end accomplish more than the usual solutions impelled by urgency rather than understanding. We do not yet hold the solution to violence, but better analyses, more acute predictions, constructive criticisms, and new, effective ideas will come in time from investigations such as those supported by our grants.
The foundation places a priority on the study of urgent problems of violence and aggression in the modern world and also encourages related research projects in neuroscience, genetics, animal behavior, the social sciences, history, criminology, and the humanities which illuminate modern human problems. Grants have been made to study aspects of violence related to youth, family relationships, media effects, crime, biological factors, intergroup conflict related to religion, ethnicity, and nationalism, and political violence deployed in war and sub-state terrorism, as well as processes of peace and the control of aggression.
Type: Grants
Eligibility: 
  • Applicants must be aged 35 or younger and must have been educated on the African continent and currently residing there.
  • Applications are due by December 15th.  All application materials must be submitted by the end of that day (midnight, EST) in order to be considered.
Number of Awardees: 10
Value of Programme: The program includes:
  • a methods workshop
  • fieldwork research grants of $2,000 USD each,
  • editorial and publication assistance,
  • and sponsorship at an international conference to present research findings.
Duration of Programme: 
How to Apply: The online application will be available beginning October 1st.
Applications should be no more than six pages and include the following:
  • Research question
  • Short literature review
  • Description of research methods to be used
  • Two-page C.V.
  • Copy of passport or government-issued ID card
Apply online here (Requires a free account)
Or send application to:
The Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation
25 West 53rd Street
New York, NY 10019
Award Provider: Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation

Gbowee Peace Foundation Africa Scholarship for Women in Liberia, Nigeria and Ghana 2018 – University of Dundee

Application Deadline: 13th November 2017
Eligible Countries: Liberia, Nigeria or Ghana
To be taken at (country): Scotland, UK
Eligible Fields of Study: All
About Scholarship: The candidate should be aware that this scholarship is the University’s investment in the sustained growth of an individual and the betterment of a community at large. The candidate should indicate how she will use the studying abroad experience and the postgraduate qualification to locally or globally promote holistic transformation, facilitate equal access to opportunities for all, and encourage a peaceful, reconciled and empowered population in her home country.
Type: Masters Taught
Eligibility: Criteria for awarding the scholarship is as follows:
  • The applicant must be a Liberian, Nigerian, Ghanaian country national citizen
  • The applicant must be permanently resident in Liberia, Nigeria or Ghana at the time of application
  • The applicant must be female
  • Applicants will be selected on the basis of their merit and potential evidenced by their personal statement.
The awards will be given to students who are undertaking a one year taught masters programme at the University of Dundee, in the academic year 2016-17 (January 2017 entry).
Applicants should already have been offered a place at the University of Dundee and should have firmly accepted that offer or be intending to do so. We have a full list of our postgraduate courses, including details of how to apply, online.
Selection Criteria: 
  • Preference will be given to a candidate who has shown evidence of upholding the ethos of the Gbowee Peace Foundation Africa through sustained personal growth, involvement in community development, and a strong commitment to the advancement and education of women and youth in her home country.
  • It is recommended that the candidate provide examples or a personal narrative that highlight leadership qualities, personal fortitude, and active participation in developing meaningful opportunities which lead to the social, educational, and/or spiritual advancement of the disadvantaged.
  • The successful candidate should be prepared to use the scholarship not only as an educational experience but also as a chance to become immersed in another culture, while fostering understanding of her own country and culture amongst students and the local community of Dundee.
  • The applying candidate should address how she hopes to become involved in University or local societies, activities, and/or organisations, and how she will support discourse about issues women face globally.
Number of Awardees: Not specified
Value of Scholarship: up to a total of £20,000 for Tuition and living expenses
Duration of Scholarship: 1 year
  1. Complete the application form above
  2. To complete the application process you must complete the form and submit all relevant documentation and return by email to Gillian Sharp at the University of Dundee contactus@dundee.ac.uk
  3. Please type Leymah Gbowee Scholarship in the subject area of the email.
(Applicants will also be required to provide proof of their African citizenship and permanent residence)
Award Provider: University of Dundee and Gbowee Peace Foundation

Ashinaga Fully-funded Undergraduate Scholarships for Orphans from sub-Saharan Africa 2018

Application Deadline: 25th February 2018
Offered annually? Yes
Eligible Field of Study: courses offered at candidate’s choice higher institution
To be taken at (country): Higher institutions outside of Africa, in countries such as Japan, US, UK etc
Eligible Countries: Angola, Botswana, Cape Verde, Ethiopia, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe
About Scholarship: Ashinaga presents the “Ashinaga Africa Initiative” aiming to provide higher education to 20 brilliant students from Sub-Saharan African countries each year, some of which are among the poorest in the world, and encourage them to become leading professionals in their own countries.
We search and screen for potential candidates: orphaned or bereaved students with academic potential but who cannot afford to apply to university. We provide them with a concentrated study camp for six months at Ashinaga’s facility, Kokorojuku, in Uganda and Senegal, where they are given dedicated support and assistance with their study of various subjects and languages, as they prepare to apply to highly ranked universities around the world. We also provide them with a full scholarship and living expenses for four years during their studies abroad.
We expect to see these young, educated people go back to their own countries and establish democratic and fulfilled societies, bringing people a higher national income and high-quality education. This movement will eventually contribute to the overall wellbeing of Sub-Saharan countries by helping to break the cycle of poverty, even though the effects will not be immediate, as they are when food or equipment is donated.
There is a theory that the African population will expand to more than three billion by the end of this century. We believe if we can create a bright future for Africa, a continent with so much potential, humanity’s global prospects will be bright as well.
Ashinaga is a Japan-based nonprofit organization, which provides educational and emotional support to orphaned students. The organization has supported over 95,000 orphans in the last 45 years, and many of its graduates are actively contributing to society in a variety of fields across the world.
Offered Since: 2014
Type: undergraduate
Eligibility: Applicants must:
  • Be an orphan, having lost one or both parents
  • Be 23 or younger, having been born after October 1, 1995
  • Have graduated high school within the past two years
  • Be committed to returning to Sub-Saharan Africa once they have finished their studies abroad
Number of Scholarships: 20
Value of Scholarship: The Ashinaga (100-Year Vision) Scholarship provides a full scholarship that covers the cost of tuition, accommodation (during the terms and vacation), insurance, flight, and provides monthly stipend which covers food and necessary academic costs.
Duration of Scholarship: for the period of undergraduate studies
How to Apply: There are three ways to apply for the Ashinaga Africa Initiative, although the Program prefers online applications or those sent by email. There is no application fee, and you must never pay anyone to apply or to apply on your behalf.
  • Completed application form
  • Working email address and telephone number
  • Document proving the death of one or both parents, such as a death certificate
  • Proof of age, such as a birth certificate, national ID or passport
  • Secondary school/high school graduation certificate
  • Results from final national exams
  • Academic report cards from the last two years of high school/secondary school
  • Recommendation letter from a principal or teacher
  • Passport-style photo of yourself
  • Both essays described below
Essays
Please type/write using a separate sheet of paper. If you choose to handwrite your essays, please write in print and with black ink. Essays written with pencils will not be accepted.
  • Essay 1: Please describe how you grew up and experienced losing your parent(s). What challenges have you faced after the loss of your parent(s) and what have you done in order to overcome them? Please write in detail, especially the actions you took to continue and further your education. (Maximum 500 words)
  • Essay 2: Please describe the goals you wish to achieve after graduating from university abroad. Outline how the skills and knowledge you gain from a university degree would help you reach your goals when you return to Sub-Saharan Africa. (Maximum 500 words)
Remember that these essays are personal—they are about you and so should only be written by you. Ashinaga is interested in how you make the most of what is available to you.
Award Sponsors: Ashinaga.
Important Note: Please note that if you apply by post, all submitted documents will not be returned to you. Therefore, you must send copies of documents ONLY.
This application and the selection process are FREE. Any person requesting payment at any stage of the process, does against Ashinaga’s will, and should not be paid.

American Ignorance About Puerto Rico

ALEXANDER RODRIGUEZ

Here is a link to a rather depressing survey, one which affirms that nearly half of Americans are not aware of Puerto Rico’s status as a U.S. territory. After years of sobering evidence which only further illuminates the utter failure of our education system, another “50 percent of Americans believe an untrue thing to be a true thing” survey does not surprise nearly as much as it should.
Yet, in the wake of the utterly devastating Hurricane Maria and atrocious levels of misery and squalor inflicted upon the island, I think it proper to explore the abstract ways in which this territory not fully part of the U.S.
We begin with the most abstract and least fact-based subset of sociological evaluations: culture. Refer, once again, to the poll above. After you make your obligatory Idiocracy references, consider what this poll suggests about cultural perceptions: to a large portion of the American population, Puerto Rico is a foreign land. Consequently, the island’s status as “not-America” is held as truth by this demographic; to make matters worse, much of this demographic also consists of the types who equate “not-America” with “inferior” and “inconsequential.” This demographic constitutes half of the voting base; they have political influence, and, with Donald Trump in the White House, their toxic ideology has prevailed. Hell, it prevailed long before that; after all, why else would popular support back the War on Drugs, or the Iraq War, or constant U.S. military budget increases?
Head Shitflinger Donald Trump responded to the catastrophe in Puerto Rico, after days of ignoring in in favor of spewing bile at the NFL, by first using the frighteningly fatuous excuse of “it’s in the middle of a VERY BIG ocean” to rationalize his sheer uselessness, and subsequently claiming that Puerto Rico “[wants] everything to be done for them.”
Needless to say, Trump has proven once again that he is an entitled, soulless, ass-breathing prick. However, Trump’s political influence is but a symptom of these same cultural conditions that lead to people asking such questions as “Why should the U.S. help Puerto Rico? We should focus on America First!” Culturally, this systemic ignorance (mixed with your Percent Daily Value of xenophobia) has practically rendered Puerto Rico a foreign land. Well, at least they have some political influence… right?
Here is the thing about that: Puerto Ricans cannot vote in any U.S. federal elections. From TripSavvy, a travel guide website: “They enjoy all the benefits of citizenship, save one: Puerto Ricans who live in Puerto Rico cannot vote for the U.S. President in the general elections (those who live in the United States are allowed to vote).” I am unclear as to what those other ‘benefits of citizenship’ are, but one thing is certain: Puerto Rico is at a major disadvantage. In my U.S. History class, we just finished researching the grievances of the 13 Colonies right before the American Revolution, with one highly salient factor being the lack of representation in the British Parliament. One cannot help but draw the historical parallel; we will keep on celebrating Independence Day by keeping our neighbors awake and frightening our dogs, and yet, our government is inflicting upon its territories those same conditions which drove us to the tipping point of revolution. The government presents Puerto Rico with an illusion of sovereignty by allowing them to elect their own leaders, yet the U.S. Congress still wields the most control over the island’s governance.
Watching as these storms relentlessly ravage cities has been entirely miserable, and for as much as not “politicizing” natural disasters makes for a lovely pipe dream, it is impossible so long as there is political disagreement over such morally and scientifically straightforward issues as the acknowledgment of climate change, or whether we should even bother helping our own fucking territory. Xenophobia, ignorance, colonialism… these piss stains are so deeply embedded in the fabric of our society, and as long as they persist, the world will continue to be an unbearable place for so many people.

Why the Kurdish Independence Referendum was a Miscalculation

Patrick Cockburn

The Iraqi government has banned international flights to the Kurdish capital Irbil from 6pm this Friday, isolating the Kurds in Iraq to a degree they have not experienced since the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003. The isolation is political as well as geographical as traditional Kurdish allies, like the US, UK, France and Germany, have opposed the referendum on Kurdish independence while near neighbours in Turkey, Iran and Baghdad are moving to squeeze the Kurds into submission.
The referendum succeeded in showing that the Kurds, not just in Iraq but in Turkey, Iran and Syria, still yearn for their own state. Paradoxically, the outcome of the poll has demonstrated both the strength of their demand for self-determination and the weakness of their ability to obtain it. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is revealed as a minnow whose freedom of action – and even its survival – depends on playing off one foreign state against the other and keeping tolerable relations with all of them, even when they detested each other. In the past an American envoy would go out one door just as the head of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards came in the other.
The referendum has ended, perhaps only temporarily, these delicate balancing acts at which the Kurdish leadership was very skilled. In the last few weeks, the US has denounced the referendum in forthright terms, emboldening Iraq, Turkey and Iran to punish the Kurds for their undiplomatic enthusiasm to be an independent nation.
The poll was always a dangerous gamble but it is too early to say that it has entirely failed: minority communities and small nations must occasionally kick their big power allies in the teeth. Otherwise, they will become permanent proxies whose agreement with what their big power ally wants can be taken for granted. The skill for the smaller player is not to pay too high a price for going their own way. Iraq, Turkey and Iran have all made threatening statements over the last few days, some of them bombast, but they can hit the Kurds very hard if they want to.
The Kurds are in a fix and normally they would look to Washington to help them out, but under President Trump US foreign policy has become notoriously unpredictable. Worse from the Kurdish point of view, the US no longer needs the Iraqi Kurds as it did before the capture of Mosul from Isis in July. In any case, it was the Iraqi armed forces that won a great victory there, so for the first time in 14 years there is a powerful Iraqi army in the north of the country. We may not be on the verge of an Arab-Kurdish war, but the military balance of power is changing and Baghdad, not Irbil, is the gainer.
Anxious diplomats and excited journalists describe Iraq as “being on a collision course”, but the different parties will not necessarily collide. Muddling through is not only a British trait. But there is no doubt that the situation has become more dangerous, particularly in the disputed territories stretching across northern Iraq from Syria to Iran.
The referendum always had a risky ambivalence about it which helped ignite the present crisis. It all depended on what audience Kurdish President Masoud Barzani was addressing: when he spoke to Kurdish voters, it was a poll of historic significance when the Kurds would take a decisive step towards an independent state.
But addressing an international and regional audience, Barzani said he was proposing something much tamer, more like an opinion poll, in which the Iraqi Kurds were politely indicating a general preference for independence at some date in the future. Like many leaders who play the nationalist card, Barzani is finding that his rhetoric is being taken more seriously than his caveats. “Bye, Bye Iraq!” chanted crowds in Irbil on the night of the referendum.
Much of this was born of Barzani’s bid to outmanoeuvre his political rivals in Kurdistan by re-emerging as the standard bearer of Kurdish nationalism. He will benefit from his decision to defy the world and press ahead with the vote when it comes to the presidential and parliamentary elections in KRG on 1 November.
But the price of this could be high. It is not only Barzani who is facing an election in which national self-assertion is an issue in the coming months. Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has a parliamentary election in 2018 and does not want to be accused of being insufficiently tough on the Kurds. Banning of international flights to Irbil is far less than many Iraqi MPs say they want.
By holding a referendum in the disputed territories, Barzani promoted this issue to the top of the Iraqi political agenda. It might have been in the interests of the Kurds to let it lie since the contending claims for land are deeply felt and irreconcilable. Optimists believe that Irbil and Baghdad could never go to war because they are both too dependent militarily on foreign powers. It is true that the Iraqi armed forces and the Kurdish Peshmerga alike could not have held off and defeated Isis without close air support from the US-led coalition. But by putting the future status of the KRG and the territories in play, Barzani has presented the Iraqi government, Turkey and Iran with a threat and an opportunity.
The four countries with Kurdish minorities fear that secessionism might spread, but a further problem is that they do not believe that an Iraqi Kurdish state would be truly independent, but would shift into the orbit of another power. The Iranians are paranoid about the possibility that such a state would be an American base threatening Iran. Politicians in Baghdad say that, if the Kurds are serious about self-determination, they would cling onto the oil fields of Kirkuk and be dependent on Turkey through which to export their crude.
Once the KRG dreamed of becoming a new Dubai with gleaming malls and hotels, but since 2014 it has looked more like Pompeii. The skyline is punctured by dozens of half completed tower blocks beside rusting cranes and abandoned machinery. The boom town atmosphere disappeared in 2014 when the price of oil went down, money stopped coming from Baghdad and Isis seized Mosul two hours’ drive away. The state is impoverished and salaries paid late, if at all. This will now all get a lot worse with airports and border crossings closed and 35,000 federal employees no longer being paid.
At all events, the political landscape in Iraq and Syria is changing: we are at the beginning of a new political phase in which the battle to defeat Isis is being replaced by a power struggle between Arabs and Kurds.

Order Prevails in Barcelona as Democracy Dies in Madrid

John Wight

Arriving in Barcelona in 1938 during the Spanish Civil War, Ernst Toller was moved to write, “’The most striking experience a foreigner has in Barcelona is that of the functioning of democracy.” In 2017 something akin to history repeating is unfolding in the Catalonian capital, where democracy has again been raised aloft as a cause worth fighting for.
The scenes of Spanish riot police marching through the streets of Barcelona and other Catalonian towns and cities, attacking civilians with batons and rubber bullets outside polling stations for the crime of attempting to cast a democratic vote on their future, of ballot boxes being seized and elected politicians being arrested – all at the behest of the government of an EU member state – you might think are incongruous and incompatible with the EU’s self-declared status as a pillar of democratic values in the 21st century, a status enshrined in Article 2 of its very own constitution, the Lisbon Treaty, which reads:
“The Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. These values are common to the Member States in a society in which pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men prevail.”
However Brussels’ position of pristine indifference in the face of the grotesque and disgraceful scenes that have unfolded in Catalonia should be no surprise, given the anti-democratic character of its institutions. It should also not go un-noted that just as the EU has essentially washed its hands of the crisis in Catalonia, taking the position that it is an internal matter for the Spanish government and authorities, so the so-called democratic powers in the 1930s stood by as democracy in Spain was extinguished back then, holding to the supine position of ‘non-intervention’.
While in 2017 no one would seriously suggest that the Spanish government, led by Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, is akin to the Franco regime that was adorned in the black tunics and knee length boots of fascism, the hardline position taken against Catalonian separatism lies much closer to fascist than democratic on the spectrum of response both in form and content. It is why Mr Rajoy is now the best friend that Catalonian separatism and independence could have, while at the same time the worst enemy Spanish unity has got. It is why he has now made Catalonian independence a question of when not if.
Regardless of the whys and wherefores of constitutional legality, does the Rajoy government in Madrid really believe that the sight of armed riot police attacking civilians outside polling stations in order to stop them casting a vote is one that will enhance its reputation and democratic credentials in the eyes of the world? Is his government really so blind to Spain’s tortured history that it would dare come even this close to resurrecting it? As for those who would claim such historical comparisons are overblown, the chilling sight of protestors giving the fascist salute and singing a pro-Franco anthem at a mass anti-Catalan separatist rally in Madrid in the run-up to the contested referendum in Catalonia is your answer.
Separatism carries within it both the seeds of progress and regress, of dignity and despair, depending on how the potency of its passions are handled by the contending parties involved. To treat separatism as a zero sum game instead of an idea that can only be defeated by another idea, never force, is an invitation to catastrophe. It is why the Rajoy government should be under no illusion that it has set Spain on a path towards ruinous consequences. Even though the Spanish Prime Minister may have legality on his side, as soon as the first riot police officer put his hands on the first woman and dragged her away from the front of a polling station in Barcelona, he lost the moral argument, transforming the Spanish constitution from a shield guaranteeing the protection of democracy and human rights into a sword being wielded to justify their suppression.
The Spain that found itself engulfed in civil war in the 1930s was home to the best and worst of humanity. It is a conflict that still today invokes the Arcadian dreams of a world in which the common man is the author of history rather than its victim. Thousands travelled to the country from all over the world to fight and die for that dream. Many of them were the sons and daughters of poverty, but all were rich with the belief and faith in a future defined by the unbounded liberation of human solidarity, relegating cold-hearted capitalism and its bastard child, fascism, to a footnote in history. Yet as recent events not only in Spain but across Europe with the rise of the right and far right have shown, they were unsuccessful.
There is nothing so powerful as an idea whose time has come, the French novelist Victor Hugo famously opined – and he was right. But all the same it would be dangerous folly to consider that the ‘idea’ whose time has come must automatically carry with it the promise of a better tomorrow. Fascism in the 1930s was also an idea whose time had come, nourishing the dark side of the human condition to produce a monster whose ferocity and capacity for death proved every bit as unbounded as the liberation promised by human solidarity.
The ugly scenes being played out in Barcelona in our today are but a chilling reminder that yesterday can, unless we are vigilant, also be our tomorrow.
As for the rule of law by which Mr Rajoy justified unleashing police violence on this scale, the sentiments of Rosa Luxemburg, delivered in response to the 1919 crushing of the Spartacist uprising in Berlin by a German state that had just begin its descent into the swamp of fascism, retain their resonance a hundred years later: “Order prevails in Berlin! You foolish lackeys! Your ‘order’ is built on sand.”